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Heroes  of  the  Nations 

Series  of  Biographical  Studies  presenting  the 
lives  and  work  of  certain  representative  histori- 
cal characters,  about  whom  have  gathered  the 
traditions  of  the  nations  to  which  they  belong, 
and  who  have,  in  the  majority  of  instances,  been 
accepted  as  types  of  the  several  national  ideals. 


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Deroes  of  tbe  "Rations 

EDITED    BY 

Bvelgn  Bbbott,  flD.H. 

FELLOW  OF  BALLIOL  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 


FACTA  OUCI8  VIVENT,  OPERO8AOUE 
GLORIA  RERUM.— OVID,    IN   LIVIAM    269. 
THE  HERO'S   DEEDS  AND  HARD-WON 
FAME  SHALL  LIVE. 


HENRY  V. 


HENRY  V. 


HENRY  V. 

THE  TYPICAL  MEDI/EVAL  HERO 


BY 

CHARLES  LETHBRIDGE  KINGSFORD,  M.A. 

ST.  JOHN'S  COLLEGE,  OXFORD 


G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 

NEW    YORK  LONDON 

27  WEST  TWENTY-THIRD   STREET  24   BEDFORD   STREET,    STRAND 

She  |;nithcrbothcr  |)it88 
1901 


COPYRIGHT,  igoi 

BY 
G.  P.  PUTNAM'S  SONS 


The  •fcnichcrbocfccr  proas,  flew  JLJorh 


College 
Library 

M- 


PREFACE 

THIS  volume  had  its  original  in  an  article  con- 
tributed to  the  Dictionary  of  National  Bio- 
graphy, but  is  founded  on  a  fresh  study  of  the 
chief   authorities.     If    I    cannot    claim  to  have  ex- 
hausted all  sources  of  information,  I  have  neverthe- 
less  sought   throughout   to    base  my  narrative  on 
chronicles  and  documents  of  contemporary,  or  nearly 
contemporary  date. 

For  few  periods  of  our  mediaeval  history  is  there 
more  abundant  material.  At  least  three  lives  of 
Henry  V.  were  written  within  twenty  years  of  his 
death.  Of  these  the  most  valuable,  so  far  as  it  ex- 
tends, is  the  Gesta  Regis  Henrici  Quinti,  which  was 
the  work  of  a  chaplain  in  the  royal  service.  Mr. 
Williams,  in  his  edition  of  the  Gesta,  suggested  that 
the  author  was  one  Jean  Bordin,  a  native  of  Aqui- 
taine,  who  is  known  to  have  been  present  as  one  of 
Henry's  chaplains  in  the  campaign  of  Agincourt. 
This  ascription  is,  however,  purely  conjectural,  and 
Dr.  Lenz  has  argued  that  in  the  Gesta  we  possess 
the  genuine  prose  Life  of  Henry  V.  composed  by 
Thomas  Elmham,  prior  of  Leriton.  But  we  have  no 
evidence  that  Elmham  was  ever  in  Henry's  own  serv- 
ice. Nor  can  any  safe  conclusion  be  drawn  from 
points  of  similarity  between  the  Gesta  and  the  Liber 

1341.064 

_z.v«-  _*-..>'..  -  —>  —— 


vi  Preface 

Metricus  (Elmham's  undoubted  work) ;  since  the 
Gesta  appears  to  be  the  original  (down  to  1416)  of 
the  principal  narratives  composed  in  England.  A 
better  claim  might  perhaps  be  made  for  Thomas 
Rudborn,  afterwards  bishop  of  St.  David's,  who  was 
one  of  Henry's  chaplains  and  is  credited  with  a  his- 
tory of  his  master's  reign.  Whilst  the  authorship  of 
the  Gesta  is  uncertain,  of  its  value  there  can  be  no 
question.  It  is  the  vivid  narrative  of  an  eye-witness 
who  had  access  to  official  records,*  and  is  our  best 
authority  for  the  first  four  years  of  Henry's  reign. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  Gesta  comes  the  prose 
Vita  Henrici  Quint  i,  which  passes  under  the  name 
of  Thomas  Elmham.  This  ascription  is  due  to 
Hearne  as  editor  of  the  only  printed  edition ;  it  is, 
however,  almost  certainly  erroneous.  Elmham  him- 
self says  expressly  that  his  prose  Life  was  written 
before  the  Liber  Metricus,  whilst  the  latter  work 
appears  to  have  been  composed  during  Henry's  life- 
time.f  But  the  Vita  published  by  Hearne,  was 
probably  not  written  till  fifteen  years  later.  From 
internal  evidence  it  would  appear  that  the  author  of 
the  Vita  had  been  in  the  service  of  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, whom  he  accompanied  to  Provins  in  March, 
1419;  that  he  wrote  his  narrative  after  the  breach 
with  Philip  of  Burgundy  in  1435  ;  and  that  he  was  a 
supporter  in  politics  of  Humphrey  of  Gloucester.^ 

*Gesta,  pp.  10,  47,  51. 

t  Liber  Metricus,  pp.  79,  80. 

\  Vita,  pp.  215,  281,  283  ;  if,  pp.  282,  312,  319  below.  Note  also 
the  prominence  given  to  Warwick  and  Duke  Humphrey,  and  the 
long  account  of  the  latter's  siege  of  Cherbourg.  I  have,  however, 
for  convenience  quoted  this  Life  as  "  Elmham,  Vita." 


Preface  vii 

From  the  last  chapter  of  the  Vita  we  learn  that  the 
author  was  an  intimate  friend  of  John  Somerset,  a 
court  physician  under  Henry  VI.,  and  an  adherent 
of  Duke  Humphrey.  The  Vita  is  marred  by  its 
grandiloquent  and  turgid  style  ;  but  after  the  Gesta 
fails  us  it  becomes  the  leading  authority  on  the  Eng- 
lish side.  In  its  earlier  portion  it  borrows  much 
from  the  Gesta;  afterwards  the  author  had  his  own 
and  his  patrons'  recollections  to  depend  upon ;  he 
may  also  have  been  acquainted  with  an  early  edition 
of  Monstrelet. 

Very  similar  to  "Elmham's"  Vita  in  substance, 
though  shorter  and  simpler  in  style,  is  the  Life  com- 
piled by  Titus  Livius  de  Frulovisiis,  an  Italian  in 
the  service  of  Humphrey  of  Gloucester.  Titus 
Livius  based  his  Life  either  on  "  Elmham,"  or  on 
the  same  authorities  as  those  made  use  of  by  that 
writer,  but  with  occasional  additions. 

An  abbreviation — as  it  would  seem — of  "  Elm- 
ham  "  was  printed  by  Mr.  Williams  as  a  continuation 
of  the  Gesta.  This  last  narrative  is  free  from  the 
faults  of  style,  which  disfigure  the  longer  Vita,  and 
curiously  in  one  or  two  places  contains  certain  small 
details  which  are  given  by  Livius  but  not  by  "  Elm- 
ham."*  The  exact  relationship  of  these  three  narra- 
tives to  one  another  and  to  the  Gesta  could  perhaps 
be  determined  only  by  a  minute  comparison  of  the 
numerous  manuscripts. 

Of  altogether  minor  importance  are  Elmham's 
authentic  Liber  Metricus,  and  the  Versus  RJiythmici 
(of  uncertain  authorship)  two  brief  rhyming  Latin 

*Cf.  Gesta,  p.  131,  note. 


viii  Preface 

chronicles  contained  in  Cole's  Memorials  of  Henry 
V.  The  Life  by  Robert  Redmayne,  which  is  printed 
in  this  same  collection,  belongs  to  a  different  cate- 
gory;  the  writer  lived  in  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII., 
and  as  an  authority  this  Life  must  be  classed  with 
the  histories  of  Hall  and  Holinshed. 

Of  general  Latin  chronicles,  other  than  set  bio- 
graphies, the  chief  on  the  English  side  are  the  His- 
toria  Anglicana  of  Thomas  Walsingham,  and  the 
Chronicle  of  Thomas  Otterbourne,  which  though 
brief  are  occasionally  useful. 

Of  greater  value  and  interest  are  the  English 
Chronicles.  For  the  first  time  in  English  history  a 
narrative  written  in  English  speech  for  popular  use 
takes  rank  as  a  leading  contemporary  authority.  The 
English  Chronicles  of  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  fall  into 
two  classes.  The  first  class  comprises  more  or  less 
varying  versions  of  the  Brut,  or  history  of  Britain, 
which  in  one  form  became  as  Caxtons  Chronicle,  the 
earliest  of  English  printed  histories.  The  wide- 
spread popularity  of  this  chronicle  is  shown  by  the 
great  number  of  manuscripts  which  still  exist.  In 
one  group  of  manuscripts  the  narrative  ends  with 
the  capture  of  Rouen  in  January,  1419;  and  down 
to  this  point  there  seems  to  be  no  great  variety  in 
the  different  versions.  This  date  no  doubt  marks 
the  appearance  of  the  original  edition,  to  which  con- 
tinuations were  afterwards  added  by  various  hands. 
The  Brut  or  English  Chronicle  is  strictly  contempo- 
rary ;  much  of  the  earlier  narrative  is  derived  from 
the  Gesta,  but  the  official  account  is  supplemented 
by  legends  and  stories  adapted  to  the  popular  taste. 


Preface  ix 

Again  and  again  the  prose  chronicle  paraphrases 
thinly  some  current  ballad  of  the  day,  such  as  that 
which  tells  how  King  Henry  played  at  tennis  with 
his  hard  gunstones.  It  is  by  the  happiest  accident 
of  all  that  some  manuscripts  have  preserved  at  length 
John  Page's  tale  in  verse  of  how  he  lay  at  Rouen 
siege  with  the  King ;  with  Page's  rude  but  graphic 
account  no  more  pretentious  narrative  can  compete.* 
The  second  class  of  English  Chronicles  are  those 
composed  by  or  for  London  citizens,  which  give 
under  each  mayoralty  a  brief  notice  of  the  chief 
events  of  the  year.  The  best-known  of  these  are 
the  Chronicle  of  London,  edited  by  Sir  N.  Harris 
Nicolas  in  1827,  and  the  so-called  Gregory  s  Chronicle 
published  by  Mr.  James  Gairdner  in  his  Collections 
of  a  London  Citizen.  These  two  chronicles,  with  a 
good  deal  in  common,  present  considerable  varia- 
tions. To  this  same  class  belongs  the  Chronicle  in 
Cotton.  MS.,  Cleopatra,  C.  iv.,  which,  however,  for 
the  two  years  1415  and  1416  is  of  altogether  excep- 
tional importance.  To  it  we  owe  the  Ballad  of 
Agincourt  printed  in  Wright's  Political  Poems  and 
Songs,  ii.,  123-127,  and  our  most  detailed  account  of 
the  naval  warfare  and  negotiations  of  the  following 
year.f  The  early  portion  seems  to  be  the  work  of 
a  contemporary,  but  with  Henry's  second  expedition 
the  handwriting  of  the  manuscript  changes,  and  the 
latter  part  is  of  inferior  interest. 

*  Down  to  1419  I  have  used  principally  the  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius, 
A.  viii.,  and  afterwards  also  Harley  MS.  2256.  The  English 
Chronicle,  edited  by  Mr.  S.  Daviesfor  the  Camden  Society,  belongs  to 
this  class. 

f  See  especially  the  curious  passage  quoted  on  page  171  below. 


x  Preface 

To  the  class  of  London  Chronicles  belongs  also 
the  later  work  of  Fabyan  (d.  1413),  who,  like  Hall, 
Holinshed  and  other  writers  of  the  sixteenth  century, 
may  have  preserved  some  legends  and  other  material 
of  which  the  originals  have  now  perished. 

Amongst  English  writers  of  contemporary  date  re- 
ference must  also  be  made  to  John  Hardyng,  the  north- 
country  champion  of  the  Percies  and  Umfravilles. 

Foremost  amongst  the  authorities  on  the  French 
side  is  the  great  group  of  Burgundian  chroniclers, 
Enguerrand  de  Monstrelet,  Jean  Le  Fdvre  de  St. 
Rdmy  and  Jehan  Waurin,  who  wrote  in  a  kind  of 
collaboration,  borrowing  freely  from  one  another. 
However,  down  to  1422  Monstrelet  is  entitled  to  be 
regarded  as  the  original  and  principal  of  the  three. 
St.  Remy,  writing  after  Monstrelet's  death,  supple- 
mented the  material  which  he  had  furnished  to  his 
predecessor  from  his  own  recollections  ;  he  had  been 
present  at  Agincourt  on  the  English  side,  and  his 
narrative  of  the  campaign  of  1415  ranks  as  the  best 
account  after  that  in  the  Gesta.  Waurin's  Chronicle 
has  for  our  period  no  independent  value.  The 
Chronicle  of  Georges  Chastelain,  another  Burgund- 
ian, is  in  its  matter  closely  akin  to  that  of  Monstrelet ; 
but  the  writer's  personality  and  political  insight  give 
it  a  peculiar  importance. 

Of  other  French  authorities,  the  Chronique  du  Rc- 
ligieux  de  St.  Dcnys  presents  the  official  view  of  the 
Court.  Jean  Juvenal  des  Ursins  is  interesting  as 
one  who  was  originally  Burgundian  but  turned  Ar- 
magnac  after  the  Treaty  of  Troyes.  Of  more  occa- 
sional value  are  the  Gcstes  des  Nobles  of  Guillaume 


Preface  xi 

Cousinot  (who  was  a  confidential  servant  of  the  Or- 
leanist  princes),  the  Chronique  Normande  of  Pierre 
Cochon  (apparently  a  resident  at  Rouen  during  the 
English  occupation),  the  Memoires  of  Pierre  de  Fenin 
(who  was  chamberlain  to  Charles  VI.),  the  Journal 
d'tin  Bourgeois  de  Paris  and  the  anonymous  Chron- 
ique de  Normandie  printed  with  the  Gesta. 

No  complete  Calendars  of  the  Patent  Rolls  of 
Henry  V.  have  yet  appeared.  But  the  large  number 
of  state  papers  belonging  to  the  reign,  which  are 
contained  in  Rymer's  Fcedera*  go  far  to  supply  the 
deficiency.  The  Roll  of  Normandy  for  1417  is 
printed  at  length  in  Hardy's  Rotuli  Normannice. 
Calendars  of  the  Norman  Rolls  and  of  the  French 
Rolls  are  given  in  the  Reports  of  the  Deputy-Keeper 
of  Public  Records  (Nos.  41,  42  and  44).  The  Rolls  of 
Parliament  and  Nicolas'  Proceedings  and  Ordinances 
of  the  Privy  Council  complete  the  list  of  official 
records.  Documents  of  a  less  formal  character  are 
to  be  found  in  Sir  Henry  Ellis'  three  series  of  Origi- 
nal Letters  Illustrative  of  English  History,  and  in 
Delpit's  Documents  Franqais  en  Angleterre.  Letters 
written  in  native  English  instead  of  French  or  Latin 
now  for  a  first  time  take  a  place  amongst  historical 
authorities  and  are  of  peculiar  interest.  The  writers 
include  not  only  Henry  himself  and  other  great  per- 
sonages, but  humble  individuals,  like  Johan  Ofort, 
who  sent  private  news  of  the  war  to  their  friends 
in  England. f 

*  The  whole  of  volume  ix.  and  volume  x. ,  1-257. 
fCf.  Fcedera,   ix,  779,  911.    Ellis,  Original  Letters,   2nd  ser.,   i, 
77.     See  pages  281,  287  and  309  below. 


xii  Preface 

In  addition  to  original  authorities  I  have  used 
freely  the  works  of  modern  writers.  Mr.  Wylie's 
History  of  England  under  Henry  IV.,  and  Sir  James 
Ramsay's  Lancaster  and  York  have  been  of  constant 
service.  To  Dr.  Stubbs  I  owe,  as  I  needs  must, 
much  more  than  my  sub-title.  Thomas  Goodwin's 
History  of  the  Reign  of  Henry  the  Fifth  will  always 
preserve  its  value  as  a  storehouse  of  information. 
My  obligations  of  a  less  general  kind  are  all,  I  hope, 
acknowledged  in  their  proper  place. 

C.  L.  K. 

May,  1901. 


CONTENTS 

PAGE 

PREFACE  ........  V 

DESCRIPTIVE    LIST    OF    ILLUSTRATIONS        .  .  .      XVti 

LIST    OF    PRINCIPAL    AUTHORITIES     ....     X.\ix 

CHAPTER  I 
INTRODUCTION I 

CHAPTER  II 

HENRY'S  BOYHOOD,  1387-1399.         ....       12 

CHAPTER  III 
TROUBLES  OF  THE  NEW  REIGN,   1399-1402          .  .          21 

CHAPTER  IV 
THE  PERCIES  AND  OWEN   GLENDOWKR,    1403-1408      .          35 

CHAPTER  V 
THE  PRINCE  AND  THE  COUNCIL,   1406-1413       .  .         59 

CHAPTER  VI 
HENRY  OF  MONMOUTH  AND  POPULAR  TRADITION      .          80 

CHAPTER  VII 
THE  RESTORATION  OF    DOMESTIC   PEACE,  1413-1414.          94 


Mil 


xiv  Contents 

CHAPTER  VIII  PAGK 

THREATENINGS  OF  WAR,    1413-1415  .  .  .       109 

CHAPTER  IX 
THE  FIRST  INVASION  OF  FRANCE,   1415      .  .  .       126 

CHAPTER  X 
AGINCOURT,  25TH  OCT.,   1415  .....       144 

CHAPTER  XI 
HENRY  V.    AND  SIGISMUND,    1415-1416       .  .  .       l6l 

CHAPTER  XII 
THE  COMMAND  OF  THE  SEA,   1416-1417     .  .  .       179 

CHAPTER   XIII 
MILITARY  PREPARATIONS,    1417  ....       194 

CHAPTER  XIV 
THE  CONQUEST  OF  LOWER  NORMANDY,   1417-1418   .       212 

CHAPTER  XV 
THE  SIEGE  OF  ROUEN,   1418-1419      ....       234 

CHAPTER  XVI 
THE  UNITY  OF  THE  CHURCH,   1414-1418.  .  .       258 

CHAPTER  XVII 
THE  BRIDGE  OF  MONTEREAU,   1419   ....       278 

CHAPTER  XVIII 
THE  TREATY  OF  TROVES,  1419-1420  .  .  .       295 

CHAPTER  XIX 
THE  HEIR  OF   FRANCE,    1420-142!      ....       309 


Contents  xv 

CHAPTER  XX  PAGE 

THE  STATE  OF  ENGLAND. 323 

CHAPTER  XXI 
HENRY  IN  ENGLAND,   1421 343 

CHAPTER  XXII 
THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN,   1421-1422       ....      352 

CHAPTER  XXIII 
PLANS  FOR  THE  FUTURE 363 

CHAPTER  XXIV 
BOIS  DE  VINCENNES,   1422  .....       377 

CHAPTER  XXV 
CONCLUSION 389 

INDEX        .........      403 


DESCRIPTIVE  LIST  OF 
ILLUSTRATIONS 


PAGB 

1.  HENRY  v.  .         .         .         .         .         Frontispiece 

This  portrait  is  after  one  in  the  royal  collection  at  Wind- 
sor Castle,  which  appears  to  have  belonged  to  the  Crown 
as  far  back  as  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII.  There  are  very 
similar  portraits  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery,  at  Eton, 
and  at  Queen's  College,  Oxford.  In  essentials  they  agree 
well  with  the  description  on  page  81. 

2.  HENRY     OF      MONMOUTH      KNIGHTED      BY      KING 

RICHARD l6 

This  is  from  a  miniature  in  Harley  MS.,  1319,  in  the 
British  Museum,  which  contains  the  account  by  Jean 
Creton  of  the  last  year  of  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  Cre- 
ton  was  an  eye-witness  of  the  events  which  he  describes  ; 
his  narrative  was  written  in  1401,  and  the  miniatures 
which  illustrate  the  British  Museum  manuscript  are  per- 
haps of  not  much  later  date.  Creton's  description  of  the 
knighting  of  Henry  of  Monmouth  is  given  in  the  text. 

3.  THE    PARLIAMENT    OF     1399  .  .  .  .          l8 

This  illustration  comes  from  the  same  source  as  the  pre- 
ceding one.  The  throne,  covered  with  cloth  of  gold, 
is  left  unoccupied  as  described  in  the  text.  On  the  right 
hand  are  seated  the  spiritual  lords  ;  on  the  left  are  the 
temporal  lords,  nearest  of  whom  to  the  throne  is  Henry 
of  Lancaster  (wearing  a  tall  fur  cap). 


xviii       Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations 

PAGE 

4.  OWEN    GLENDOWER,    FROM    HIS   SEAL  .  .         32 

5.  THE    BATTLE    OF    SHREWSBURY      ....         44 

"  Here  shewes  how  at  the  batell  of  Shrewesbury,  between 
kyng  Henry  the  Fourth  and  Sir  Henry  Percy,  erle  Rich- 
ard there  beyng  on  the  kynges  party  ful  notably  and 
manly  behaved  hymself  to  his  great  laude  and  worship."  * 

6.  A  BATTLE  WITH  THE  WELSH  ....         52 

"  Here  shewes  howe  at  theis  daies  appeared  a  blasyng 
sterre  called  Stella  Comata,  which  after  the  seiyng  of 
Clerkys,  signyfied  great  deth  and  blodeshede  ;  and  sone 
upon  beganne  the  warre  of  Wales,  by  Owen  of  Glendour 
their  chief  capteyn  ;  whom  amongs  other  erle  Richard  so 
sore  sewed,  that  he  had  nere  hande  taken  hym,  and  put 
hym  to  flyght,  and  toke  his  baner,  and  moche  of  his 
peple  and  his  banerer." 

The  comet  is  the  one  which  appeared  in  the  spring  of 
1402. 

7.  HENRY    IV.  .......         60 

From  his  tomb  in  the  Chapel  of  St.  Thomas  Becket  at 
Canterbury  Cathedral. 

8.  CHIEF    JUSTICE    GASCOIGNE  ....         90 

From  an  altar  tomb  in  Harwood  Church,  Yorkshire. 
His  second  wife  Joan,  daughter  of  Sir  William  Pickering, 
is  there  figured  by  his  side. 

9.  CORONATION    OF    HENRY    V.  ....         94 

From  a  bas-relief  on  the  north  side  of  the  Chantry  in 
Westminster  Abbey. 

10.  HENRY    V.    AND    HIS    COUNCIL     ....       104 
"Here  sheweth  howe  this  victorious   and   noble   kyng 
Henry  the  Fifth  opened  this  matier  [the  Lollard  insur- 

*  This  description  and  those  for  plates  6,  10,  14,  15,  16,  17,  18,  19, 
20,  22,  23,  24  are  quoted  from  the  life  of  the  Earl  of  Warwick  by 
John  Rous  or  Ross  in  Cotton.  MS.,  Julius  E.,  iv.,  from  the  drawings 
in  which  these  illustrations  are  copied.  Rous  was  chaplain  of  the 
chantry  at  Guy's  Cliff  near  Warwick  from  1445  to  1491. 


Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations         xix 


rection]  to  the  lordes  of  his  counseil,  erle  Richard  being 
present,  which  for  the  accomplyshment  of  the  kyng's 
entent  and  pleasir  therin,  dressed  hymself  into  his  har- 
neys,  and  ful  coragiously,  with  good  circumspeccion  and 
forsight,  avaunced  hymself  to  the  subdewyng  of  the  said 
traytours  and  heretiks." 

11.  HENRY  V.,  FROM  A  CONTEMPORARY   MINIATURE        I2O 
This  represents  Jean  de  Galopes,  dean  of  St.  Lo  in  Nor- 
mandy, presenting  his  translation  of  St.  Bonaventure's 

Life  of  Christ  to  the  King.  Henry  wears  a  scarlet  gown 
lined  with  ermine,  and  is  seated  under  a  blue  canopy 
powdered  with  golden  SS.  (perhaps  these  stand  for 
Soverayne,  as  on  the  tomb  of  Henry  IV.  at  Canterbury). 
The  volume  is  now  at  Corpus  Christi  College,  Cambridge  ; 
at  the  end  in  a  hand  of  the  sixteenth  century  is  the  note  : 
"  This  wass  sumtyme  Kinge  Henri  the  Fifeth  his  booke." 

12.  MICHAEL,    EARL    OF    SUFFOLK      ....       130 
This   is  Michael  de   la  Pole,   second   Earl   of   Suffolk, 

who  died  before  Harfleur  on  i8th  September,  1415,  and 
was  buried  at  Wingfield,  Suffolk.  His  eldest  son  Michael, 
the  third  Earl,  was  killed  at  Agincourt.  William,  his 
second  son  and  the  fourth  Earl,  who  was  Admiral  of 
Normandy,  was  the  noble  Duke  of  Suffolk,  who  was  so 
foully  murdered  in  1450. 

13.  MEN-AT-ARMS   FIGHTING 152 

From  a  miniature  in  a  Hystoire  des  Roys  de  France^  con- 
tained in  Royal  MS.,  20  C.,  vii.  in  the  British  Museum, 
which  was  executed  in  the  early  part  of  the  fifteenth  cen- 
tury. 

14.  HALLAM    AND    THE    EARL    OF    WARWICK    SENT 

AMBASSADORS   TO   CONSTANCE  .  .  .       1 66 

"  Here  shewes  howe  kyng  Henry  the  Fifth  made  erle 
Richard  and  Robert  Halam,  bishop  of  Salisbury,  with 
other  worshipful  persones,  his  ambassiatours  to  the  gen- 
eral counseil  of  Constance. " 


xx          Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations 

PACK 

15.  THE    EARL   OF    WARWICK    AND   SIGISMUND  .       168 
"  Howe  the  emperour  for  a  special  love  made  the  erle  to 

bear  his  swerde,  and  preferred  to  geve  hym  Seynte  George 
hys  Hert,  Englishmennes  avowry,  to  bryng  into  Englond; 
but  Erie  Richard  heryng  the  emperour  sey  that  he  in  his 
owne  persone  would  come  into  Englond  :  he  by  endenture 
restored  hit  to  hym  agayne,  saying  the  deliveryng  of  hit 
by  his  owne  persone  shulde  be  more  acceptable,  and 
nourisshyng  of  more  love,  and  so  he  did  ;  for  in  shorte 
space  after  he  come  into  Englond,  and  was  made  knyghte 
of  the  garter,  and  offered  up  the  holy  Hert  hymself, 
which  is  worshipfully  yet  kept  at  Wyndesore  ;  and  in  his 
comyng  and  going  at  Caleys,  erle  Richard  then  beyng 
capteyn,  he  honourably  resceived  hym,  and  the  emperour 
saide  to  the  kyng  that  no  prince  cristen  for  wisdom,  nor- 
ture  and  manhode,  hadde  such  another  knyght  as  he  had 
of  therle  Warrewyk  ;  adclyng  thereto  that  if  al  curtesye 
were  lost,  yet  myght  hit  be  founde  ageyn  in  hym  ;  and  so 
ever  after  by  the  emperour 's  auctorite  he  was  called  the 
Fadre  of  Curteisy." 

16.  A    FIGHT    AT    SEA 184 

"  Howe  erle  Richard  in  his  comyng  into  Englond,  wanne 

two  greete  carykes  in  the  sea." 

Nothing  is  known  about  this  incident.  The  illustration 
shows  the  Beauchamp  arms  on  the  sail,  and  the  Earl's 
badge  (the  Bear  and  the  Ragged  Staff)  with  the  St. 
George's  cross  on  the  pennant.  The  English  ship  has 
archers  with  longbows,  the  Genoese  (or  French)  has 
crossbowmen.  In  the  Heralds'  Debate,  p.  57,  the  naval 
success  of  the  French  at  a  later  period  of  the  war  is  thus 
explained  : 

"  You  have  solely  archers  on  board,  and  an  archer  can 
only  kill  at  sea  when  he  is  on  the  upper  deck  of  the  ship, 
and  is  in  great  danger  to  himself  ;  and  so  he  cannot  take 
good  aim,  in  consequence  both  of  his  fear  and  of  the 
motion  of  the  vessel.  This  is  different  with  the  French, 
for  they  make  use  of  the  crossbow,  and  a  crossbowman 
can  shoot  under  cover  from  the  forecastle  or  sterncastle 


Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations         xxi 

PAGE 

without  danger  or  peril  ;  and  even  in  his  doublet  and 
through  a  small  hole  he  can  kill  or  wound  his  enemy, 
since  however  great  may  be  his  fear  or  the  motion  of  the 
vessel,  the  crossbow  will  give  force  to  his  arrow.  Hence 
it  is  seen  that  a  French  ship  at  sea  always  defeats  an 
English  ship  of  the  same  size." 

The  last  sentence  does  not  hold  good  for  the  reign  of 
Henry  V.  But  in  the  illustration  the  crossbowmen  do 
appear  to  be  better  protected ;  in  naval  engagements  at 
close-quarters  the  superior  range  of  the  longbow  was  of 
no  advantage. 

17.  A    SHIP    OF    THE    FIFTEENTH    CENTURY      .  .       1 90 
"  Here   showes   how  good   provision   made  of  English 
clothe  and  other  thynges  necessary  and  licence  had  of  the 
Kynge,  erle  Richard  sailed  towards  the  Holy  Lond  ;  and 
specially  to  the  holy  city  of  Jerusalem  where  our  Lord 
Jhesus  Criste  wilfully  suffered  his  bitter  passion  for  the 
redemption  of  all  mankynde." 

The  illustration  shows  the  high  poop  well,  and  also, 
though  less  clearly,  the  forecastle.  Four  guns  can  be 
seen  in  the  waist  of  the  ship.  The  sail  and  pennant  are 
decorated  with  the  Warwick  arms  and  badge  as  in  the 
previous  illustration.  It  was  in  1408  that  Earl  Richard 
went  to  Palestine,  travelling  through  France  and  Lom- 
bardy  to  Venice,  where  he  took  ship.  On  his  way  home 
he  visited  Lithuania  and  Germany,  and  reached  England 
in  1410. 

18.  THE   SIEGE   OF   DOMFRONT  ....      224 
"  How  erle  Richard  in  the  warres  of  France  toke  Den- 
front,  and  entred  first  into  Cane ;  but  inasmoche  as  he 

was  there  with  and  under  lorde  Thomas  duke  of  Clarance,* 
the  kyng's  next  brother,  he  sette  on  the  wallys  the  kyng's 
armys  and  the  duke's,  and  made  a  crye,   '  a  Clarance  !  a 
Clarance  ! '     And  then  entred  the  duke,  and  gave  the  erle 
many  greet  thankes.     After  the  erle  beseged  Caubek  on 
the  water  of  Sayn,  and  they  appoynted  to  stande  undre 
the  Fourme  of  Reone." 
The  ship  in  the  left-hand  corner  suggests  that  this  illus- 


xxii       Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations 

PACB 

trates  the  siege  of  Caudebec,  as  well  as  that  of  Domfront. 
The  "  trunk  "  on  which  the  great  gun  is  mounted  (see  p. 
204)  is  well  shown  ;  so  also  are  the  ' '  pavises "  used  by 
the  crossbowmen. 

19.  THE   SIEGE   OF   ROUEN 246 

"  Howe  erle  Richard  was  atte  the  sege  of  Reon,  there  set 

first  between  the  kyng's  tent  and  Seynt  Katheryns,  and 
when  Seynt  Katheryns  was  wonne  he  was  sette  to  kepe 
Port  Martenvyle." 

The  earl  figures  twice  in  this  illustration.  On  the  right 
hand  he  is  leaving  his  tent ;  on  the  left  he  is  kneeling 
before  Henry.  Both  earl  and  king  wear  surcoats,  and 
both  carry  battle-axes.  The  cannon  are  shewn  on  their 
trunks  in  the  fortified  lines.  The  palisade  drawn  by  the 
artist  may  be  supposed  to  represent  Sir  Robert  Bab- 
thorp's  earthworks  topped  with  a  thorn  hedge  and  row  of 
stakes  (see  page  243). 

20.  THE  EARL  OF   WARWICK  AND  ROBERT    HALLAM 

RECEIVED    BY   POPE   JOHN    XXIII.         .  .  .      260 

"  Howe  the  pope  and  the  clergy,  the  emperour  Sygis- 
monde,  and  the  temporalte  honourably  and  hones'.Iy  did 
receive  them." 

The  pope  is  seated  under  a  canopy,  with  three  cardinals 
on  his  right  hand  ;  Sigismund  stands  on  his  left,  wearing 
the  triple  crown  of  Hungary,  as  in  Plate  15. 

21.  ARCHBISHOP   CHICHELE 274 

From  his  tomb  in  the  choir  at  Canterbury  Cathedral. 

22.  THE    EARL     OF     WARWICK     FIGHTS     WITH     THE 

FRENCH 282 

"  Howe  the  dolphyn  of  Fraunce  leide  in  the  way  6000 
men  of  armes,  with  the  erles  of  Vandom  and  Lymosyn  ; 
and  both  the  French  erles  were  slayn,  and  2000  of  his 
men  taken  and  slayn  ;  all  the  other  put  to  flight ;  and  erle 
Richard  slewe  oon  the  said  erles  with  his  owne  handes." 
Neither  Elmham  (Vita,  pp.  214,  215)  nor  Monstrelet  (p. 
451)  make  any  reference  to  the  two  French  earls — the 
Counts  of  Vendome  and  Limoges. 


Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations       xxiii 


23.  THE     EARL     OF      WARWICK      AT      THE      FRENCH 

COURT 302 

"  Howe  erle  Richard  did  his  message  to  the  kyng  of 
Fraunce,  and  brought  answers  ageyn  to  kyng  Harries 
greet  pleasir." 

24.  THE   MARRIAGE    OF    HENRY    V.    .  .  .  .      308 
"  Here  shewes  howe  kyng  Henry  the  Vth  was  solempnely 
maried    to     dame    Katheryn    the    kyng's    daughter    of 
Fraunce." 

25.  LONDON    IN    THE    FIFTEENTH    CENTURY      .  .      336 
This   comes   from  a   copy   of  the   poems   of  Charles  of 
Orleans  in  the  British  Museum  (Royal  MS.,  16  F.  ii.  f. 

73).  It  is  the  oldest  extant  picture  which  shows  London 
Bridge.  Charles  is  looking  out  from  the  window  of  his 
prison  in  the  Tower,  within  he  is  also  seen  writing  at  a 
table. 

26.  THOMAS,    DUKE    OF    CLARENCE    ....      348 
From  his  monument  in  St.  Michael's  Chapel  at  Canter- 
bury Cathedral.     The  tomb  is  of  grey  Sussex  marble,  with 
recumbent   figures   in   alabaster   of    Margaret    Holland, 
Duchess  of  Clarence,  and   her   two   husbands   (i)   John 
Beaufort,  Earl  of  Somerset,  and  (2)  Thomas,  Duke  of 
Clarence. 

27.  THOMAS   DE   MONTACUTE,    EARL    OF    SALISBURY       352 
This  represents  John  Lydgate  presenting  a  copy  of  his 
book,  The  Pilgrim,  to  the  Earl.     Lydgate  is  dressed  as  a 
Benedictine  monk  and  accompanied  by  a  pilgrim   em- 
blematical of  the  book.      The  Pilgrim  is  a  translation  of 

the  Pelerinage  de  i 'Awe  of  Guillaume  de  Deguilleville  and 
is  contained  in  Harley  MS.  4826  at  the  British  Museum, 
from  which  the  illustration  is  copied.  The  Pilgrim  was 
translated,  and  the  miniature  executed  in  1426.  Alice, 
Countess  of  Salisbury,  who  was  Lydgate's  patroness,  was 
a  daughter  of  Thomas  Chaucer,  and  in  all  likelihood 
grand-daughter  of  the  poet ;  after  Salisbury's  death  she 
married  William,  Earl  of  Suffolk,  by  whom  she  was 
ancestress  of  the  later  Poles. 


xxiv       Descriptive  List  of  Ilhistrations 


28.  THE   MONUMENT    OF   THE   EARL   OF   WARWICK  .      360 
This  monument  in  the  collegiate  church  of  St.   Mary  at 
Warwick  is  one  of  the  most  magnificent  examples  of  fif- 
teenth-century art  in   England.      The  tomb  is  of  grey 
marble  ;  the  effigy  and  the  protecting  hearse  of  hoops  are 

of  brass  gilt.  Round  the  base  of  the  tomb  are  niches 
with  figures  of  copper  gilt,  representing  nobles  and  ladies 
of  Earl  Richard's  family  ;  the  arms  of  each  are  enamelled 
on  a  plate  below. 

The  chapel  and  monument  cost  ^2481  3^.  7</.,  and 
took  twenty-one  years  to  complete.  The  metal  work 
was  supplied  by  William  Austen,  citizen  and  founder  of 
London,  and  Bartholomew  Lambespring,  Dutchman  and 
goldsmith  of  London. 

29.  CHANTRY    OF    HENRY    V 384 

This  plate  gives  an  architectural  representation  of  the 
Chantry  in  Westminster  Abbey,  detached  from  the  sur- 
rounding building  and  monuments. 

30.  BADGES,     SHIELD,     HELMET,     AND     SADDLE     OF 

HENRY    V. 386 

(1)  The  Badges.     From  a  cornice  in  Henry's  Chantry  in 
Westminster  Abbey.     In  the  centre  a  beacon  or  cresset ; 
on  the  left  an  antelope,  one  of  the  royal  supporters  ;  on 
the  right  a  swan,  the  badge  of  the  Earls  of  Hereford,  in 
reference  to  Henry's  mother,  Mary  de  Bohun. 

(2)  The  Shield,  showing  the  inside,  lined  with  damask 
seme"e  de  fleur-de-lis. 

(3)  The  Helmet  or  Basnet.     Not  the  helmet    worn   at 
Agincourt,    but    the    funeral    appurtenance    for    which 
Thomas  Daunt  was  paid  £,\   I3J.  $d.  in  1422  (Fcedera, 
x.,  257). 

(4)  The  Saddle,  anciently  covered  with  blue  velvet  semle 
de  fleur-de-lis.     It  is  27  inches  long,  15  high  before,  and 
13  behind. 

The  Shield,  Helmet,  and  Saddle  are  still  fixed  to  a  bar 
above  the  Chantry,  where  they  were  placed  nearly  five 
hundred  years  ago. 


Descriptive  List  of  Illustrations        xxv 


31.    JOHN    OF   BEDFORD 396 

This,  which  is  the  only  extant  portrait  of  John  of  Bed- 
ford, comes  from  a  missal  presented  by  his  duchess, 
Anne  of  Burgundy,  to  the  young  King  Henry  VI.,  on 
Christmas  Day,  1430.  It  is  probably  the  work  of  a  French 
or  Flemish  artist.  John  is  kneeling  before  St.  George, 
who  is  habited  in  the  Order  of  the  Garter.  The  motto, 
A  vous  entier,  which  appears  again  and  again  in  the  de- 
corations, was  justly  adopted  by  the  loyal  guardian  and 
Regent. 

Of  the  above  illustrations  numbers  5,  6,  10,  14-20,  22- 
24,  are  reproduced  from  Strutt's  Manners  and  Customs  ; 
numbers  n  and  27  from  Strutt's  Regal  Antiquities  ;  num- 
bers 7-9,  21,  26,  and  28-31  from  Cough's  Septtlchral 
Monuments,  vol.  ii.  ;  number  12  from  Stothard's  Monu- 
mental Effigies ;  number  13  from  Hewitt's  Ancient 
Armour  ;  and  numbers  I  and  4  from  Tyler's  Memorials 
of  Henry  V, 

MAPS  AND  PLANS. 

1.  NORTHERN    FRANCE I 

2.  WALES    AND    THE     MARCHES            ....  36 

3.  THE    MARCH    TO    AGINCOURT         ....  138 

4.  BATTLE    OF    AGINCOURT 146 

5.  THE    CAMPAIGNS   OF    1418-1420.            .            .            .  234 

6.  ROUEN    IN    1418 242 


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PRINCIPAL  AUTHORITIES 


Beaucourt,  G.  du  Fresne  de, 
Histoire  de  Charles  VII.,  vol. 
i.  (Paris,  1885.) 

Bourgeois  de  Paris,  Journal  d* 
un  (ap.  Michaud  et  Poujoulat, 
Memo  ires  fo  ur  servir  a  r  His- 
loire  de  France,  xii.). 

Caro,  J.,  Das  Bundniss  von 
Canterbury  (Gotha,  1880). 

A  us  der  Kanzlei  Sigmunds. 

(A  collection  of  documents  re- 
lating to  Sigismund's  negotia- 
tions with  Henry  ;  Vienna, 

1879). 

Chastelain,  Georges  (1405-1475), 
Chroniques  (ed.  Kervyn  de 
Lettenhove,  Brussels,  1863). 

Chronicles,  see  English  Chron- 
icles ;  London,  Chronicle  of. 

Cochon,  Pierre,  (fl.  1420)  Chron- 
ique  Normande  (ed.  Vallet  de 
Viriville  with  following). 

Cousinot,  Guillaume  (d.  1442), 
Gestes  des  Nobles  (ed.  Vallet 
de  Viriville  with  Chronique 
de  la  Pucclle,  Paris,  1892). 

Creighton,  M.,  History  of  the 
Papacy  (London,  1899). 


Davies,  S.,  English  Chronicle, 
1377-1461.  (Camden  Soc.). 

Delpit,  Collection  des  documents 
Franfais  en  Angleterre  (ap. 
Documents  ine"dits  sur  V His- 
toire de  France). 

Devon,  F.,  Issues  of  the  Ex- 
chequer (1837). 

Ellis,  SirH.,  Original  Letters  Il- 
lustrative of  English  History. 
(Three  Series,  1825-1846). 

Elmham,  Thomas  (fi.  1416- 
1426)  Vita  et  Gesta  Henrici 
Quinti  (ed.  Hearne,  1727). 

Liber  Afetricus  de  Henrico 

Qidnto     (ap.     Memorials     of 
Henry  V.     Rolls  Series  1 i). 

English  Chronicle,  or  Brtit,  ap. 
Cotton.  MS. .Claudius, A. viii., 
and  Harley  MS.,  2256.  See 
also  Davies,  Chronicle,  and 
London,  Chronicles  of. 

Fenin,  Pierre  de  (d.  J433),  Me~ 
moires  (ap.  Michaud  et  Pou- 
joulat Memoir  es,  etc.,  vol. 
xii.). 


XXX 


Authorities 


Fcedera,  Conventions  ft  Littera, 
vols.  viii.-x.  (original  edition, 
1709). 

Fortescue,  Sir  John  (1394-1476), 
Governance  of  England  (ed. 
Plummer,  Oxford,  1885). 

Gesta  Henrici  Quinti  (ed.  Will- 
iams, for  English  Historical 
Society,  1850). 

Goodwin,  Thomas,  History  of 
the  Reign  of  Henry  the  Fifth, 
(London,  1704). 

Gregory's  Chronicle,  ap.  Collec- 
tions of  a  London  Citizen, 
(Camden  Soc.). 

Hall,  E.  (fl.  1542),  Chronicle, 
etc.  (ed.  Ellis,  London,  1809). 

Hardyng,  John  (1378-1465), 
Chronicle  (ed.  Ellis,  London, 
1812). 

Heralds'  Debate,  The,  ed.  H. 
Pyne,  s.  v.,  England  and 
France  in  the  Fifteenth  Cen- 
tury. 

Holinshed,  R.  (d.  1580),  Chron- 
icles, etc.  (ed.  Ellis,  London, 
1807). 

Le  Fevre  de  St.  Remy,  see  St. 
Remy. 

Lenz,  M.,  Konig  Sigismund  und 
Heinrich  der  Fiinfte  (Berlin, 
1874). 

Libel  of  English  Policy  ap.  Po- 
litical Poems  and  Songs  q.  v. 

Livius  de  Frulovisiis,  Titus  (fi. 
1440),  Vita  Henrici  Quinti 
(ed.  Hearne,  1716). 

London,  Chronicle  of  (ed.  Nico- 
las, London,  1827). 


ap.  Cotton.  MS.,  Cleopatra, 

C.  iv.  See  also  Gregory's 
Chronicle. 

Luders,  A.,  Character  of  Henry 
the  Fifth  when  Prince  of 
Wales  (London,  1813.) 

Memorials  of  Henry  V.,  I.  Rob- 
ert Redmayne  (Jl.  1540),  His- 
toria  Henrici  Quinti. 

2.  Verses  Rhythmici  in  Lau- 
dem  Regis  Henrici  Quinti. 

3.  Liber  Metricus  de  Henrico 
Quinto  (Rolls  Series,  No.  n). 

Monstrelet,  Enguerrand  de  (d. 
1453),  Chroniques  (ed.  Buchon, 
Pantheon  Litteraire,  1836). 

Nicolas,  Sir  N.  Harris,  Proceed- 
ings and  Ordinances  of  the 
Prizy  Council. 

History  of  the  Battle  of 

Agincourt  (London,  1827). 

Norman  Rolls,  1417.  (ed. 
Hardy,  1835). 

Calendar  of,  1417-1422 

(ap.  4ist,  ^snd,  and  ^.th  Re- 
ports of  the  Deputy  Keeper  of 
the  Public  Records). 

Normandie,  Chronique  de  (ed. 
Williams  with  the  Gesta,  q.  v.) 

Otterbourne,  Thomas  {fl.  1400), 
Chronicle  (ed.  Hearne,  1734). 

Page,  John  (fl.  1419),  Siege  of 
Rouen  (ap.  Collections  of  a 
London  Citizen,  Camden  Soc.). 

Political  Poems  and  Songs  (ed. 
Wright,  Rolls  Series,  14). 

Puiseux,  L.,  L 'Emigration  Nor- 
mande  (Rouen,  1866). 

Sie'ge  et  prise  de  Caen  (Caen, 

1865). 


Authorities 


xxxi 


Puiseux,  L.,  Siege  et  prise  de 
Rouen  (Rouen,  1867). 

Ramsay,  Sir  J.  H.,  Lancaster 
and  York  (Oxford,  1892). 

Redmayne,  Robert,  see  Memo- 
rials of  Henry  V. 

Rolls  of  Parliament,  vols.  iii. 
and  iv. 

Rymer,  T.,  see  Focdera. 

St.  Denys,  Chronique  du  Relig- 
ieux  de  (Documents  inedits, 
etc.,  Paris,  1839). 

St.  Re'my,  Jean  le  Fe'vre  de 
(1395-1463)  Chronique  (Soc. 
de  1'Hist.  de  France,  1876). 

Stubbs,  W.,  Constitutional  His- 
tory of  England,  vol.  iii.  (3rd 
edition,  1884). 


Tyler,  J.  Endell,  Memoirs  of 
flenry  the  Fifth  (London, 
1838). 

Ursins,  Jean  Juvenal  des(i388- 
1473),  Chronique  de  Charles 
VI.  (Michaud  et  Poujoulal 
Memoir es,  etc.,  vol.  xii.). 

Versus  JRhythmici,  see  Memori- 
als of  Henry  V. 

Walsingham,  Thomas  (fl.  1422), 
Historia  Anglicana  (Rolls 
Series,  28). 

Wylie,  J.  H.,  History  of  Eng- 
land tinder  Henry  IV.  (Lon- 
don, 1884-1898). 


NORTHERN   FRANCE. 


I'          W  Gr     0°    E.  Or.         I 


SCALE    OF   MILES 


HENRY  V. 

CHAPTER  I 

INTRODUCTION 

THE  fourteenth  century  was  an  age  of  outward 
splendour.  But  the  pomp  and  show  of  its  chiv- 
alry could  hardly  cover  the  decay  that  was  fast 
overtaking  the  most  cherished  objects  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  Old  faiths  had  lost  their  inspiration,  old " 
forms  of  government  were  breaking  down,  the  very 
fabric  of  society  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of  dissol- 
ution. It  is,  however,  part  of  the  irony  of  history 
that  a  great  ideal  too  often  attains  its  finest  expres- 
sion only  when  the  period  of  decline  has  already 
commenced.  So  now  amidst  the  wreckage  of  the 
Empire,  when  the  Church  was  rent  with  schism,  and 
Europe  the  prey  of  warring  nationalities,  the  noblest 
leaders  of  thought  and  politics  were  filled  as  they 
had  never  been  before  with  a  persistent  longing  for 
unity.  Mankind  is  more  prone  to  look  backwards 
than  forwards,  and  thus  the  remedy  for  present  evils 
was  sought  rather  in  the  restoration  of  an  old  ideal 
than  in  the  creation  of  a  new  order.  To  bring  back 


Henry  V. 

Golden  Past  must  be  the  work  of  a  hero,  who 
could  revive  in  his  own  person  the  virtues  of  the 
chosen  champions  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Such  an  one 
must  be  like  Arthur  a  national  and  a  conquering 
king,  like  Charlemagne  the  defender  and  head  of 
Church  and  State,  like  Godfrey  the  captain  of  Christ- 
endom in  the  Holy  War. 

In  theory  at  all  events  it  had  been  the  essence  of 
Medievalism  that  one  divinely  ordered  Church  and 
one  divinely  ordered  State  should  exist  side  by  side 
in  harmonious  co-operation.  In  practice  no  doubt  it 
had  been  far  otherwise,  though  at  the  close  of  the 
fourteenth  century  Western  Christendom  still  looked 
to  Pope  and  Emperor  as  its  necessary  and  natural 
heads.  There  was,  however,  little  prospect  that  a 
saviour  of  society  could  be  found  in  either  quarter. 

The  Empire,  it  is  true,  preserved  its  nominal  dig- 
nity, and  thanks  to  its  union  with  the  German  King- 
dom, did  not  lack  power.  But  the  Emperor,  Wenzel 
of  Luxemburg,  was  a  shiftless  drunkard,  who  pos- 
sessed neither  the  talents  nor  the  character  that  his 
position  required. 

The  Papacy  was  in  an  even  worse  plight ;  it  had 
shattered  the  Empire,  but  its  victory  had  proved 
ruinous  to  its  own  authority.  By  aspiring  to  a  secu- 
lar supremacy,  the  Popes  had  been  forced  to  adopt 
methods  that  were  fatal  to  their  spiritual  influence. 
Their  power  reached  its  zenith  under  Boniface  VIII. 
(1294-1304),  who  asserted  his  authority  with  uncom- 
promising boldness.  But  his  pretensions  provoked 
the  national  spirit  both  of  France  and  England  ;  and 
the  humiliation  which  Boniface  suffered  at  the  hands 


Introduction 


of  Philip  the  Fair  marks  the  decline  of  the  Mediae- 
val Papacy.  After  a  brief  interval  there  commenced 
the  Seventy  Years  Captivity,  during  which  the  Popes 
at  Avignon  sank  to  be  the  tools  of  French  policy. 
Such  a  position  was  disastrous  to  the  influence  of  the 
Roman  Church  in  other  lands.  The  mischief  was 
too  obvious  to  be  disregarded  ;  and  in  spite  of  their 
French  birth,  Urban  V.  and  Gregory  XI.  realised 
that  the  interests  of  their  office  required  the  restora- 
tion of  the  Roman  tradition. 

The  death  of  Gregory  at  Rome  in  1378  was  fol- 
lowed by  the  election  of  an  Italian  Pope.  The 
French  cardinals,  who  had  acquiesced  only  through 
fear  of  the  Roman  populace,  soon  found  their  oppor- 
tunity ;  and  the  headstrong  violence  of  Urban  VI. 
seemed  to  justify  the  choice  of  an  anti-pope  in  the  per- 
son of  Clement  VII.  The  Great  Schism,  which  was 
thus  due  to  national  feeling,  was  fed  by  national 
jealousy.  The  French  Government,  true  to  its  tra- 
ditional policy  of  a  French  Papacy,  gave  its  support 
to  Clement  against  his  Italian  rival.  That  was  suffi- 
cient to  secure  Urban's  recognition  in  England  and 
Flanders ;  whilst  Scotland  and  the  Spanish  King- 
doms followed  the  lead  of  their  French  ally.  For  a 
full  generation  Western  Christendom  was  divided 
into  two  camps  in  accordance  with  the  needs  of  na- 
tional policy.  When  at  last  the  situation  became  * 
intolerable,  the  settlement  was  dictated  rather  by 
reasons  of  international  diplomacy  than  from  any 
motives  of  religious  expediency. 

Though  neither  of  the  rival  Popes  would  abate  any- 
thing of  their  pretensions,  they  could  not  maintain 


4  Henry  V. 

either  their  spiritual  influence  or  their  temporal 
power.  In  Italy  Urban  and  his  successors  lost  credit 
by  sharing  in  the  schemes  and  intrigues  of  rival 
princes.  In  England  and  in  Germany  the  distant 
Pope  had  to  be  content  with  bare  recognition,  whilst 
his  practical  authority  was  less  and  less  regarded. 
France  had  aspired  to  control  the  Papacy,  but  found 
it  a  costly  honour.  During  the  Captivity,  and  still 
more  during  the  Schism,  the  French  Popes  with  di- 
minished resources  were  confronted  with  increasing 
needs.  First-fruits  and  tenths  and  subsidies  were 
exacted  with  growing  persistence,  whilst  the  en- 
croachments of  the  Roman  Curia  on  the  rights  of 
the  national  clergy  constantly  multiplied.  Thus  the 
French,  who  had  in  the  first  instance  fostered  the 
Schism,  became  the  leaders  in  the  movement  for  re- 
union. The  University  of  Paris,  which  had  long 
been  recognised  as  the  fountain  of  orthodox  opin- 
ions, and  had  not  feared  to  withstand  even  Popes 
themselves,  had  accepted  reluctantly  the  choice  of 
their  government ;  but  as  the  abuses  of  the  Schism 
were  made  manifest  the  champions  of  unity  gained 
strength.  Under  the  guidance  of  Jean  Gerson  and 
Pierre  d'Ailly  the  Doctors  of  Paris  developed  the 
theory  of  a  power  that  was  above  the  Pope.  The 
head  of  the  Church,  argued  d'Ailly,  is  Christ ;  it  is 
in  unity  with  Him  and  not  with  the  Pope  that  the 
unity  of  the  Church  consists ;  from  Christ  the 
Church  derived  authority  to  summon  Councils  for 
her  government ;  such  a  Council  might  call  the  rival 
Popes  to  appear  before  it,  and  even  remove  them 
from  their  office. 


Introduction 


It  was  chiefly  through  the  influence  of  the  Univer- 
sity of  Paris  that  a  General  Council  at  last  met  at 
Pisa  in  1409.  But  neither  Benedict  XI II.  (the  suc- 
cessor of  Clement)  nor  his  Italian  rival  Gregory  XII. 
would  attend.  In  their  absence  they  were  both 
solemnly  deposed,  and  Alexander  V.,  a  man  of  good 
repute  but  little  weight,  elected  in  their  place. 
Since,  however,  the  supporters  of  Benedict  and 
Gregory  would  not  accept  the  decrees  of  the  Council, 
the  only  result  was  to  substitute  three  Popes  for  two. 
Matters  changed  for  the  worse  when  after  a  year 
Alexander  was  succeeded  by  John  XXIII. ,  who  had 
the  vices  and  qualities  of  an  Italian  condottiere,  but 
was  without  the  character  to  command  the  respect 
and  obedience  of  Christendom. 

For  England  the  great  and  obvious  fact  of  the 
fourteenth  century  was  the  war  with  France.  In  its 
ostensible  pretext  the  war  was  purely  dynastic  ;  and 
the  brilliant  pages  of  Froissart  have  made  it  pre-em- 
inently the  conflict  of  nobles  and  chivalry.  But  even 
in  its  origin  and  still  more  in  its  ultimate  conse- 
quences the  first  period  of  the  Hundred  Years  War 
had  a  very  different  significance.  Commercial  inter- 
ests made  the  war  popular,  and  gave  it  a  better 
justification  than  the  King's  shadowy  claim  to  the 
French  crown.  The  sense  of  national  unity  was  con- 
solidated by  the  victories  of  Crecy  and  Poitiers, 
which  bound  King  and  nobles  and  people  together 
through  pride  in  their  common  achievement.  The 
influence  of  the  war  extended  also  to  domestic  poli- 
tics. The  King's  increasing  need  for  money  com- 
pelled him  to  summon  frequent  Parliaments.  Nobles 


6  Henry  V. 

and  knights  and  burgesses  were  thus  trained  to  act 
together,  and  parliamentary  institutions  gained 
strength  at  the  expense  of  the  Crown.  Most  import- 
ant of  all  was  the  association  of  the  country  gentry 
and  the  citizens  of  the  towns  in  the  House  of  Com- 
mons, where  they  learnt  to  value  a  wider  patriotism 
more  highly  than  local  or  class  interests.  The  peo- 
ple, grown  conscious  of  their  national  unity,  would 
not  tolerate  foreign  interference.  The  old  standing 
hostility  to  Roman  pretensions  gathered  fresh 
strength  from  the  natural  dislike  to  a  Papacy  con- 
trolled by  France.  As  a  direct  consequence  there 
came  the  enactment  of  the  famous  Statutes  of  Pro- 
visors  and  Praemunire,  the  first  step  in  the  long 
struggle  which  delivered  England  from  the  yoke  of 
Rome.  If,  however,  the  French  war  was  stimulat- 
ing, it  was  also  exhausting.  The  effort  proved  too 
great  for  the  undeveloped  resources  of  the  nation, 
and  the  tide  of  war  turned  inevitably  against  Eng- 
land. With  defeat  came  disorganisation.  The 
finances  were  embarrassed ;  the  war  was  badly  man- 
aged ;  the  difficulties  and  disasters  of  the  Government 
furnished  domestic  factions  with  a  convenient  excuse. 
The  social  and  political  disorder  was  not  due  en- 
tirely to  the  war.  The  ravages  of  the  Black  Death, 
which  swept  away  half  the  population,  involved  a 
social  upheaval  that  could  end  only  in  revolution. 
Though  the  process  was  slow,  and  though  the 
Peasants'  Revolt  of  1381  failed  miserably,  the  old 
order  was  doomed.  The  grievances  of  the  labouring 
classes  were  in  England  supported  by  a  spirit  of  in- 
dependence and  a  love  of  freedom  unknown  else- 


Introduction 


where  ;  from  this  point  dates  the  gradual  decay  of 
villenage  and  the  emancipation  of  the  country  folk 
from  feudal  tyranny.  For  the  moment,  however, 
the  failure  of  the  Peasants'  Revolt  led  to  a  reaction. 
For  nearly  twenty  years  the  political  history  of  Eng- 
land is  concerned  with  the  factious  strife  of  an 
oligarchical  nobility.  When  at  last  King  Richard 
freed  himself  from  the  control  of  his  ambitious  kins- 
men and  their  partisans,  he  endeavoured  to  rule  more 
absolutely  than  his  predecessors  had  ever  claimed  to 
do.  Richard  failed,  because  his  theory  of  govern- 
ment ran  counter  to  national  sentiment :  "The realm 
was  in  point  to  be  undone  for  default  of  government, 
and  undoing  of  the  good  laws."  The  Revolution  of 
1399,  which  placed  Henry  of  Lancaster  on  the 
throne,  was  in  truth  a  popular  movement,  and  for 
the  first  time  gave  to  the  royal  power  a  parliament- 
ary title.  On  the  other  hand,  Henry's  success  was 
made  possible  by  the  support  of  the  great  House  of 
Percy,  so  that  the  immediate  result  of  the  revolu- 
tion was  to  threaten  the  restoration  of  oligarchical 
tyranny.  To  combat  this  danger  was  the  first  task 
of  the  new  dynasty,  and  Henry  IV.  achieved  his 
purpose  by  the  frank  acceptance  of  his  position  as  a 
constitutional  ruler.  His  policy  was  continued  by 
his  son,  the  strength  of  whose  position  consisted  in 
the  fact  that  he  was  a  national  King  and  the  chosen 
representative  of  his  people's  will. 

In  its  outward  form  the  Revolution  of  1399  resem- 
bled closely  that  of  1688.  Both  owed  their  success 
to  the  existence  of  a  genuine  national  feeling  ;  both 
were  actually  the  work  of  an  oligarchical  party. 


8  Henry  V. 

The  earlier  movement,  was,  however,  premature ; 
for  though  the  idea  of  popular  government  was 
widely  spread,  there  was  no  one  to  give  it  practical 
and  permanent  force.  Wycliffe  it  is  true  was  at 
once  the  spokesman  of  national  policy  and  the  pro- 
phet of  a  new  order.  The  first  position  he  held 
consciously ;  but  into  the  importance  of  his  other 
role  he  had  not  himself  full  insight.  He  had  made 
his  entry  on  a  public  career  as  the  defender  of  na- 
tional rights  against  papal  aggression.  When  the 
possession  of  power  becomes  a  matter  for  dispute, 
it  is  inevitable  that  men  should  question  also  the 
principles  on  which  that  power  depends.  So  by  a 
natural  process  the  great  Reformer  was  led  to  at- 
tack, first  the  abuses  of  the  ecclesiastical  polity, 
and  eventually  the  doctrinal  basis  on  which  that 
polity  rested.  The  Church  in  England  had  grown 
wealthy  and  corrupt  and  had  lost  its  ancient  hold 
on  the  national  affections.  It  was,  however,  an 
essential  part  of  the  political  and  social  organisation 
of  the  time,  so  that  an  attack  on  the  Church  could 
not  remain  simply  a  question  of  religion.  Though 
Wycliffe's  own  teaching  was  in  the  first  place  relig- 
ious, it  lent  itself  to  dangerous  social  developments, 
with  which  he  had  little  personal  sympathy.  This 
was  at  once  the  weakness  and  the  strength  of  the  Lol- 
lard party.  If  the  movement  had  remained  purely 
religious  it  might  have  hastened  an  ecclesiastical 
reformation  ;  but  doctrinal  Lollardy  was  never  really 
strong  in  England,  and  lost  more  than  it  gained 
from  the  support  of  its  worldly  allies.  Political  Lol- 
lardy on  the  other  hand  furnished  the  centre  for 


Introduction 


all  the  forces  of  social  discontent ;  but  from  lack 
of  leadership  the  movement  tended  to  be  merely 
anarchic,  and  ceased  to  be  dangerous  as  soon  as 
the  central  Government  showed  itself  worthy  of  its 
trust. 

Notwithstanding  the  troubles  at  home  there  had 
been  no  solution  of  the  quarrel  with  France.  It 
is  easy  to  argue  that  a  policy  of  non-interference 
in  European  affairs  would  have  been  the  wise  course 
for  English  rulers  to  adopt.  But  ancient  tradition 
and  present  opportunity  alike  pointed  in  an  opposite 
direction.  At  the  commencement  of  the  fifteenth 
century  the  world's  horizon  was  still  limited,  and  it 
was  impossible  for  England  to  remain  outside  contin- 
ental politics  in  splendid  isolation.  In  the  French 
war  there  were  involved  both  national  interests  and 
national  pride.  The  skilful  policy  of  Charles  V.  and 
the  generalship  of  Du  Guesclin  had  enabled  France 
to  recover  much  that  she  had  lost  by  the  Treaty 
of  Bretigny  in  1360.  After  the  death  of  Charles  V. 
in  1380  the  war  continued  in  a  desultory  fashion 
without  any  great  advantage  to  either  side,  and  in 
spite  of  frequent  truces  there  had  been  no  settled 
peace.  Richard  II.  during  the  short  period  of  his 
absolute  power  sought  to  restore  friendly  relations, 
and  took  for  his  second  wife  Isabella,  the  little 
daughter  of  Charles  VI.  The  new  policy  was  rudely 
interrupted  by  Richard's  untimely  end  ;  the  French 
Court  sympathised  naturally  with  the  fallen  King, 
whilst  the  disposal  of  the  child-Queen  and  of  her 
dower  added  another  awkward  question  for  the  con- 
sideration of  the  two  Governments.  The  state  of 


io  Henry  V. 

affairs  in  France  did  not  make  a  definite  settlement 
easier;  the  war  and  the  plague  had  disorganised 
society  not  less  than  in  England  ;  whilst  the  long 
minority  of  Charles  VI.,  like  that  of  Richard  II. 
in  England,  opened  the  door  to  oligarchical  and 
dynastic  feuds.  Matters  did  not  mend  when  Charles 
VI.  grew  to  manhood  and  developed  a  mental  weak- 
ness which  ended  in  actual  insanity.  The  royal 
power  was  in  abeyance ;  whilst  the  disputes  of  the 
King's  brother,  Louis  of  Orleans,  and  his  cousin, 
John  of  Burgundy,  rendered  orderly  government 
impossible.  Orleans  was  hostile  to  England,  and 
though  there  was  no  open  war,  his  influence  led  to 
a  series  of  petty  annoyances,  to  piracy  in  the  Chan- 
nel, and  secret  assistance  to  Welsh  rebels.  Thus 
there  was  a  running  sore  of  enmity  between  the  two 
nations,  and  the  English  Government  was  furnished 
with  abundant  and  tangible  grievances.  Under 
such  circumstances,  there  could  be  little  prospect  of 
lasting  peace.  The  renewal  of  the  war  was  inevitable 
as  soon  as  affairs  at  home  permitted  the  English 
King  to  take  advantage  of  French  discord. 

This  was  the  threefold  task  of  the  House  of  Lan- 
caster :  to  recover  prestige  abroad,  to  restore  peace 
at  home,  to  re-establish  order  in  the  Church.  For 
Henry  of  Bolingbroke  the  crown  was  to  prove  a 
thankless  burden  ;  but  his  labours  were  not  in  vain, 
and  his  son  suceeded  to  the  throne  under  happier 
auspices.  Henry  of  Monmouth,  deriving  his  inspir- 
ation from  the  past,  was  the  champion  of  unity 
against  the  forces  of  disintegration.  His  aims  were 
to  govern  England  on  the  principles  of  the  old 


Introduction 


II 


constitutional  monarchy  as  the  chosen  representative  \ 
of  his  people's  will ;  to  maintain  his  country's  place/ 
as  a  part  in  the  whole  society  of  the  Western  world-H 
and  for  himself,  as  became  a  Christian  King,  to  be  ^ 
the  head  and  leader  of  a  united  Christendom. 


CHAPTER  II 
HENRY'S  BOYHOOD 

1387-1399 

WHEN  John  of  Gaunt  espoused  his  son  as  a 
boy  of  thirteen  to  the  little  Mary  de  Bohun, 
younger  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  the  last 
of  the  old  Earls  of  Hereford,  he  added  yet  another 
to  the  many  ancient  titles  that  found  their  representa- 
tion in  the  House  of  Lancaster.*  But  otherwise  the 
match  was  of  little  public  interest ;  there  was  no 
great  likelihood  that  Henry  of  Bolingbroke  would 
ever  ascend  the  throne,  and  none  could  foretell  the 
splendid  destiny  that  awaited  the  offspring  of  his 
marriage.  It  is  not,  therefore,  remarkable  that  the 
birth  of  Henry  of  Monmouth  passed  unnoticed  in 
the  records  of  the  time.  The  very  date  is  indeed 
uncertain.  A  late  writer  and  a  foreigner  is  the  first 
to  give  the  exact  day,  Qth  August,  1387.  The  date 


*  The  marriage  was  granted  to  John  of  Gaunt  in  part  satisfaction 
for  his  war  service  on  27th  July,  1380.  (Cal,  Pat.  Rolls  Richard 
II.,  i.,  537.)  The  little  Mary  was  then  only  ten  years  old  ;  but  she 
had  a  son  in  April,  1382,  though  the  child  did  not  live  (Wylie,  iii., 
325). 

12 


1387-1399]  Henry  s  Boyhood  13 

thus  assigned  may,  however,  be  accepted  with  toler- 
able confidence  *  ;  it  is  in  part  confirmed  by  the 
wardrobe  accounts  of  Henry,  Earl  of  Derby,  for 
the  year  1387-88^  where  mention  is  made  of  the 
purchase  of  a  demi-gown  for  the  young  Henry,  and 
also  of  the  birth  of  his  next  brother,  Thomas. 

The  barrenness  of  historical  records  is  compensated 
for  by  the  traditions  that  gathered  round  the  birth- 
place of  the  future  King.  At  Goodrich  it  was  told 
how  the  herald  who  brought  the  news  from  Mon- 
mouth  was  thrown  from  his  horse  and  killed  as  he 
toiled  up  the  rugged  hill  that  leads  to  the  castle  ; 
and  how  Henry  of  Bolingbroke,  —  whom  the  legend 
makes  already  King, —  hurrying  from  Windsor,  learnt 
the  news  of  his  son's  birth  through  the  joyous  salut- 
ation of  the  boatmen  at  Goodrich  Ferry.  At 
Courtfield  another  legend  finds  the  home  of  Henry's 
nurse,  and  a  cradle  traditionally  believed  to  be  his 
was  preserved  there  within  the  last  century.:}: 

More  authentic  history  tells  us  that  Henry's  nurse 


*  Elmham  says  that  Henry  of  Monmouth  was  born  in  August  and 
was  in  his  twenty-sixth  year  when  he  came  to  the  throne  on  2Oth 
March,  1413,  cf.  Vita,  p.  17  ;  so  also  Versus  Rythmid,  35-37, 
59-60,  and  Livius,  p.  5.  The  English  Chronicle  (Cotton  MS., 
Claudius  A.,  viii.,  f.  iovo-  and  f.  I2r)  says  that  he  was  in  his 
thirty-sixth  year  when  he  died  on  315!  August,  1422.  With  this 
Leland,  Collectanea,  i.,  38,  agrees.  The  more  exact  date  is  first 
given  by  Paolo  Giovio  (d.  1552)  in  his  Vita  Illustrium  Virorum,  p. 
70.  Wylie  (iii.,  324),  however,  argues  for  August,  1386.  Other  au- 
thorities give  1388,  which  is  certainly  wrong. 

f  To  speak  exactly,  from  ist  October,  1387,  to  3Oth  September, 
1388. 

J  In  1881  this  cradle  was  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  G.  W. 
Braikenridge  at  Clevedon  (Wylie,  iii.,  324), 


14  Henry  V.  [1387- 

was  called  Johanna  Waring,  as  we  learn  from  the 
grant  of  an  annuity  of  £20  which  the  young  King, 
ever  mindful  of  his  friends,  made  to  her  in  the  first 
year  of  his  reign.  His  mother,  after  bearing  her 
husband  three  other  sons  and  two  daughters,  died 
when  only  four-and-twenty  in  July,  1394.  His 
father  was  often  absent  from  England  and  can  have 
seen  but  little  of  Henry  and  his  brothers.  So  the 
young  Henry's  childhood,  after  the  manner  of  the 
time,  must  have  been  passed  chiefly  in  the  care  of 
servants  at  one  or  another  of  his  grandfather's 
manors  or  castles,  at  Hertford,  Kenilworth,  or  Tut- 
bury.  At  the  end  of  1395  there  was  some  talk  of  a 
marriage  for  the  little  Prince  with  Mary,  daughter 
of  Duke  John  IV.  of  Brittany.  But  private  records 
have  more  to  tell  of  the  childhood  of  Henry  of 
Monmouth  than  can  be  found  in  state-papers.  The 
accounts  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster  supply  us  with 
a  variety  of  details  bearing  on  Henry's  boyhood. 
Thomas  Pye  has  "  6s.  &d.  for  a  horse  hired  at  Lon- 
don on  1 8  March  1395  to  go  with  all  speed  to 
Leicester  on  account  of  the  illness  of  my  lord 
Henry."  Other  items  are  for  soap  and  shoes,  for 
cloaks  and  mantles,  black  straw  hats,  scarlet  caps 
and  green  russet  gowns  for  the  little  princes.  In 
February,  1396,  there  comes  "  4^.  for  seven  books 
of  grammar  bought  at  London  for  the  young  lord 
Henry."  Next  year  we  find  "&/.  by  the  hand  of 
Adam  Gastron  for  harpstrings  for  the  harp  of  the 
young  lord  Henry."  In  the  same  year  Stephen 
Furbour  has  \2d.  for  a  new  scabbard,  and  Margaret 
Stranson  of  London  "  is.  6d.  for  three  quarters  of 


1399]  Henry  s  Boyhood  15 

an  ounce  of  tissue  of  black  silk  for  the  sword  of  the 
young  lord  Henry."* 

These  details,  trifling  in  themselves,  are  enough  to 
show  that  Henry's  education  received  careful  atten- 
tion. Tradition  says  that  he  spent  some  time  at 
Oxford  under  the  charge  of  his  uncle,  Henry  Beau- 
fort. The  room  over  the  ancient  gateway  of 
Queen's  College  opposite  St.  Edmund  Hall  long  bore 
an  inscription  declaring  that  it  had  once  been  the 
modest  chamber  of  the  future  lord  of  Britain  and 
conqueror  of  Gaul.f  It  is  probable  enough  that 
Henry  should  have  been  under  his  uncle's  care  at 
Oxford  during  the  year  that  Beaufort  was  Chan- 
cellor of  the  University  in  1398.  But  beyond  this 
there  is  no  evidence  either  to  confirm  or  disprove 
the  tradition.  However,  Henry  was  but  a  boy  of 
eleven  at  the  time ;  and  though  in  after  life  he  showed 
some  interest  in  the  welfare  of  the  University,  his 
residence  at  Oxford  can  have  had  little  influence  on 
his  character.  It  is  of  more  interest  to  note  the 


*  Duchy  of  Lancaster  Receipts  ap.  Tyler,  i.,  15,  and  Wylie,  iii., 
327-328. 
f  The  inscription,  which  was  in  Latin,  ran  as  follows  : 

' '  Imperator  Britannise 
Triumphator  Galliae 
Hostium  rector  et  sui 
Henricus  Quintus,  hujus  collegii 
Et  cubiculi  (minuti  satis), 
Olim  magnus  incola." 

Both  gateway  and  chamber  have  long  been  destroyed.  In  Hearne's 
time  (2Oth  June,  1720),  they  were  much  noted  by  curious  persons 
coming  to  Oxford.  Cf.  L.  Hutten  in  Elizabethan  Oxford,  p.  64. 
In  Fuller's  days  the  room  was  occupied  by  Bishop  Barlow. 


1 6  Henry  V.  [1387- 

probability  that  the  future  King  had  thus  early 
come  into  close  relations  with  his  kinsmen  the 
Beauforts. 

For  other  reasons  the  year  1398  was  a  memorable 
one  in  the  history  of  the  House  of  Lancaster.  On 
23rd  February  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  had  denounced 
Henry  of  Bolingbroke,  now  Duke  of  Hereford,  as  a 
traitor.  A  court  of  chivalry  ordered  the  dispute  to 
be  decided  by  single  combat.  On  the  appointed 
day,  i6th  September,  when  the  rivals  had  already 
entered  the  lists  at  Coventry,  King  Richard  stopped 
all  further  action  and  condemned  them  both  to  ban- 
ishment. Norfolk's  sentence  was  for  life  ;  Hereford's 
for  ten  years.  In  the  following  February  John  of 
Gaunt,  the  old  Duke  of  Lancaster,  died,  and  the 
King,  breaking  his  promise  to  his  cousin,  banished 
him  forever,  and  confiscated  his  estates.  But  at  the 
same  time  a  sum  of  ^500  a  year  was  provided  for 
the  maintenance  of  the  young  Henry  of  Monmouth. 
Richard,  who,  whatever  other  faults  he  possessed, 
was  a  man  of  kindly  feeling,  took  the  boy  under  his 
own  care,  and  kept  him  about  his  Court.  Policy 
may  have  dictated  the  detention  of  the  young  Prince, 
but  a  feeling  of  genuine  affection  appears  to  have 
sprung  up  between  him  and  the  King.  Richard  was 
often  heard  to  repeat  an  old  prophecy  to  the  effect 
that  "  a  prince  of  the  name  of  Henry  will  be  born  in 
England  who,  through  the  nobility  of  his  character 
and  the  splendid  greatness  of  his  achievements,  will 
illumine  the  whole  world  with  the  rays  of  his  glory." 
Whether  from  a  spirit  of  unconscious  prescience,  or 
from  some  peculiar  liking  that  he  had  for  the  boy, 


1399]  Henry  s  Boyhood  1 7 

the  King  would  add  :  "  And  verily  do  I  believe  that 
this  young  Henry  here  will  be  he."  * 

On  29th  May,  1399,  Richard  went  over  to  Ireland 
to  quell  the  insurrection  of  a  chief  called  MacMur- 
rogh.  He  took  with  him  his  cousins  Henry  of 
Monmouth  and  Humphrey  of  Gloucester.  Hum- 
phrey's father  was  the  ill-fated  Thomas  of  Wood- 
stock, his  mother  was  the  elder  sister  of  Mary  de 
Bohun.  The  expedition  landed  at  Waterford  on 
3 ist  May,  and  on  the  morning  of  St.  John's  eve 
marched  out  against  MacMurrogh.  The  Irish  re- 
treated into  the  woods  without  fighting,  whereupon 
Richard  ordered  their  villages  to  be  fired.  Whilst 
this  was  being  done  he  had  a  space  cleared  on  all 
sides  and  his  standard  erected. 

"Then  out  of  pure  and  entire  affection  he  called  to 
him  the  son  of  the  Duke  of  Lancaster,  who  was  a  fair 
young  bachelor  and  handsome.  And  so  he  dubbed  him 
knight  saying  :  '  My  fair  cousin,  be  henceforth  gallant 
and  brave,  for  little  bravery  wilt  thou  have  unless  thou 
dost  conquer.'  And  the  more  to  honour  and  encourage 
him  by  adding  to  his  happiness  and  pleasure,  and  to  the 
end  that  he  might  remember  it  the  better,  he  made  yet 
other  knights,  eight  or  ten  ;  but  indeed  I  know  not  their 
names."  f 

The  warfare  with  MacMurrogh  was  attended  with 
little  success,  and  after  a  while  Richard  went  on  to 

*Elmham,  Vita,  p.  5. 

\  Creton,  ap.  Arch&ologia,  xx.,  31  ;  Creton  was  a  French 
knight  in  Richard's  service  who  wrote  a  metrical  chronicle  of  the 
events  of  the  year. 


1 8  Henry  V.  [1387- 

Dublin.  He  could  hardly  have  reached  that  city, 
when  early  in  July  the  news  came  that  Henry  of 
Lancaster  had  landed  at  Ravenspur  to  claim  his  in- 
heritance. Richard  at  once  sent  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury back  to  England,  but  unhappily  for  his  fortunes 
delayed  his  own  departure  nearly  three  weeks.  Be- 
fore he  left  Dublin  he  called  young  Henry  to  his 
presence  and  said :  "  Henry,  my  boy,  see  what  thy 
father  hath  done  to  me !  He  hath  invaded  my  land 
and  put  my  subjects  to  death  without  mercy. 
Certes,  am  I  sorry  for  thee,  since  through  these  un- 
happy doings  thou  wilt  perchance  lose  thine  inherit- 
ance." Henry,  though  but  a  boy,  replied  in  a 
manner  beyond  his  years.  "In  truth,  my  gracious 
lord  and  King,  I  am  greatly  grieved  at  these  rumours. 
But  I  believe  your  lordship  understands  that  I  am 
innocent  of  my  father's  deed."  "  Yes,"  answered 
Richard,  "  I  know  that  thou  hast  no  part  in  thy 
father's  crime,  and  therefore  I  hold  thee  excused  of 
it."* 

On  Richard's  departure  Henry  and  his  cousin 
Humphrey  were  sent  for  safe  custody  to  the  castle 
of  Trim  in  Meath.  Meantime  the  King's  late  com- 
ing to  England  had  "  robbed  him  of  his  friends,  his 
fortune,  and  his  state."  On  I9th  August  Richard 
made  his  submission  to  his  rival  at  Flint,  and  ac- 
companied him  as  a  prisoner  first  to  Chester  and 
then  to  London.  A  Parliament  was  at  once  sum- 
moned in  Richard's  name  to  meet  at  Westminster 
on  3Oth  September.  On  the  previous  day  a  com- 
mittee of  Henry's  supporters  obtained  from  the 

*Otterbourne,  p.  205. 


1399]  Henry  s  Boyhood  19 

King  his  formal  renunciation  of  the  crown,  and  when 
the  Lords  and  Commons  assembled  the  throne  was 
left  vacant.  After  Richard  had  been  solemnly  de- 
clared unfit  to  govern,  the  Duke  of  Lancaster 
claimed  the  crown  as  descended  in  the  right  line 
from  Henry  III.  The  Estates  gave  their  assent  to 
his  election,  and  Archbishop  Arundel,  taking  him  by 
the  right  hand,  seated  him  on  the  throne. 

Before  the  Duke  of  Lancaster  left  Chester  he  had 
sent  one  Henry  Dryhurst  to  bring  his  son  over  from 
Ireland.  The  young  Prince  probably  joined  his 
father  in  London  before  the  end  of  September.  At 
all  events  he  was  present  on  6th  October,  when 
the  Parliament  that  had  been  summoned  in  Rich- 
ard's name  met  for  the  second  time  as  the  Parlia- 
ment of  the  new  King.  On  Sunday,  I2th  October,  in 
preparation  for  his  coronation  on  the  following  day, 
the  King  made  forty-five  new  knights.  At  the  head 
of  the  list  were  Henry  of  Monmouth  —  in  apparent 
disregard  of  his  previous  knighting  by  Richard  — 
and  his  three  brothers.  In  the  afternoon  the  King 
went  in  procession  from  the  Tower  to  Westminster. 
Before  him  rode  the  new-made  knights  clad  in 
cloaks  of  green  cut  after  a  priestly  fashion.  On  the 
Monday  Henry  was  solemnly  crowned  in  the  Abbey, 
his  son,  as  representative  of  the  House  of  Lancaster, 
bearing  the  pointless  sword  Curtana,  emblematical  of 
Justice  and  Mercy.*  After  the  ceremonies  of  the 
coronation  were  over,  Parliament  reassembled,  and 
on  1 5th  October,  Henry  of  Monmouth  was  with  the 
assent  of  the  Commons  created  Prince  of  Wales,  Duke 

*  Adam  of  Usk,  p.  33  ;  Fcedera,  viii.,  90. 


20  Henry  V.  [1387-1399] 

of  Cornwall,  and  Earl  of  Chester.*  His  father,  seated 
on  the  throne,  granted  him  investiture  by  placing  a 
gold  coronet  adorned  with  pearls  on  his  head,  and 
a  ring  on  his  finger,  and  by  delivering  into  his  hand  a 
golden  rod.  Then,  after  the  King  had  kissed  and 
blessed  him,  the  Duke  of  York  as  chief  prince  of  the 
blood  conducted  him  to  his  place  in  Parliament,  and 
the  Commons  swore  to  observe  the  same  faith  and 
loyalty,  aid,  assistance,  and  fealty  towards  him  as  to 
his  father.  In  the  same  Parliament,  on  23rd  October, 
the  young  Prince  was  declared  Duke  of  Aquitaine. 
On  loth  November  he  was  further  made  Duke  of 
Lancaster,  the  vast  revenues  of  which  duchy  were 
thus  attached  to  the  throne  ;  though  as  a  special 
privilege  the  duchy  was  to  remain  independent  of 
the  Crown.  A  week  previously  the  Commons  had 
begged  that  they  might  be  entered  on  the  record  at 
the  election  of  the  Prince,  and  petitioned  that  since 
"  the  Prince  is  of  tender  age  he  may  not  pass  forth 
from  the  realm."  f  With  this  formal  recognition  of  his 
position  as  heir  to  the  throne,  Henry  of  Monmouth 
entered  on  his  public  career,  and  young  as  he  was  in 
years  the  period  of  his  boyhood  came  to  an  end. 


*  Fa-dera,  viii.,  91-94,  148. 

\  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  426-434. 


CHAPTER   III 

TROUBLES   OF   THE   NEW    REIGN 
1399-1402 

THE  circumstances  of  the  time  are  sufficient  to 
explain  the  early  age  at  which  the  young 
Henry  of  Monmouth  began  to  take  his  part  in 
public  affairs.  His  father's  reign  was  from  the  first 
troubled  and  broken.  At  home  there  was  constant 
sedition  and  discord  ;  abroad  wars  or  rumours  of  wars. 
The  movements  of  Henry  of  Bolingbroke  during 
the  three  months  that  elapsed  between  his  arrival  at 
Ravenspur  as  a  landless  adventurer  and  his  crown- 
ing at  Westminster  as  the  acknowledged  King  of 
England,  were  attended  by  a  startling  rapidity  and 
good  fortune  which  obscured  the  imperfection  of 
his  achievement.  Though  Richard  had  fallen,  he 
was  not  friendless,  and  his  name  long  furnished  a 
rallying-cry  for  the  enemies  of  Lancaster.  Even 
when  Richard  had  died  in  prison  and  been  buried  at 
Langley,  there  were  many  who  believed  that  he  had 
escaped  and  was  living  in  Scotland.*  Henry's  own 

*The  pseudo-Richard,  "  the  mammet  of  Scotland,"  had  a  pension 
from  the  Scottish  Government  and  lived  at  Stirling  till  1419. 


22  Henry  V.  [1399- 

position  was  on  the  other  hand  not  free  from  quest- 
ion, since  his  hereditary  claim  to  the  throne  was  in- 
ferior to  that  of  his  cousin  Edmund  Mortimer,  the 
young  Earl  of  March.  The  superior  validity  of  a 
parliamentary  title  was  not  yet  fully  recognised  ;  and 
though  the  new  King  might  rule  "  not  so  much  by 
right  of  blood  as  by  popular  election,"  *  it  was  some 
time  before  he  could  feel  secure  or  dispense  with  the 
support  of  the  Percies. 

Whilst  the  Parliament  that  had  inaugurated  the 
new  dynasty  was  still  sitting  there  were  threatenings 
of  trouble  with  Scotland  and  France.  But  domestic 
affairs  were  apparently  settled  and  the  King,  it  may 
be  through  over  self-confidence,  treated  his  oppon- 
ents leniently.  Richard's  chief  supporters,  his  kins- 
men the  Hollands  (Earls  of  Kent  and  Huntingdon), 
and  his  cousin  Edward,  Earl  of  Rutland,  son  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  escaped  with  the  loss  of  their  recent 
advancement  in  rank  and  title ;  his  most  faithful  ad- 
herent, the  Earl  of  Salisbury,  suffered  no  loss  at  all. 
Such  treatment  did  not  disarm  their  hostility  to  the 
new  order.  The  Parliament  had  scarcely  been  dis- 
solved before  they  began  to  scheme  for  a  counter- 
revolution. 

During  the  month  of  December  King  Henry  and 
his  children  suffered  from  illness,  which  rumour  as- 
cribed to  the  effects  of  poison.  The  King  had  not 
fully  recovered  his  health  when  he  withdrew  from 
London  to  spend  Christmas  at  Windsor.  There  the 
conspirators  purposed  to  surprise  and  kill  Henry  and 
his  sons.  But  at  the  last  moment  Rutland's  heart 


*  Capgrave,  De  Illustribus  Henricis,  p. 


H021  Troubles  of  the  New  Reign  23 

failed  him,  and  he  revealed  the  plot  through  his 
father  to  the  King.  It  was  late  in  the  afternoon  of 
Sunday,  4th  January,  1400,  that  the  news  reached 
Windsor.  There  was  no  time  to  be  lost.  Henry 
took  horse  at  once,  and  rode  that  same  night  with 
his  sons  and  two  attendants  to  London,  escaping  his 
enemies  by  only  a  few  hours.  The  faithful  London- 
ers kept  the  young  princes  safe  from  harm,  whilst  the 
King  marched  out  to  deal  with  his  foes.  The  insur- 
rection was,  however,  crushed  without  Henry's  act- 
ual interference.  If  the  conspirators  had  counted 
on  a  reaction  in  Richard's  favour  they  had  moved 
too  soon.  The  people  rose  in  arms  against  them. 
Kent  and  Salisbury  were  beheaded  by  the  mob  at 
Cirencester  on  7th  January,  and  Huntingdon  met  a 
like  fate  a  week  later  in  Essex.  It  was  scarcely  a 
mere  coincidence  that  the  hapless  Richard  ended 
his  life  within  a  few  weeks  of  the  ill-advised  rising  of 
his  supporters.  Fortune  had  once  more  favoured 
Lancaster,  and  the  domestic  position  of  the  new 
King  was  for  the  time  strengthened. 

Foreign  affairs  were  more  threatening ;  for  the 
suspicion  that  attached  to  Richard's  death  tended 
to  increase  the  enmity  of  the  French  Court  towards 
Henry.  The  disposal  of  Isabella  of  France,  the 
child-wife  of  the  late  King,  had  been  from  the  first 
somewhat  of  an  embarrassment.  In  November, 
1399,  Henry  had  sought  a  solution  by  proposing 
marriages  between  his  own  children  and  the  children 
of  the  French  King.  After  Richard's  death  this 
idea  took  a  more  definite  shape  ;  might  not  Isabella 
remain  in  England  as  the  wife  of  the  young  Prince 


24  Henry  V.  [1399- 

of  Wales?  To  this  the  French  Court  was  not  at  all 
disposed.  But  the  time  was  not  ripe  for  war  on 
either  side  ;  and  though  the  matter  was  complicated 
by  the  question  of  Isabella's  dower,  the  little  Queen 
was  after  some  negotiation  restored  to  her  native 
country  in  the  summer  of  1401. 

Whilst  the  negotiations  with  France  still  dragged 
their  course,  Henry  was  able  to  turn  his  attention 
to  the  settlement  of  affairs  with  Scotland.  In 
October,  1399,  the  Scots  had  invaded  Northumber- 
land and  captured  Wark  Castle.  When  the  news 
reached  London  Henry  at  once  declared  his  inten- 
tion to  march  against  them  in  person  ;  but  other 
matters  detained  him  in  the  South  till  the  following 
summer.  Though  at  last  he  crossed  the  border  on 
I4th  August,  1400,  he  could  extort  nothing  better 
than  fine  promises ;  with  these  for  the  time  he  had 
to  be  content,  and  his  own  energies  were  soon  ab- 
sorbed by  a  more  pressing  danger. 

During  Henry's  absence  an  event  which  was  to 
prove  the  beginning  of  serious  trouble  had  occurred 
in  Wales.  Though  Welsh  independence  had  been 
brought  to  an  end  more  than  a  century  previously, 
the  country  was  still  only  half  subdued.  Richard 
II.  had  paid  some  attention  to  the  needs  of  the 
principality,  and  so  earned  for  himself  no  little  good- 
will. The  prevalent  sympathy  for  his  cause,  and 
the  hatred  of  the  native  Welsh  for  the  great  English 
lords,  who  held  the  land  like  a  garrison,  together 
afforded  the  existing  Government  sufficient  ground 
for  anxiety.  But  a  private  quarrel  was  to  be  the 
immediate  cause  of  the  outbreak. 


1402]  Troubles  of  the  New  Reign  25 

One  of  the  greatest  lords  of  the  Welsh  Marches 
was  Reginald  Grey  of  Ruthin,  who  had  for  a  near 
neighbour  a  Welshman  of  good  family,  Owen,  Lord 
of  Glyndyvrdwy.  In  the  spring  of  1400  a  dispute 
between  Owen  and  Grey  as  to  the  ownership  of 
certain  lands  had  led  to  a  kind  of  petty  warfare. 
The  King  and  his  Council  were  anxious  to  con- 
ciliate the  Welsh  gentry  of  the  border.  Grey,  in- 
tent on  his  private  interests,  failed  to  carry  out  their 
policy,  and  by  a  piece  of  ill-timed  harshness  set  the 
whole  country  ablaze.  Amongst  the  followers  of 
Owen  was  one  Griffith  ap  David,  who,  trusting  to 
the  King's  proclamations,  came  to  Oswestry  in  the 
belief  that  he  would  obtain  a  charter  of  protection. 
When  he  found  himself  rather  in  danger  of  prison 
for  his  share  in  the  late  disturbances,  Griffith  fled  to 
the  mountains  and  openly  defied  Grey,  telling  him 
that :  "  As  many  men  as  you  slay,  and  as  many  houses 
as  you  burn  for  my  sake,  as  many  will  I  slay  and 
burn  for  your  sake;  and  doubt  not  I  will  have 
bread  and  ale  of  the  best  that  is  in  your  lordship." 
Grey  replied  in  wrath  with  a  promise  of  "  a  rope,  a 
ladder  and  a  ring,  high  on  gallows  for  to  hang"; 
and  wrote  off  to  the  Prince,  who  was  nominally 
regent  during  his  father's  absence  in  Scotland,  urging 
severe  measures  and  the  summary  arrest  of  Griffith 
as  the  "  strengest  thiefe  of  Wales."  * 

These  events  took  place  in  June  with  the  result 
that  Henry  on  his  way  back  from  Scotland  learnt 
that  North  Wales  was  in  open  rebellion.  After 
summoning  the  Prince  to  join  him,  the  King  entered 

*  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Ser. ,  i.,  3-7. 


26  Henry  V.  11399- 

Wales  at  the  end  of  September.  The  Welsh  re- 
treated to  the  mountains,  whither  the  English, 
through  the  inclement  season  and  lack  of  supplies, 
were  unable  to  follow  them.  Nothing  effectual 
could  be  done,  and  by  mid-October  the  King  was 
back  at  Shrewsbury.  Before  leaving  the  Welsh 
border  he  made  such  provision  as  was  possible  for 
the  intended  suppression  of  the  revolt  next  year. 

The  young  Henry  of  Monmouth  was  left  behind 
at  Chester,  and  in  name  the  government  of  North 
Wales  and  of  the  Marches  was  to  be  administered 
by  him.  In  reality,  of  course,  authority  was  not  put 
in  the  hands  of  a  boy  of  thirteen,  but  in  those  of  his 
Council.  Chief  of  that  Council  was  Henry  Percy, 
the  famous  Hotspur,  who  had  been  appointed  Just- 
iciar  of  North  Wales  nearly  a  year  previously. 
Shakespeare,  with  perhaps  less  regard  for  historic 
fact  than  usual,  has  made  the  association  of  "  Harry 
Percy  and  the  Prince  of  Wales  "  the  occasion  for  a 
striking  contrast  between  the  King's  dissolute  heir, 
and  the  strenuous  son  of  the  man  to  whom  the 
House  of  Lancaster  chiefly  owed  the  throne. 

It  is  important  to  realise  more  accurately  the  re- 
lationship that  existed  between  the  young  Prince 
and  the  head  of  his  Council.  There  was  between 
them  nothing  of  the  rivalry  of  youth ;  for  Hotspur, 
though  still  in  the  flower  of  his  manhood,  was  "  no 
Mars  in  swathing  clothes,  no  infant  warrior";  he 
was  far  deeper  in  debt  to  years  than  the  Prince,  and 
was  indeed  somewhat  older  than  the  King  himself. 
But  whilst  Henry  IV.  was  praeternaturally  old  in 
mind  and  body,  Hotspur  preserved  to  the  last,  both 


14021  Troubles  of  the  New  Reign  27 

in  thought  and  deed,  the  headstrong  and  reckless 
vigour  of  youth.  If  he  was  not  by  character  well 
fitted  to  be  the  governor  of  a  young  prince,  his  long 
experience  of  border  warfare  gave  him  some  special 
qualifications  for  the  Welsh  command.  Still,  the 
choice  of  Hotspur  for  such  a  position  must  have 
been  due  rather  to  the  necessity  of  conciliating  the 
powerful  family  to  which  he  belonged,  than  to  his 
own  personal  qualities.  Hotspur  can  have  given 
Henry  of  Monmouth  no  instruction  in  the  mys- 
teries of  statecraft,  or  generalship ;  nevertheless, 
he  was  a  doughty  soldier,  under  whose  leadership 
a  high-spirited  youth  was  likely  to  gain  a  practical 
acquaintance  with  the  rough-and-tumble  side  of 
warfare. 

In  the  autumn  of  140x3  it  was  scarcely  possible  for 
the  King  or  Council  to  realise  fully  the  serious 
character  of  the  Welsh  affair.  On  3Oth  November, 
proclamation  had  been  made  offering  free  pardon  to 
all  who  came  to  the  Prince  at  Chester  before  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  next  year.  About  the  same 
time  Glendower's  estates  were  confiscated  and  be- 
stowed on  the  King's  half-brother,  John  Beaufort. 
Owen  replied  by  assuming  the  style  of  Prince  of 
Wales ;  at  all  events  his  so-called  "  reign  "  dated 
from  now. 

The  movement  which  had  originated  in  local  dis- 
order and  discontent  was  beginning  to  take  the  form 
of  a  national  uprising.  There  had  been  no  active 
effort  for  independence  in  Wales  for  nearly  a  century, 
but  the  tradition  was  not  dead.  Only  a  generation 
previously  a  Welsh  soldier  of  fortune  in  the  service  of 


28  Henry  V.  [1399- 

France  had  claimed  to  be  the  heir  of  Llyvvelyn  ;  the 
pretensions  of  this  Owen  of  Wales  to  be  the  rightful 
prince  of  his  native  land,  when  supported  by  the 
French  King,  were  formidable  enough  to  cause 
Edward  III.  serious  anxiety.  Glendower  professed 
that  he  was  the  right  heir  by  consanguinity  of  this 
former  Owen,  and  on  this  score  appealed  for  French 
aid.  * 

Glendower's  claim  to  princely  ancestry  was  not 
altogether  groundless,  and  whatever  its  merits  may 
have  been,  it  found  substantial  support  in  the 
patriotism  of  the  Bards.  Strange  tales  floated  about 
of  portents  that  had  heralded  Glendower's  birth. 
The  Bards  wandering  from  village  to  village  stirred 
up  the  national  sentiment  by  predictions  that  the 
prophecies  of  old  were  now  to  find  their  destined  ful- 
filment, f  The  whole  people  were  in  a  ferment ; 
Welsh  scholars  gave  up  their  studies  at  Oxford,  and 
Welsh  labourers  left  their  profitable  employment  in 
England  to  hurry  home  and  join  the  standard  of  the 
new  leader.:}:  Many  castles  and  towns  in  Wales  fell 
into  the  hands  of  the  rebels,  and  even  places  like 
Shrewsbury  were  not  secure  from  danger.  By  the 
spring  of  1401  it  was  clear  that  the  English  Govern- 
ment had  to  deal  with  no  local  disturbance.  When 
Parliament  met  in  February  the  Commons  addressed 
an  urgent  representation  to  the  King,  with  the  result 
that  elaborate  ordinances  were  issued  for  the  better 

*Chron.  St.  Denys,  iii.,  164. 
\  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  508. 

\  Id.,  iii.,  457  ;  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  i.,  8,  gives  a  list  of  Oxford 
students. 


1402]  Troubles  of  the  New  Reign  29 

goverment  of  Wales  and  the  more  effectual  securing 
of  English  authority.  * 

Before  the  policy  of  the  royal  Government  could 
have  any  effect  the  Welsh  rebels  under  William  ap 
Tudor  and  Howel  Vaughan  captured  Conway  Castle 
through  the  treason  of  some  of  the  garrison.  Hot- 
spur, accompanied  by  the  young  Prince  Henry, 
marched  promptly  into  Wales,  and  laid  siege  to  the 
Welsh  in  the  castle.  When  Conway  at  last  surrend- 
ered on  28th  May,  the  conditions  which  Percy 
thought  it  wise  to  concede  did  not  altogether  com- 
mend themselves  to  the  King  or  his  Council.  "  My 
dread  Lord  the  Prince  "  appears  as  the  figurehead  in 
all  Percy's  proceedings.  But  the  years  and  inexperi- 
ence of  the  young  Henry  forbid  our  supposing  that 
he  had  any  practical  voice  in  the  affairs  that  were 
conducted  in  his  name.  Whatever  success  was 
achieved  could  redound  only  to  Percy's  credit  and  to 
the  increase  of  his  power.  The  King  may  well  have 
felt  uneasy  at  the  possible  growth  in  a  new  quarter  of 
the  influence  of  that  one  too  powerful  family  to  which 
he  owed  his  throne.  Hotspur  on  his  part  was  not 
without  good  reasons  for  complaint ;  since  through 
the  poverty  of  the  English  Government,  which  left 
him  ill-furnished  with  supplies,  he  had  been  forced  to 
conduct  the  war  at  his  own  cost.  Of  such  a  position 
Percy  soon  wearied,  and  at  the  end  of  August  he 
finally  resigned  his  appointment. 

The  immediate  and  ultimate  consequences  of  Hot- 
spur's connection  with  Wales  were  alike  unhappy.  In 
dudgeon  at  the  inadequate  support  afforded  him  he 

*  Fcedera,  viii.,  184. 


30  Henry  V.  [1399- 

had  done  nothing  since  May,  and  on  his  departure 
the  rebellion  broke  out  with  fresh  violence.  The 
King  and  his  son  invaded  Wales  in  October  with  very 
similar  results  to  those  of  the  previous  year.  The 
Welsh  again  retreated  to  their  mountains,  and  again 
the  English  through  bad  weather  could  not  pursue 
them.  The  harrying  of  Welsh  territory  was  of  no 
effect  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion,  and  after 
a  raid  of  less  than  a  fortnight  the  King  returned 
baffled  to  Shrewsbury.  Glendower  had  the  trophies 
if  not  also  the  substance  of  victory,  since  by  a  stroke 
of  good  fortune  he  captured  the  horses  and  baggage 
of  the  Prince  of  Wales  himself. 

As  in  the  previous  year,  the  campaign  was  followed 
by  a  rearrangement  of  the  administration.  The 
Earl  of  Rutland  was  made  Lieutenant  of  North  Wales, 
whilst  South  Wales  was  entrusted  to  Thomas  Percy, 
Earl  of  Worcester.  The  Prince  was  still  the  nominal 
head  of  the  government,  and  in  November  the  Coun- 
cil advised  that  to  provide  for  his  great  expenses  in 
Wales  he  should  receive  the  Isle  of  Anglesey, 
together  with  ,£1000  from  the  estates  of  the  Earl  of 
March.  Anglesey  had  been  in  the  possession  of  Hot- 
spur, who  was  to  be  compensated  out  of  the  lands  of 
the  Mortimers.  The  Percy  interest  was  further 
conciliated  by  the  choice  of  the  Earl  of  Worcester  to 
be  tutor  to  the  young  Prince. 

It  was  about  this  time  also  that  Henry  of  Mon- 
mouth  was  first  brought  into  association  with  a  man 
who  was  to  play  no  small  part  in  his  history,  and  an 
even  larger  one  in  the  legends  that  have  amplified 
the  story  of  his  youth.  In  the  autumn  of  1401  the 


1402]  Troubles  of  the  New  Reign  3 1 

famous  Sir  John  Oldcastle  makes  his  first  appearance 
in  history  as  Warden  of  Builth  Castle  and  the  valley 
of  the  Wye.  Later  legend,  working  on  the  ill-re- 
pute of  his  heresy,  and  his  notorious  friendship  with 
the  Prince,  found  in  him  the  prototype  of  Henry's 
boon  companion,  "my  old  lad  of  the  Castle,"  "the 
villainous,  abominable  misleader  of  youth,  Falstaff, 
that  old  white-bearded  Satan."  In  point  of  fact, 
Oldcastle  was  at  this  time  a  Herefordshire  knight  of 
some  local  consideration,  to  whom  no  taint  of 
Lollardy  had  yet  attached.  With  the  jovial,  royster- 
ing,  but  cowardly  Falstaff  he  has  nothing  in  com- 
mon save  his  friendship  for  the  young  Prince. 
Through  their  association  in  the  Welsh  war,  Henry 
learned  to  appreciate  the  knightly  prowess  and  manly 
uprightness  of  Oldcastle  at  their  true  value.  Old- 
castle owed  his  advancement  to  the  Prince's  favour ; 
but  it  was  in  vain  that  he  tried  to  convert  his  master 
to  his  own  views.  Probably  enough  their  friendship 
was  a  scandal  to  the  orthodox  ;  certainly  it  roused 
false  hopes  in  the  hearts  of  the  reformers.  To 
Henry's  own  life  it  contributed  a  dark  shade  of 
tragedy. 

With  the  actual  government  of  Wales  the  young 
Prince  himself  had  still  little  to  do.  Probably  he 
was  not  even  present  on  the  Welsh  border  at  this 
season,  for  during  the  following  spring  he  was  in 
London,  where  on  May  8,  1402,  he  gave  his  assent 
to  a  proposed  marriage  with  Catherine,  sister  of  the 
young  King  Eric  of  Denmark.  A  week  later  at 
Berkhampstead  he  witnessed  a  like  instrument 
providing  for  the  marriage  of  his  little  sister  Philippa 


32  Henry  V.  [1399- 

to  Eric.  At  the  end  of  the  month  he  had  gone  on 
to  Tutbury  in  Staffordshire,  apparently  on  his 
way  to  the  Welsh  border. 

Meantime  affairs  in  Wales  had  gone  from  bad  to 
worse.  Owen  had  been  intriguing  not  only  with  the 
Irish  and  Scots,  but  even  with  the  more  distant 
though  hereditary  ally  of  Welsh  pretenders  in 
France.  Perhaps  also  he  had  begun  to  work  for  his 
threefold  alliance  with  Percy  and  Mortimer ;  for 
Jenkin  Tyby  had  brought  him  letters  out  of  the 
North  Country,  as  it  was  deemed  from  Henry  Percy.* 
In  January,  1402,  the  Welsh  made  a  raid  against 
Ruthin,  and  Owen  had  the  .good  fortune  to  take 
prisoner  his  old  enemy  Lord  Grey.  It  was  a  sinister 
circumstance  that  in  this  raid  the  lands  of  Mortimer 
were  left  unharmed.  But  the  time  for  more  open 
action  had  not  yet  arrived,  and  in  the  summer  Sir 
Edmund  Mortimer,  the  uncle  of  the  young  Earl  of 
March,  was  actually  in  chief  command  on  the 
border.  On  i/th  June  the  Welsh  surprised  Morti- 
mer at  Brynglas  near  Knighton,  and  defeated  him 
with  heavy  loss.  Mortimer  himself,  whose  tenants 
had  joined  openly  with  the  Welsh,  was  taken  pris- 
oner. Owen  received  him  with  honour  and  even 
with  kindness,  and  it  was  soon  alleged  that  the  de- 
feat of  the  English  had  been  due  to  the  treason 
of  their  commander. 

For  the  third  summer  in  succession  the  crisis  in 
Wales  demanded  the  King's  personal  attention.  On 
this  occasion  the  war  was  to  be  conducted  on  a  large 
scale.  Three  armies  were  ordered  to  be  in  readiness 


*  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Ser. ,  i.,  9. 


1402]  Troubles  of  the  New  Reign  33 

by  the  end  of  August.  The  first  was  to  advance 
from  Hereford  under  the  Earls  of  Arundel,  Stafford, 
and  Warwick,  and  the  second  under  the  King  from 
Shrewsbury  ;  whilst  the  third,  which  was  to  start 
from  Chester,  was  entrusted  to  the  young  Prince 
Henry.  The  total  force  is  alleged  to  have  numbered 
over  100,000  men  —  doubtless  a  gross  exaggeration 
—  and  it  was  September  before  the  armies  could 
take  the  field.  Once  more  the  elements  fought 
against  the  English  ;  the  King  himself  had  a  narrow 
escape,  his  tent  was  overthrown  by  a  storm  in  the 
night,  and  many  of  his  followers  perished  from  the 
cold.  The  Welsh  vanished  into  their  impenetrable 
mountains  ;  and  when  supplies  failed,  the  English 
returned  home  with  an  insignificant  booty.  Glen- 
dower  had  good  reason  to  boast : 

"  Three  times  hath  Henry  Bolingbroke  made  head 
Against  my  power  ;  thrice  from  the  banks  of  Wye, 
And  sandy-bottomed  Severn,  have  I  sent  him 
Bootless  home,  and  weather-beaten  back." 

The  King's  ill-success  was  sufficiently  disappoint- 
ing in  itself.  It  was  rendered  more  so  by  contrast 
with  the  good  fortune  which  attended  the  English 
arms  in  another  quarter  and  under  other  auspices. 
At  the  same  moment  when  the  King  and  Prince  were 
raiding  haplessly  in  Wales,  the  Percies,  father  and 
son,  had  met  and  routed  the  Scottish  invaders  at 
Homildon  Hill.  The  very  completeness  of  their 
victory  was  an  embarrassment  to  the  King.  The 
new  service  which  his  most  formidable  subjects  had 
thus  rendered  him  could  neither  be  rewarded  nor 


34  Henry  V.  [1399-1402] 

passed  over  without  danger.  Immediately  on  the 
receipt  of  the  news  Henry  ordered  the  Percies  not 
to  ransom  any  of  their  prisoners,  but  to  send  them 
forthwith  to  London.  Hotspur  refused  to  surrender 
his  own  special  prisoner,  the  Earl  of  Douglas,  un- 
less the  King  would  ransom  Sir  Edmund  Mortimer, 
whose  sister  was  Henry  Percy's  wife.  But  the  King 
would  do  nothing  to  further  Mortimer's  release,  and 
his  suspicions  were  justified  presently  by  the  mar- 
riage of  Mortimer  to  Owen's  daughter. 

From  this  time  the  plot  began  to  thicken.  If, 
however,  the  King  had  any  inkling,  he  found  it 
prudent  to  dissemble ;  and  even  to  reward  the  Per- 
cies with  substantial  grants  of  conquered  lands  in 
Scotland.  Still  the  circle  of  those  who  could  be 
trusted  grew  manifestly  narrower,  and  deliberate 
policy  must  have  dictated  the  concentration  of  im- 
portant posts  in  the  hands  of  the  King's  own  family. 
It  was  as  part  of  such  a  scheme  that  the  young 
Prince  Henry  was  in  the  early  spring  of  1403  nomin- 
ated as  the  King's  Lieutenant  in  Wales. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE   PERCIES   AND   OWEN   GLENDOWER 
1403-1408 

ON  7th  March,  1403,  by  the  recommendation  of 
the  Council,  Henry  of  Monmouth  was  ap- 
pointed to  be  his  father's  Lieutenant  on  the 
Marches  of  Wales.    On  the  same  day  the  Earl  of  Wor- 
cester resigned  his  command  as  Lieutenant  of  South 
Wales,  whilst  retaining  his  position  as  the  Prince's 
governor.     It  is  not,  however,  clear  that  Worcester 
accompanied  the  Prince  to  Wales,  and  we  are  justi- 
fied   in   assuming   that    the   Welsh    command   was 
henceforth  Henry's  in  fact  as  well  as  in  name. 

Henry  was  to  enter  on  his  duties  from  the  1st  of 
April.  His  orders  were  to  prosecute  the  war  with 
vigour ;  and  he  had  authority  both  to  punish  those 
who  abetted  the  rebellion  and  to  pardon  those  who 
made  their  submission.*  On  reaching  his  headquar- 
ters at  Shrewsbury  the  Prince  at  once  prepared  to 
take  the  field.  Owen  was  rumoured  to  be  mustering 
his  forces  for  a  raid,  and  the  English  garrisons  at 


*  Fadera,  viii.,  291. 

35 


36  Henry  V.  ti403- 

Harlech  and  Aberystwith  were  known  to  be  hard 
pressed. 

About  the  end  of  April  Henry  left  Shrewsbury, 
and  marching  through  Denbighshire  and  the  valley 
of  the  Dee,  returned  to  his  headquarters  by  way 
of  Montgomery  on  i$th  May,  when  he  reported 
his  progress  to  the  Council.  The  letter  which  he 
wrote  on  this  occasion  may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the 
first  document  of  importance  for  which  Henry  was 
personally  responsible. 

To  the  Council : — 

"  From  the  Prince.  Very  dear  and  entirely  well- 
beloved,  we  greet  you  well  and  from  the  bottom  of  our 
heart,  thanking  you  very  dearly  for  the  good  considera- 
tion that  you  have  for  the  needs  that  touch  us  in  our 
absence  ;  and  we  pray  you  effectually  for  your  good  and 
long  continuance  as  our  trust  is  in  you.  And  in  the 
matter  of  news  from  these  parts,  if  you  would  know  it, 
amongst  other  things  we  were  lately  informed  that  Oweyn 
de  Glyndourdy  had  assembled  his  power  with  other 
rebels  of  his  adherents  in  great  number,  purposing  to  raid 
and  eke  to  fight,  if  the  English  folk  should  resist  his  pur- 
pose ;  for  so  he  boasted  himself  amongst  his  own  people. 
Whereupon  we  took  our  men  and  inarched  to  a  well- 
built  place  of  the  said  Oweyn  called  Sycharth,  that  was 
late  his  chief  mansion,  where  we  thought  to  have  found 
him  if  he  wished  to  fight  in  such  manner  as  he  said. 
But  on  our  coming  thither  we  found  not  a  soul,  so  we 
burnt  all  the  place,  and  several  other  dwellings  of  his 
tenants  thereabout.  And  next  we  marched  straight  to 
his  other  place  of  Glyndourdy  for  to  seek  him  ;  and  there 
we  burnt  a  fair  lodge  in  his  park  and  all  the  country 


WALES    8c    THK    MARCHES 


1408]      The  Perezes  and  Owen  Glendower        37 

roundabout.  And  we  ourselves  lodged  therein  all  that 
night,  and  certain  of  our  men  went  out  thence  into  the 
country,  and  took  prisoner  a  great  gentleman  of  the 
country,  that  was  late  one  of  the  chieftains  of  the  said 
Oweyn.  This  gentleman  offered  ^£500  for  his  ransom 
to  have  his  life,  and  swore  to  pay  the  said  sum  within 
two  weeks.  Howbeit  this  was  not  accepted,  but  he  had 
the  death,  as  did  divers  others  of  his  companions  that 
were  taken  on  the  same  day.  And  after  that  we  marched 
on  to  the  cymmwd  of  Edeyrnion  *  in  [the  county]  f 
of  Merioneth,  and  there  we  wasted  a  fair  land  and  one 
well-inhabited.  And  thence  we  marched  on  into 
Powys  and  [by  reason  of  the  scarcity]  f  of  fodder  for 
horses  in  Wales  we  made  our  people  carry  oats  with 
them.  Our  hosting  lasted  L  •  •  ]  t  days.  And  to  in- 
form you  more  fully  of  this  march  and  of  all  other  news 
from  this  quarter  we  are  sending  to  you  our  trusty 
squire,  John  de  Waterton,  in  whom  you  may  put  firm 
faith  and  credence  in  all  that  he  shall  report  on  our  be- 
half touching  the  news  aforesaid.  And  may  Our  Lord 
have  you  always  in  His  holy  keeping. 

"Given  under  our  signet  at  Shrewsbury  the  i5th  day 
of  May."J 

The  expedition  had  been  so  far  successful  that  it 
had  checked  the  threatened  counter-raid  of  Owen. 
But  the  castles  of  Harlech  and  Aberystwith  (or 
Llampadarn)  were  still  hard  pressed.  §  Moreover,  if 
the  rebellion  was  to  be  crushed,  it  was  useless  for 

*  This  is  the  upper  part  of  the  valley  of  the  Dee. 
f  The  manuscript  is  mutilated  at  this  part. 

\  Nicolas,  Proceedings  and  Ordinances  of  the  Privy  Council,  ii., 
61-62.  The  original  is  in  French. 

§  They  were  revictualled  in  June.     Wylie,  iv.,  243-245. 


38  Henry  K  [1403- 

the  English  to  confine  their  efforts  to  one  or  two  iso- 
lated raids  in  the  course  of  each  summer  as  had  been 
the  case  so  far.  If  their  warfare  was  to  be  successful, 
it  must  be  continuous  and  systematic.  Henry  recog- 
nised to  the  full  the  requirements  of  the  situation; 
but  he  was  hampered  by  lack  of  means,  and  such  al- 
lowances as  had  been  made  to  him  were  in  arrear. 
Without  money  he  could  make  no  head  against  the 
rebellion,  and  his  private  resources  were  quite  inade- 
quate to  supplement  the  deficiency  of  public  funds. 
Thus  he  was  compelled  to  remain  inactive  at  Shrews- 
bury, whence  on  3<Dth  May  he  wrote  again  to  the 
Council  representing  in  strong  terms  the  dangers  of 
his  position.* 

"  Very  dear  and  entirely  well-beloved,  we  greet  you 
well.  Forasmuch  as  our  soldiers  desire  to  know  of  us 
whether  they  will  be  paid  for  the  third  month  of  the 
present  quarter,  and  tell  us  that  they  will  not  wait  here 
without  they  be  paid  shortly  their  wages  according  to 
their  agreement,  we  pray  you  very  effectually  that  you 
will  ordain  our  payment  for  the  said  month,  or  otherwise 
furnish  us  and  make  ordinance  in  time  for  the  safe- 
keeping of  these  Marches.  For  the  rebels  hear  each 
day  whether  we  shall  be  paid,  and  they  know  well  that 
without  payment  we  cannot  abide.  They  are  labouring 
to  raise  all  the  power  of  North  Wales  and  of  South 
Wales  to  raid  and  destroy  the  March  and  the  adjoining 
counties.  There  will  be  no  resisting  them  here,  if  only 
they  can  accomplish  their  malice.  And  when  our  men 
be  withdrawn  from  us,  we  must  ourselves  withdraw  into 
England,  or  else  be  put  to  shame  for  ever  ;  since  any 

*  I'rocff  dings  Privy  Council,  ii.,  62-63. 


1408]     The  Perezes  and  Owen  Glendower       39 

man  hath  wit  enough  to  know  that  without  power  of 
men  we  could  do  no  more  than  could  another  man  of 
less  estate.  And  at  present  we  have  great  charges,  and 
have  made  all  the  provision  for  them  that  we  can  from 
our  small  jewels.  For  our  castles  of  Harlech  and 
Llampadarn  have  been  besieged  this  long  time,  and  we 
must  relieve  and  revictual  them  within  ten  days;  besides 
which  we  have  to  guard  this  March  about  us  with  a  third 
of  our  power  against  the  rebels.  Nevertheless  if  the  war 
could  but  be  continued,  the  rebels  were  never  so  like  to 
be  destroyed  as  they  are  at  this  present.  And  now  that 
we  have  shown  you  fully  the  state  of  these  parts,  may 
you  ordain  in  such  manner  as  seemeth  you  best  for  the 
safe-keeping  of  the  same,  and  of  this  part  of  the  King- 
dom, which  God  preserve,  and  grant  you  grace  to  ordain 
as  is  best  for  the  time.  Our  Lord  have  you  in  His  keep- 
ing. Given  under  our  signet  at  Shrewsbury  this  3oth 
day  of  May. 

"And  be  you  well-advised  that  we  have  shown  you 
fully  the  peril  that  may  befall  these  parts  hereafter,  if  no 
remedy  be  taken  in  time." 

The  Council  reported  the  difficulty  to  the  King, 
who  on  loth  July  wrote  from  Higham  Ferrers  direct- 
ing that  payment  of  ^"1000  should  be  made  to  his 
son  :  "  So  that  he  may  continue  the  work  he  has 
so  well  begun,  the  which  he  cannot  do  if  he  have 
not  the  wherewithal." 

Meantime  the  danger  had  been  growing  more 
acute.  After  the  English  success  in  North  Wales 
Owen  had  turned  south.  At  the  end  of  June, 
Brecon  was  in  jeopardy  and  a  victory  won  by  the 
men  of  Hereford  on  Sunday,  1st  July,  gave  only 


4O  Henry  V.  [1403- 

temporary  relief.  On  the  following  day  the  Welsh 
of  Carmarthenshire  rose  in  force.  Llandovery  was 
surprised  on  the  Tuesday  by  Owen,  who  that  same 
day  marched  on  to  Llandeilo-fawr,  intending  as  it 
was  supposed  to  attack  Brecon  and  raid  the  English 
March.  But  instead  he  turned  west  to  Dryslwyn, 
and  on  the  5th  July  appeared  before  Carmarthen. 
Next  day  the  town  was  taken  and  burnt,  and  this 
success  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of  the  castles 
of  Llanstephan  and  Emlyn.  Many  of  the  chief  men 
of  the  district  joined  the  rebellion,  and  Owen  felt 
certain  that  he  would  take  all  the  castles  and  towns 
in  Kidwelly,  Gower,  and  Glamorgan.'* 

For  the  moment  the  Welsh  swept  all  before  them 
and  the  English  officials  on  the  Marches  were 
in  consternation.  The  news  of  the  fall  of  Car- 
marthen reached  Hereford  on  the  following  Sunday. 
Richard  Kyngeston,  one  of  the  royal  chaplains,  who 
was  archdeacon  there,  wrote  that  same  night  to 
his  master  bidding  him  to  come  in  haste.  Kyngeston 
had  finished  his  letter  in  French,  when,  as  it  would 
seem,  fresh  news  arrived  and  he  added  an  English 
postcript  of  graphic  but  informal  brevity : 

"  For  God's  love,  my  liege  Lord,  think  on  yourself, 
and  your  estate,  or  by  my  troth  all  is  lost  else  ;  but  and 
ye  come  yourself  with  haste,  all  other  will  follow  after. 
On  Friday  last  Carmarthen  town  is  taken  and  burnt, 
and  the  castle  yolden  by  Ro.  Wygmor  and  the  castle  Em- 
lyn is  yolden,  and  slain  of  the  town  of  Carmarthen 
more  than  fifty  persons.  Written  in  right  great  haste  on 

*  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Ser.,  i.,  19-20. 


14081      The  Perezes  and  Owen  Glendower       41 

Sunday  ;  and  I  cry  you  mercy  and  put  me  in  your  high 
grace  that  I  write  so  shortly  ;  for  by  my  troth  that  I  owe 
to  you, it  is  needful."* 

Before  these  evil  tidings  could  reach  the  King  the 
imminence  of  the  danger  was  past.  Owen  had 
thought  to  conquer  Pembroke,  but  on  entering  that 
county  found  himself  withstood  by  Thomas  "  the 
worthy  baron  of  Carew."  Owen's  muster  was  "  eight 
thousand  and  twelve  score  spears  such  as  they  were." 
Still  he  dared  not  meet  a  strong  force  of  English  in 
the  open  field.  After  three  days  of  vain  negotiation 
he  sent  out  seven  hundred  men  to  seek  away  for  es- 
cape. But  the  Baron's  men  fell  upon  them  and  slew 
them  every  one  (Thursday,  I2th  July).f  The  Eng- 
lish thought  this  victory  had  alone  prevented  Owen 
from  an  invasion  of  the  Marches.  If  this  was 
Owen's  intention,  Henry  of  Monmouth's  successful 
raid  in  the  North  and  Carew's  happy  victory  in  the 
South  had  indeed  averted  a  serious  disaster.  At  the 
very  moment  of  Owen's  defeat  Hotspur  was  on  his 
way  to  join  him,  and  had  the  allies  united  their 
forces  before  Shrewsbury  the  King  and  Prince  could 
hardly  have  escaped  destruction. 

The  negotiations  that  led  to  the  alliance  of  the 
Percies  with  Owen  Glendower  remain  a  mystery. 
We  can  surmise  only  that  Mortimer  had  supplied 
the  connecting  link.  To  the  King  himself  the  de- 
fection of  Northumberland  and  his  son  and  brother 
came  as  a  surprise.  Henry  had  left  London  on  the 

*  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Ser.,  i.,  7. 
f  Id.,  2nd  Ser.,  i.,  16,  22. 


42  Henry  V.  ti403- 

4th  July,  professedly  to  assist  the  Percies  in  their 
warfare  with  the  Scots.  When  writing  to  the  Coun- 
cil from  Higham  Ferrers  on  loth  July  he  announced 
that  after  matters  in  the  North  were  settled  he 
should  proceed  to  Wales.  Within  less  than  a  week 
he  learnt  that  Northumberland  was  assembling  his 
forces,  and  that  Hotspur  and  the  Scottish  Earl  of 
Douglas  were  marching  to  join  Glendower. 

Henry  reported  the  news  to  the  Council  from 
Burton  on  i6th  July.  At  the  same  time  he  sent  or- 
ders to  the  sheriffs  of  the  Midland  counties  to  come 
to  him  with  all  available  men  as  soon  as  possible. 
He  marched  with  his  own  retinue  in  hot  haste 
through  Lichfield  to  join  his  son  at  Shrewsbury. 
Thus  the  straits  which  had  kept  the  Prince  inactive 
proved  a  happy  accident ;  for  the  troops  who  were 
at  Shrewsbury  under  command  of  the  young  Henry, 
must  have  formed  the  main  body  of  such  forces 
as  the  King  could  muster  in  this  supreme  crisis 
of  his  affairs. 

Hotspur  reached  Chester  on  Qth  July,  and  a  few 
days  later  was  joined  by  his  uncle  the  Earl  of 
Worcester.  Worcester  had  up  to  this  time  been 
steward  of  the  young  Prince's  household,  and  the  de- 
fection at  such  a  moment  of  a  man  whose  word  had 
always  been  accounted  as  good  as  his  bond,  caused 
universal  surprise.*  The  Percies  and  their  allies 
thought  to  crush  the  Prince  at  Shrewsbury  and  effect 
a  junction  with  Owen  before  the  King  could  come 
to  the  rescue.  It  was  therefore  with  no  little  dismay 
that  the  rebels,  when  they  appeared  before  Shrews- 

*  Annales  Henrici  Quarti,  p.  365. 


1408]      The  Percies  and  Owen  Glendower       43 

bury  on  the  morning  of  the  2ist  July,  beheld  the 
royal  banner  flying  above  the  walls.  Recognising 
that  a  serious  engagement  was  inevitable  Hotspur 
withdrew  his  forces  to  a  convenient  position  about 
three  miles  north  of  the  town.  There  he  proposed  to 
give  battle,  and  calling  for  his  favourite  sword  learnt 
that  it  had  been  left  at  the  village  of  Berwick,  where 
he  lodged  the  previous  night.  On  hearing  the  name 
Percy  grew  pale :  "  We  have  ploughed  our  last  fur- 
row," he  said,  "  for  a  wizard  in  mine  own  country 
foretold  that  I  should  die  at  Berwick." 

The  royal  army  marched  out  from  Shrewsbury 
in  three  divisions.  The  young  Earl  of  Stafford, 
husband  of  Anne  of  Gloucester,  led  the  van ;  the 
other  divisions  were  under  the  King  and  Prince. 
They  found  the  rebels  drawn  up  in  an  open  space  on 
a  hillside  called  Hayteley-field.  The  ground  in  front 
was  covered  by  a  thick  growth  of  peas,  and  a  series 
of  small  ponds  along  the  foot  of  the  hill  made 
the  approach  more  difficult. 

The  King,  whether  fearing  to  risk  his  fortunes  "  on 
the  nice  hazard  of  one  doubtful  hour,"  or  anxious 
merely  for  peace,  declared  his  readiness  to  treat.  In 
reply  to  his  invitation  the  Earl  of  Worcester  came  to 
the  royal  lines,  where,  "after  a  longtrete,"  some  sort 
of  terms  were  agreed  upon.  But  through  the  bad 
faith  of  one  side  or  the  other  the  arrangement  was  at 
once  broken.  According  to  the  narrative  followed  by 
Shakespeare,  Worcester  would  not  let  his  nephew 
know  "  the  liberal  kind  offer  of  the  King,"  lest,  whilst 
Hotspur's  trespass  might  be  forgotten,  he  himself 
"  as  the  spring  of  all  should  pay  for  all."  Perhaps, 


44  Henry  V.  tH03- 

however,  the  precipitation  of  the  battle  was  due  rather 
to  Henry's  military  adviser,  the  Scottish  Earl  of 
March,  who  pressed  him  to  crush  his  enemies  before 
they  could  gather  head. 

It  was  long  past  midday  when  the  King  gave  the 
order,  "  Advance  Banner."  But  the  Prince's  men 
on  the  left  had  already  begun  to  move,  and  being 
favoured  by  the  ground  came  first  into  action.  The 
battle  opened  with  a  skirmish  between  the  archers,  in 
which  the  rebels,  who  had  with  them  "  the  best  bow- 
men in  Cheshire,"  held  the  advantage.  The  young 
Henry  himself  was  wounded  in  the  face  by  an  arrow, 
but  refused  to  yield  to  the  wishes  of  his  tutors  and 
leave  the  field.  If  we  may  accept  the  speech  put  into 
his  mouth  by  the  chronicler*  he  declared  thathe  would 
rather  die  than  stain  his  soldierly  reputation  by  flight. 
The  lad's  spirit  inspired  his  followers,  who  charged 
up  the  hill  so  hotly  that  they  rolled  back  the  right 
wing  of  the  rebel  army,  and  enclosed  it  between  their 
own  and  the  King's  division.  Hotspur  fought  with 
desperate  courage  till  he  was  cut  down  by  an 
unknown  hand.  A  late  tradition  adopted  by  Shake- 
speare made  Henry  of  Monmouth  Percy's  conqueror ; 
but  the  statement  is  not  supported  by  contemporary 
writers.  It  is  indeed  unlikely  that  so  doughty  a  warrior 
should  have  met  his  death  at  the  hand  of  a  stripling 
of  scarcely  sixteen.  Till  Hotspur  fell  the  battle  was 
contested  stubbornly  ;  but  when  the  King  raised  the 
cry,  "  Harry  Percy  is  dead,"  the  rebels  began  to 
waver.  Some,  however,  held  their  ground,  till  the 
fall  of  night  put  an  end  to  this  "  sorry  bataill  of 

*  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  7. 


THE  BATTLE  OF  SHREWSBURY. 


14081      The  Perezes  and  Owen  Glendower        45 

Shrewsbury,  one  of  the  wyrste  that  ever  came  to 
England,  and  unkyndyst."  * 

Though  it  was  an  ill-omened  victory  the  King's 
success  was  complete.  The  Earl  of  Stafford  and 
several  knights  were  slain  on  the  royal  side,  but 
the  rebel  army  was  entirely  dispersed.  Among  the 
prisoners  were  the  Scottish  Earl  of  Douglas,  and 
the  traitor  Thomas  of  Worcester.  Worcester  and  the 
other  rebel  leaders  were  brought  to  trial  on  the  Mon- 
day after  the  battle  and  at  once  executed.  Hotspur's 
body,  which  had  been  at  first  buried  honourably, 
was  after  a  few  days  dug  up  and  exposed  at  Shrews- 
bury that  all  might  have  knowledge  of  his  death. 

The  state  of  affairs  in  the  North  was  so  threaten- 
ing that  only  four  days  after  the  battle  the  King  left 
Shrewsbury  to  meet  Northumberland  in  Yorkshire. 
The  young  Prince,  who  on  account  of  his  wound  was 
unable  to  travel,  was  left  behind  with  power  to  deal 
at  his  discretion  with  the  rebels  of  Cheshire  and  the 
adjoining  counties. 

How  weak  the  royal  power  was  at  this  moment  is 
shown  by  the  little  progress  that  was  made  against 
the  Welsh.  In  spite  of  Carew's  victory  the  peril  of 
the  Marches  was  still  great.  Throughout  the  early 
autumn,  Shropshire  and  Hereford  were  raided 
repeatedly,  and  such  small  forces  as  the  English 
officials  had  at  their  disposal  could  make  no  effective 
resistance. 

The  King,  after  receiving  the  submission  of 
Northumberland,  returned  at  the  end  of  August 
to  the  Welsh  March,  where  the  old  story,  "  lack  of 

*  Gregory's  Chronicle,  p.  103. 


46  Henry  V.  11403- 

means,"  kept  him  paralysed  at  Worcester  and  Here- 
ford till  nearly  a  month  later.  Then  followed  a  fort- 
night's hurried  progress  as  far  as  Carmarthen.  The 
Welsh  adopted  their  usual  tactics,  and  as  soon  as  the 
English  withdrew  resumed  their  raids  and  plundering. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  Prince  took  part  in  this 
expedition.  In  November  he  accompanied  his  father 
to  London,  where  the  loyal  citizens  greeted  them 
with  shouts  of :  "  Welcome  to  our  noble  King 
Henry ;  God  bless  the  Lord  Prince  his  son." 

Henry  of  Monmouth  was  probably  absent  frorri 
Wales  throughout  the  winter,  though  his  name  ap- 
pears with  that  of  his  cousin  of  York  in  commissions 
to  grant  pardons  to  the  Welsh  rebels.  The  country 
relapsed  into  its  usual  state  of  disorder.  Such  Eng- 
lish troops  as  remained  behind  were  too  weak  to 
defend  even  the  Marches ;  and  the  scanty  garrisons 
in  Carmarthen,  Harlech,  Aberystwith,  and  other  fort- 
resses were  hard  pressed  to  maintain  themselves. 
Meantime  the  Welsh,  reinforced  by  help  from  France, 
so  ravaged  Shropshire  that  even  in  the  eastern  coun- 
ties men  took  alarm  lest  Owen  and  "  and  all  his  peo- 
ple should  meet  together  at  Northampton."  *  Owen 
was  now  grown  so  bold  that  he  styled  himself,  "  by 
the  grace  of  God,  Prince  of  Wales,"  and  in  May,  1404, 
sent  envoys  to  treat  on  equal  terms  with  the  French 
King  at  Paris,  where  a  formal  alliance  was  concluded 
on  I4th  June. 

Throughout  the  early  summer  of  1404  the  Welsh 
raids  continued  unchecked.  Henry  of  Monmouth 
came  to  Shrewsbury  in  April,  but  the  English  seemed 

*  Traison  ct  A/ortiiu  A'uy  Richard,  p.  275,  note. 


1408]      The  Percies  and  Owen  Glendower       47 

powerless.  At  Hereford  the  outlook  was  so  serious 
that  on  loth  June  Kyngeston  addressed  another 
alarmist  letter  to  the  King.  Probably  as  a  conse- 
quence of  the  invasion  the  Prince  had  been  instructed 
already  to  move  his  headquarters  to  Worcester, 
whence  on  26th  June  he  wrote  to  his  father  as  follows : 

"  My  very  dread  and  sovereign  lord  and  father,  I 
recommend  me  to  your  high  lordship  as  lowly  and 
obediently  as  I  can,  desiring  always  your  gracious  bless- 
ing and  thanking  you  entirely  for  the  worshipful  letters, 
that  your  noble  highness  hath  written  to  me  from  your 
castle  of  Pontefract  the  2ist  day  of  this  present  month 
of  June.  I  have  learnt  of  the  'fair  prosperity  of  your 
high  and  royal  estate  with  the  greatest  joy  that  could 
befall  me  in  this  world.  I  rejoice  greatly  at  the  tidings 
that  it  hath  pleased  you  to  certify  to  me.  And  in  the 
first  place  I  rejoice  greatly  to  hear  of  the  speedy  coming 
to  you  of  my  dear  cousin  the  Earl  of  Northumberland 
and  of  William  Clifford.  And  in  the  second  place  at 
the  coming  of  messages  from  your  adversary  of  Scot- 
land under  your  safe-conduct.  May  God  of  His  mercy 
grant  you  to  accomplish  all  your  honourable  desires 
unto  His  pleasure,  to  your  honour  and  to  the  welfare 
of  your  kingdom,  as  I,  confiding  firmly  in  the  Almighty, 
believe  that  you  will  do. 

"  My  very  dread  and  sovereign  lord  and  father,  at 
your  high  command  in  your  other  gracious  letters  ex- 
pressed, I  have  removed  with  my  poor  household  to  the 
city  of  Worcester.  My  well-beloved  cousin,  the  Earl 
of  Warwick,  hath  at  my  bidding  come  hither  with  a 
fair  company  of  his  men  and  at  great  cost,  for  the 
which  he  hath  well  deserved  of  your  thanks  for  his 
good-will  unto  you  at  all  times.  And  as  for  the  news  of 
the  Welsh,  whether  it  be  true,  and  of  my  purpose  in 


48  Henry  V.  [1403- 

going,  concerning  which  you  desire  to  be  acquainted, 
may  it  please  your  highness  to  know  that,  before  my 
setting  out  and  since  by  the  way,  I  have  learnt  that  the 
Welsh  had  descended  on  the  county  of  Hereford,  burn- 
ing and  destroying  the  said  county.  But  God  be 
praised,  since  my  coming  to  the  county  I  hear  of  no 
damage  that  they  have  done.  Yet  am  I  certainly  in- 
formed that  they  are  assembled  in  all  the  power  they 
can  make  with  intent  to  burn  the  said  county.  For 
this  cause  have  I  sent  to  my  very  dear  cousins,  Richard 
of  York  and  the  Earl  Marshal,  and  others  of  the  most 
sufficient  men  of  the  counties  of  the  March,  to  join  me 
at  Worcester  on  Sunday  next  after  the  date  hereof  ; 
there  to  inform  me  fully  of  the  governance  of  their 
districts,  and  how  many  men  they  can  muster,  and  to 
show  me  their  advice  as  to  what  seemeth  them  best  for 
the  safe-keeping  of  the  parts  aforesaid.  By  their  ad- 
vice I  will  do  all  that  in  me  lies  to  withstand  the  rebels, 
and  preserve  the  English  land  to  the  best  of  my  small 
power,  according  as  God  shall  grant  me  grace  ;  and 
trusting  always  in  your  most  high  lordship  to  be  mind- 
ful of  my  poor  estate.  And  forasmuch  as  I  cannot  con- 
tinue here  without  further  ordinance  be  made  for  my 
abiding,  and  since  the  charges  on  me  are  unsupport- 
able,  I  pray  you  to  so  ordain  for  me  in  speed  that  I 
may  be  able  to  do  you  service  here  to  your  honour, 
and  the  saving  of  my  poor  estate. 

"  My  very  dread  and  sovereign  lord  and  father,  may 
the  Almighty  Lord  of  Heaven  and  Earth  send  you 
good  life  and  long-lasting  in  very  fair  prosperity  to 
your  pleasure. 

"  Written  at  Worcester  this  26th  day  of  June, 
"  Your  humble  and  obedient  son,  HENRY."  * 

*  1'rocecdings  of  Privy  Council,  i. ,  229-230. 


14081     The  Percies  and  Owen  Glendower        49 

The  last  portion  of  this  letter  reveals  the  reason 
of  the  Prince's  inaction :  the  failure  of  the  central 
government  to  furnish  him  with  the  sinews  of  war, 
and  the  inadequacy  of  his  own  resources.  On  the 
same  day  Henry  wrote  to  the  Council  reciting  his 
coming  to  Worcester  and  action  there,  and  con- 
cluding : 

"  We  would  have  you  know  that  we  should  have 
nothing  to  maintain  us  here  had  we  not  put  in  pledge 
our  poor  plate  and  jewels,  and  of  them  made  provision 
of  money.  Even  therewith  we  can  continue  but  a 
brief  space,  and  thereafter  if  you  make  no  ordinance 
for  us,  we  must  depart  with  shame  and  mischief,  and 
the  country  will  be  undone,  which  God  forbid.  But, 
since  we  have  declared  unto  you  the  perils  and  mis- 
chief, we  pray  you  for  the  love  of  God  make  your 
ordinance  in  time  for  the  salvation  of  the  King  and 
of  all  the  kingdom.  May  Our  Lord  keep  you  and  give 
you  grace  to  do  well."  * 

Four  days  later  the  Prince  wrote  again  to  the 
Council  telling  them  that  he  was  sending  his  squire, 
Raulyn  de  Brayllesford,  to  report  on  the  affairs  of 
the  Marches,  and  urging  them  to  grant  supplies  with- 
out delay. f  Edward  of  York  as  Lieutenant  of 
South  Wales  was  in  like  difficulty,  and  forced  to 
pledge  his  own  estates  to  find  pay  for  his  men. 
However,  the  Council  must  have  devised  some 
method  of  meeting  the  demands  on  them.  For 
when  the  King  held  his  great  Council  at  Lichfield 
towards  the  end  of  August,  the  gentlemen  of 

*  Proceedings  of  Privy  Council,  i.,  233.  \  Id.  i.,  231. 

4 


50  Henry  V.  [1403- 

Hereford  begged  that  the  Prince  might  be  thanked 
for  the  good  protection  of  the  county  since  the  Na- 
tivity of  St.  John.  The  Council  then  recommended 
that  the  Prince  should  have  three  thousand  marks 
within  three  years  for  the  safeguarding  of  his  castles 
in  North  Wales.  Also  he  was  to  have  five  hundred 
marks  for  the  maintenance  of  his  troops  on  the  March 
in  September.  At  this  time  his  whole  force  was  only 
129  men-at-arms  and  256  archers.  By  the  1st  Octo- 
ber he  was  to  have  mustered  500  men-at-arms  and 
2000  archers,  so  that  he  might  invade  Over  Went 
and  Nether  Went,  Glamorgan  and  Morgannoc,  and 
stay  six  weeks  for  the  just  punishment  of  the  rebels. 
The  real  weakness  of  the  royal  power  was  shown  by 
the  permission  granted  at  this  same  time  to  the  men 
of  Shropshire  to  make  a  truce  with  the  Welsh  till 
the  end  of  November.* 

This  winter  the  Prince  remained  in  the  Marches. 
Never  had  there  been  a  worse  prospect  for  the  Eng- 
lish rule.  In  South  Wales  the  rebels  were  perhaps 
held  in  check  but  that  was  all.  Carmarthen,  Kid- 
welly,  and  Llanstephan  had  to  be  provisioned  from 
Tenby,  and  Haverford  was  besieged  so  closely  that 
supplies  could  only  be  brought  by  sea  from  Bristol. 
Cardiff  had  long  been  hard  pressed,  and  in  December, 
1404,  could  hold  out  no  longer.  Caerleon,  Newport, 
Usk,  and  Caerphilly  had  fallen  already.  Further 
north  Harlech  and  Aberystwith,  after  resisting  the 
Welsh  for  nearly  two  years,  had  been  at  last  compelled 
to  surrender. 

At   the  end  of  January,  1405,  the   Prince  was  at 

*  Rolls  i>/  Parliament,  iii.,  549. 


1408]     The  Perezes  and  Owen  Glendower        5 1 

Hereford,  whence  he  wrote  for  reinforcements  seem- 
ingly with  little  success ;  even  the  five  hundred 
marks  promised  for  September,  1404,  were  not  paid 
till  the  following  midsummer.  Owen  was  at  this  mo- 
ment at  the  height  of  his  power ;  but  early  in  March 
Henry  was  able  to  report  a  success  which  marked  the 
turn  of  the  tide  : 

"  My  very  dread  and  sovereign  lord  and  father,  I  re- 
commend me  to  your  royal  majesty  as  humbly  as  I  can, 
desiring  humbly  your  gracious  blessing.  My  very  dread 
and  sovereign  lord  and  father,  I  desire  truly  that  God  of 
His  grace  may  show  you  His  miracles  in  all  things  ; 
praise  be  to  Him  in  all  His  works.  For  on  Wednesday 
the  nth  day  of  this  present  month  of  March  your  rebels 
of  the  parts  of  Glamorgan,  Morgannoc,  Usk,  Nether 
Went,  and  Over  Went  were  assembled  to  the  number  of 
eight  thousand  men  by  their  own  reckoning.  And  they 
set  out  that  Wednesday  in  the  morning  and  burnt  part 
of  your  town  of  Grosmont  within  your  lordship  of 
Monmouth.  And  I  sent  forthwith  my  very  dear  cousin, 
the  Lord  Talbot,  with  the  small  company  of  my  house- 
hold, who  was  joined  by  your  loyal  and  valiant  knights, 
William  Newport  and  John  Greindor  ;  still  they  were 
but  a  small  power  in  all.  Yet  it  is  known  that  victory  is 
not  in  the  multitude  of  the  people,  but  in  the  power  of 
God  ;  and  well  was  this  shown.  There,  by  the  aid  of 
the  Blessed  Trinity,  your  men  held  the  field,  and  con- 
quered all  the  said  rebels  ;  and  they  slew  of  them,  by 
fair  reckoning  on  the  field  at  their  return  from  the  pur- 
suit, some  said  eight  hundred  and  others  a  thousand  on 
pain  of  their  life.  Howsoever,  whether  it  be  one  or  the 
other,  on  such  reckoning  I  wish  not  to  dispute  ;  and  to 
inform  you  fully  of  all  that  hath  been  done  I  send  you  a 


52  Henry  V.  [1403- 

man  of  credence  in  this  matter,  my  loyal  servant  the 
bearer  of  these  presents,  who  was  at  the  feat  and  did  his 
duty  very  properly  as  he  doth  at  all  times.  Such  amends 
hath  God  ordained  for  the  burning  of  four  houses  in 
your  said  town.  And  of  prisoners  there  were  none, 
save  one,  who  was  late  a  great  chieftain  among  them, 
whom  I  should  have  sent  to  you,  but  that  he  cannot  yet 
ride  at  his  ease.  Now  touching  the  governance  that  I 
propose  to  make  hereafter,  may  it  please  your  highness 
to  put  firm  trust  in  the  bearer  in  all  that  he  shall  show  to 
your  highness  on  my  behalf. 

"  And  I  pray  God  keep  you  always  in  joy  and  honour, 
and  grant  me  to  comfort  you  speedily  with  other  good 
news.  " 

"  Written  at  Hereford  the  said  Wednesday  at  night. 
Your  very  humble  and  obedient  son  HENRY."' 

This  notable  success  encouraged  the  English  to 
renewed  exertions.  On  25th  March  the  Prince  re- 
ceived a  fresh  commission  as  Lieutenant  of  North 
Wales,  and  preparations  were  made  for  an  invasion 
in  force  during  the  early  summer.  The  King  left 
Windsor  for  this  purpose  at  the  end  of  April,  but 
before  he  could  get  farther  than  Worcester  his  son 
sent  him  news  of  a  fresh  victory.  On  5th  May  the 
Prince's  men  met  a  strong  company  of  the  Welsh 
near  Usk,  and  after  a  sharp  fight  slew  fifteen  hund- 
red of  them  and  took  prisoner  Owen's  son  Griffith. f 
Just  a  fortnight  later  the  Prince  won  a  third  victory, 


*  Proceeding s  Privy  Council,  i.,  248. 

\Annalcs  Henrici  Quarti,  p.  399;  Otterbourne,  p.  251,  gives  the 
date  as  isth  March.  Ramsay,  i.  85.,  thinks  Griffith  was  taken 
prisoner  at  Grosmont. 


A  BATTLE  WITH  THE  WELSH. 


1408]      The  Percies  and  Owen  Glendower        53 

and  captured  Griffith  Yonge,  who  was  Owen's 
chancellor.*  These  repeated  defeats  were  a  serious 
blow  to  Owen's  fortunes,  and  had  the  English  been 
able  to  follow  them  up  promptly,  the  rebellion  might 
have  been  crushed.  But  the  intended  invasion  was 
delayed  by  the  renewal  of  trouble  in  the  North. 

The  old  Earl  of  Northumberland  had  been  busy 
for  months  past  intriguing  with  Glendower  and 
Edmund  Mortimer.  Now,  just  as  Henry  was  on  the 
point  of  invading  Wales,  there  came  the  news  that 
the  Earl  was  in  open  revolt,  and  had  been  joined  by 
Thomas,  Lord  Bardolph,  Thomas  Mowbray  the  Earl 
Marshal,  and  Richard  le  Scrope,  Archbishop  of  York. 
So  serious  a  crisis  required  the  presence  of  both 
King  and  Prince.  A  Council  which  was  summoned 
to  meet  at  Chester  on  2/th  May,  had  to  be  postponed, 
and  Henry  of  Monmouth  hurried  by  forced  marches 
to  meet  his  father  at  York.f  Before  he  could  arrive 
the  rebellion  had  already  collapsed  through  the 
surrender  of  Mowbray  and  Scrope  at  Shipton  Moor 
on  29th  May.  It  was  a  piece  of  good  fortune  that 
the  Prince  thus  escaped  any  prominent  share  in  the 
incidents  which  led  up  to  the  execution  of  the  Arch- 
bishop ;  and  as  a  consequence  was  free  also  from 
the  heavy  responsibility  that  rested  on  his  father. 
Scrope's  rebellion  marks  the  crisis  of  the  reign  of 
Henry  IV.,  but  otherwise  is  of  little  importance  for 
our  history. 


*"  Circa  festum  Sancti  Dunstani,"  i,  e.  igth  May  (Annales,  u.s.)  ; 
Mr.  Wylie,  ii.,  171,  says  in  error,  "  towards  the  end  of  October." 

f  The  Prince  was  at  Warrington  on  28th  May,  Preston  2gth  May, 
and  Skipton  3Oth  May.  The  King  had  left  Worcester  on  26th  May. 


54  Henry  V.  [1403- 

It  is  not  improbable  that  the  Prince  remained  for 
a  time  in  the  North.  If  so  we  may  perhaps  assign 
to  this  summer  an  alleged  invasion  of  Southern  Scot- 
land under  his  command.*  However,  by  the  end  of 
August  both  King  and  Prince  were  back  on  the 
Welsh  Marches.  The  greater  part  of  Monmouth- 
shire was  already  subdued,  and  an  expedition  in 
September  at  last  achieved  the  relief  of  Coyty  Castle, 
which  had  been  closely  besieged  for  more  than  a 
year. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  probably  spent  the  winter 
with  his  father  in  the  neighbourhood  of  London. 
The  King  may  have  already  felt  the  increase  of  his 
illness,  which  was  alleged  to  have  stricken  him  on 
the  day  of  Scrope's  execution,  and  been  anxious  for 
his  son's  aid  in  the  government.  Affairs  in  Wales 
also  seemed  to  need  less  attention.  Owen's  French 
allies  had  for  the  most  part  gone  home  without  ren- 
dering him  any  very  signal  assistance,  and  his  Welsh 
supporters  had  not  forgotten  the  lessons  of  the  pre- 
vious spring.  But  troubles  soon  began  to  brew  once 
more. 

Northumberland  and  Bardolph  had  taken  refuge  in 
Scotland,  whence  early  in  1406  they  escaped  to  join 
Owen  in  Wales.  It  was  probably  at  this  time,  if 
ever,  that  the  famous  Tripartite  Convention  for  the 
division  of  England  between  Glendower,  Percy,  and 
Mortimer  was  concluded  in  the  Dean's  house  at 
Bangor.  The  English  Government  was  not  blind  to 


*The  accounts  are  not  well  authenticated.  See  Hall,  p.  35; 
Polydore  Virgil,  p.  435  ;  Monstrelet,  p.  51  (where  the  date  is  Novem- 
ber, 1407,  which  is  very  unlikely),  and  Wylie,  ii.,  275. 


1408]     The  Percies  and  Owen  Glendower        55 

the  danger.  On  1st  January,  1406,  the  Prince  was 
preparing  to  go  to  Wales,  and  the  intended  Parlia- 
ment was  appointed  for  his  convenience  to  meet  at 
Gloucester.  Though  a  variety  of  circumstances  kept 
Henry  from  the  border  the  mere  rumour  of  his  inten- 
tion was  enough  to  upset  the  plotters  in  Wales. 

On  1st  March  the  Parliament  met,  but  at  West- 
minster instead  of  at  Gloucester  as  originally 
proposed.  The  troubles  of  recent  years  had  stirred 
a  ferment  of  discontent  ;  the  session  was  the  longest 
that  had  yet  been  held,  and  with  two  adjournments 
lasted  till  Christmas.  *  The  Commons  were  ready 
with  advice  as  usual ;  the  Prince  should  be  thanked 
for  his  services,  but  should  reside  permanently  in  the 
Marches.  Nothing  came  of  this  or  like  proposals, 
except  that  the  Prince's  commission  was  from  time 
to  time  renewed.  The  King's  failing  health  and  the 
importance  of  the  constitutional  crisis  made  a  long 
absence  from  London  inexpedient.  It  does  not  ap- 
pear that  throughout  this  year  Henry  ever  went 
nearer  to  Wales  than  Tutbury. 

Meantime  the  English  were  at  last  making  head 
against  Owen.  On  23rd  April,  St.  George's  Day,  the 
Welsh  were  defeated  with  great  slaughter.  North- 
umberland and  Bardolph  found  their  efforts  vain,  and 
about  midsummer  fled  oversea  to  Brittany.  By  the 
end  of  the  year  the  royal  authority  was  fairly  re- 
stored in  South  Wales  and  on  the  Marches,  and  the 
English  commanders  were  able  to  turn  their  attention 
to  the  recovery  of  the  great  northern  fortresses  that 
were  still  in  Owen's  hands. 

*  See  further,  pp.  61-63  below. 


56  Henry  V.  [1403- 

In  the  spring  of  1407  elaborate  preparations  were 
made  for  the  siege  of  Aberystwith.  Six  hundred 
men-at-arms  and  eighteen  hundred  archers  were  to 
serve  under  the  Prince  from  2Qth  May.  Six  of  the 
King's  great  guns  were  shipped  from  Bristol  for  use 
in  the  siege,  and  a  plentiful  store  of  bows,  arrows,  and 
strings,  with  stone-shot,  sulphur,  and  saltpetre  for 
the  guns,  was  ready  on  the  border.  The  chief 
soldiers  who  had  been  trained  in  the  Welsh  war  were 
assembled  with  the  Prince  for  the  siege  ;  the  Duke 
of  York,  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  Sir  John  Greindor, 
the  hero  of  Grosmont,  Thomas,  the  "  worthy  baron  of 
Carew,"  and  Oldcastle,  still  free  from  the  taint  of 
heresy,  were  all  present ;  whilst  Thomas,  Lord 
Berkeley,  the  Admiral,  was  general  commander  and 
engineer  in  the  timber-works.  But  the  great  guns 
were  powerless  against  the  rock-built  castle,  and  the 
siege  soon  took  the  form  of  a  blockade.  On  I2th 
September  the  Welsh  under  Rhys  ap  Gruffydd  were 
so  reduced  that  they  offered  terms  to  the  English 
commanders.  Ten  days  later  the  King  writing  from 
Pontefract  reports  the  good  news  which  he  had  from 
his  son,  whom  he  had  left  in  Wales  for  the  chastise- 
ment of  the  rebels. 

"Those  in  the  castle  of  Llampadarn  have  submitted  to 
the  Prince,  and  have  sworn  on  the  Lord's  Body  admin- 
istered to  them  by  the  hands  of  our  cousin  Richard 
Courtenay,  Chancellor  of  Oxford,  in  the  presence  of  the 
Duke  of  York,  that,  if  we,  or  our  son,  or  our  lieutenant 
shall  not  be  removed  from  the  siege  by  Owen  Glendower 
between  the  24th  October  next  coming  and  the  Feast  of 
All  Saints,  they  will  restore  the  castle." 


1408]     The  Perezes  and  Owen  Glendower        57 

It  was  the  King's  intention  to  go  in  person  to  re- 
ceive the  surrender  of  Aberystwith.  But  before  the 
appointed  day  Owen  obtained  entry  to  the  castle  by 
a  stratagem,  and  disowned  the  agreement  for  its  sur- 
render. Apparently  neither  Henry  nor  his  son  made 
any  attempt  to  enforce  the  agreement.  They  both 
remained  at  Gloucester  for  the  Parliament  in 
November,  and  did  not  as  it  would  seem  even  enter 
Wales.  The  siege  of  Aberystwith  was,  however,  re- 
newed and  in  spite  of  "  an  unheard-of  pitch  of  cold,"  * 
lasted  right  through  the  hard  winter  of  1407-8,  when 
all  the  rivers  of  North  Europe  from  the  Garonne  to 
the  Vistula  were  ice-bound.  The  Prince  himself  was 
not  present  in  Wales  during  this  winter  or  spring. 
But  about  the  end  of  May,  1408,  he  came  from 
Kenilworth  to  Worcester,  and  during  the  latter  part 
of  June  was  at  Hereford,  busy  as  we  may  conjecture 
with  provision  for  the  siege  of  Aberystwith.  It  is 
possible  that  the  town  and  castle  were  finally  recov- 
ered before  23rd  September,  when  Henry  was  at 
Carmarthen.  For  on  that  date  he  granted  his  valet, 
William  Malbon,  the  office  of  "  Raglore  [Regulator] 
of  the  cymmwds  of  Glenerglyn  and  Hannynyok  in 
our  county  of  Cardigan."  f  This  appointment  may 
well  have  been  one  of  the  measures  adopted  for  the 
government  of  the  reconquered  territory.  In  all 
probability  Henry  left  Wales  for  the  last  time  soon 


*  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  9:  "  Frigoris  inaudito  fastigio."  Mr.  Wylie, 
however,  puts  the  end  of  the  siege  in  the  winter  of  1408-9. 

f  Fcedera,  viii. ,  547  ;  Glenerglyn  appears  in  Llanfihangel-Geneur- 
glyn  north  of  Aberystwith,  and  Hannynyok  is  perhaps  preserved  in 
Rhos  Haminiog  to  the  south. 


58  Henry  V.  [1403-1408] 

after.  In  December  he  had  special  permission  to 
remain  with  his  father.  The  King's  health  was  fail- 
ing fast,  and  now  that  he  could  be  spared  from  the 
Welsh  command  the  work  of  administration  absorbed 
the  Prince's  energies. 

The  later  fortunes  of  Owen  Glendower  may  be 
briefly  sketched.  In  February,  1409,  Harlech  Castle 
was  recovered  by  Gilbert  and  John  Talbot.  A  de- 
sultory warfare  still  went  on  ;  but  the  English  gained 
ground  steadily,  though  a  large  force  had  to  be  kept 
in  North  Wales  for  some  years  to  come.  Owen's 
wife,  his  daughter  (the  widow  of  Edmund  Mortimer), 
and  his  four  grandchildren  were  captured  at  Har- 
lech. Owen  himself  held  out,  refusing  to  yield,  and 
wandering  in  the  mountains,  where  later  English 
legends  declared  that  he  died  of  starvation.  More 
probably  he  made  his  peace  at  the  last,  for  on  5th 
July,  1415,  Gilbert  Talbot  had  orders  to  treat  with 
Owen  and  admit  him  to  the  King's  grace  and  par- 
don. Owen  had  not  surrendered  in  the  following 
February,  when  Talbot's  commission  was  renewed.* 
This  is  the  last  mention  of  Owen  in  history,  but  the 
Welsh  Bards  and  traditions  describe  him  as  passing 
a  quiet  old  age  in  the  homes  of  his  English  sons-in- 
law  at  Ewyas  and  Monington  in  Hereford. 

*  Feeder -a,  ix.,  283,  330. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE  PRINCE  AND  THE  COUNCIL 
1406-1413 

UP  to  this  point  the  young  Henry 'straining  had 
been  for  the  most  part  as  a  soldier  in  the  field 
of  battle.  He  was  now  to  enter  on  his  ap- 
prenticeship as  a  statesman  in  the  Council  Chamber. 
The  moment  was  not  inauspicious.  The  troubles 
that  attended  the  opening  years  of  the  new  dynasty 
had  either  worn  themselves  out,  or  been  brought  far 
towards  a  happy  solution.  To  Henry  of  Boling- 
broke,  the  crown  had  been  an  uneasy  burden  ;  but 
now,  when  under  the  stress  of  sickness  the  reins  of 
power  were  slipping  from  his  grasp,  events  began  at 
last  to  shape  themselves  for  the  happier  rule  of  his 
son. 

The  year  1408  marks  a  crisis  in  the  reign  of 
Henry  IV.  It  witnessed  the  conclusion  both  of  the 
Welsh  war  and  of  the  domestic  troubles  that  were 
the  legacy  of  1399.  The  old  Earl  of  Northumber- 
land had  thrown  his  last  hazard  in  February ;  and 
with  his  defeat  and  death  at  Bramham  Moor  there 
was  no  further  domestic  treason  of  such  moment  for 

59 


60  Henry  V.  [1406- 

a  full  generation.  Thanks  chiefly  to  a  frank  accept- 
ance of  his  position  as  a  constitutional  ruler,  the 
King  had  dealt  successfully  with  the  abundant  dis- 
cords of  his  early  years.  The  foreign  relations  of 
England  had  also  grown  easier.  Both  Scots  and 
French  had  troubles  enough  of  their  own  to  keep 
them  employed.  As  regards  the  former,  first  the 
successes  of  the  Percies,  and  secondly  the  happy  ac- 
cident which  had  made  the  young  King  James  a 
hostage  in  the  hands  of  the  English  Government, 
put  an  end  to  any  cause  for  serious  alarm.  The 
French,  it  was  true,  had  furnished  Owen  Glendower 
with  armed  assistance,  and  harassed  the  English  with 
raids  in  Guienne  and  with  piracy  in  the  Channel ; 
but  their  hostility  was  paralysed  by  the  feuds  of  Or- 
leans and  Burgundy.  The  assassination  of  Louis  of 
Orleans  towards  the  end  of  1407,  and  the  consequent 
aggrandisement  of  his  rival,  led  to  a  position  of  af- 
fairs that  favoured  the  development  of  an  active 
English  policy.  In  ecclesiastical  matters  the  pro- 
jected Council  of  Pisa  seemed  to  premise  the  early 
termination  of  the  Great  Schism.  ^/Thus  at  his  ac- 
cession to  a  share  in  the  general  administration 
Henry  of  Monmouth  found  himself  at  once  con- 
fronted with /the  chief  problems  of  his  career  as  ruler 
of  England^the  consolidation  of  his  dynasty  through 
the  healing  of  domestic  differences  ;Mhe  settlement 
of  the  war  with  France  ;  and  the  restoration  of  unity 
to  the  Church.  To  these  as  a  minor  question  we 
may  perhaps  add  the  Lollard  movement ;  and  here 
also  affairs  had  reached  a  critical  stage. 

Henry  IV.  owed  his  throne  to  the  combined  sup- 


HENRY  IV. 

FROM  HIS  TOMB. 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  61 

port  of  the  Percies  and  Arundels.  His  half-brothers, 
the  Beauforts,  had  also  rendered  him  loyal  service 
from  the  first.  After  the  defection  of  the  Percies 
the  King  was  compelled  to  rest  more  and  more  upon 
the  narrow  circle  of  his  own  kindred.  But,  in  spite 
of  a  passing  alienation  due  to  Scrope's  execution,  he 
never  parted  with  Archbishop  Arundel,  with  whose 
policy  as  representing  the  old  baronial  and  constitu- 
tional party  Henry  himself  was  most  in  sympathy. 
The  Beauforts  on  the  other  hand  were  the  leaders  of 
the  Court  party,  and  heirs  of  the  policy  of  John  of 
Gaunt.  The  young  Prince  had  perhaps  been  asso- 
ciated from  his  boyhood  with  his  uncle  Henry  Beau- 
fort, now  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  was  at  all  events 
much  under  his  influence.  The  domestic  politics  of 
the  years  from  1406  to  1413  centre  round  the  rivalry 
of  the  Arundel  and  Beaufort  interests.  It  is  in  this 
rivalry  that  we  must  seek  the  clue  to  the  conduct  of 
the  young  Henry.  Perhaps  as  a  further  complica- 
tion we  may  accept  the  existence  of  some  natural 
jealousy  between  the  reigning  sovereign  and  his 
heir. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  was  present  during  the  Par- 
liament at  Coventry  in  October,  1404 ;  but  that 
occasion  has  no  particular  importance  for  the  history 
of  his  political  career.  It  was  otherwise  with  the 
great  Parliament  of  two  years  later.  The  King  was 
already  too  ill  to  take  his  full  share  in  the  govern- 
ment ;  it  was  no  doubt  design  and  not  accident  that 
kept  the  Prince  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Westmin- 
ster throughout  the  year.  In  May  by  the  advice  of 
Parliament  the  King  appointed  a  permanent  Council 


62  Henry  V.  [1406- 

of  seventeen  members.  This  arrangement  was  in- 
tended partly  for  the  King's  relief,  but  it  formed 
also  an  essential  feature  in  the  scheme  of  constitu- 
tional reform.  At  the  head  of  the  Council  was 
Archbishop  Arundel ;  it  was  in  effect  the  King's 
ministry  directed  by  his  own  chosen  adviser.  The 
Prince  had  as  yet  no  regular  position  in  the  Council, 
and  was  not  actively  concerned  in  the  early  sessions 
of  the  Parliament.  When,  however,  the  Commons 
reassembled  in  October  the  young  Henry  is  specially 
named  as  joining  in  a  petition  against  the  Lollards, 
who  are  charged  with  threatening  spiritual  and  tem- 
poral lords  alike,  and  with  disseminating  false  pro- 
phecies that  Richard  II.,  the  "  mammet  of  Scotland," 
would  shortly  be  restored.  The  petition  was  ap- 
proved and  a  statute  ordered  to  be  founded  thereon. 
But  no  such  statute  was  ever  enrolled ;  and  the 
reasons  for  its  suppression  and  the  policy  of  its  pro- 
moters have  both  been  the  subject  of  much  discus- 
sion. Some  have  thought  that  this  measure  was  to 
replace  the  burning  statute  of  1401,  and  was  there- 
fore aimed  at  the  spiritual  policy  of  Arundel. 
Others,  accepting  its  genuine  character  as  an  act  of 
persecution,  have  ascribed  its  abandonment  to  the 
strength  of  Lollard  influence.*  The  terms  of  the  pe- 
tition appear  to  preclude  the  former  theory,  though 
probably  enough  the  incident  marks  some  conflict  of 
policy  between  the  Prince  and  Archbishop.  In  any 
case  it  would  seem  that  Henry's  friendship  for  the 
Lollard  knights  who  had  been  his  companions  in 

*Hallam,   Middle  Ages,  Hi.,  90;   Stubbs,  Const.  Hist.,  iii.,  372; 
Ramsay,  i. ,  too. 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  63 

arms,  involved  no  sympathy  .with  their  religious  or 
political  opinions. 

Another  Act  of  the  later  session  of  1406  may  also 
have  been  inspired  by  the  Prince.  On  /th  June  the 
crown  had  been  declared  heritable  by  the  King's 
sons  and  their  heirs  male  in  succession.  About  the 
same  time  ambassadors  were  appointed  to  treat  for  a 
marriage  between  Henry  of  Monmouth  and  one  of 
the  French  princesses.  It  was  perhaps  to  facilitate 
the  proposed  match  that  in  December  an  Act  was 
passed  amending  the  measure  of  six  months  pre- 
viously, which  would  have  excluded  from  the  throne 
any  daughters  of  the  Prince.  The  French  match 
seems  to  have  been  favoured  by  the  Prince  himself, 
for  the  ambassadors  were  all  men  who  now,  or  here- 
after enjoyed  his  special  confidence.* 

It  is  remarkable  to  find  a  French  chronicler 
crediting  the  ambassadors  with  a  suggestion  that 
Henry  IV.  would  abdicate  shortly  in  favour  of  his 
son.  If  there  is  any  truth  in  the  story  it  points  to 
the  early  growth  of  differences  between  the  Prince 
and  the  King.  But  for  the  present  at  all  events 
there  was  no  open  breach  ;  though  the  appointment 
of  Arundel  to  be  Chancellor  in  January,  1407, f  may 
have  been  due  to  the  desire  of  the  King  to  ensure 
a  policy  with  which  he  was  personally  in  sympathy. 

Arundel's  administration  lasted  three  years.  Dur- 
ing this  time  the  Prince  had  probably  more  con- 
cern in  the  general  government  than  before  ;  since, 


*  Henry  Beaufort,    Hugh  Mortimer,  his  chamberlain,   Thomas 
Lord  Camoys,  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham,  and  Henry  Chichele. 

f  He  replaced  Thomas  Langley,  an  adherent  of  the  Beaufort  party. 


64  Henry  V.  [1406- 

though  the  siege  of  Aberystwith  gave  him  employ- 
ment during  the  next  two  summers,  he  was  fre- 
quently absent  from  his  Welsh  command.  The 
direction  of  the  campaign  was  entrusted  chiefly  to  Ed- 
ward of  York,  who,  having  abandoned  the  treasonable 
practices  of  his  youth,  henceforth  attached  himself  to 
the  Prince's  interests.  York  rendered  good  service 
before  Aberystwith  ;  but  when  the  Welsh  failed  to 
keep  the  terms  for  its  surrender,  his  old  reputation 
gave  colour  to  suggestions  of  disloyalty.  His  charac- 
ter was  cleared  by  the  earnest  protestation  of  the 
Prince  of  Wales,  who,  when  the  Parliament  of  Glou- 
cester thanked  him  for  his  services,  took  the  oppor- 
tunity to  declare  that  had  it  not  been  for  York's 
advice  and  counsel,  he  and  others  of  his  company 
would  have  been  in  great  peril  and  desolation. 

The  Parliament  of  1407  was  held  at  Gloucester  to 
suit  the  Prince's  convenience.  During  most  of  the 
following  winter  and  spring  Henry  remained  at 
Kenilworth  or  Pershore,  whence  he  could  watch 
affairs  in  Wales.  In  the  autumn  of  1408,  after  the 
fall  of  Aberystwith,  he  came  to  London.  The 
King's  bodily  state  had  grown  so  serious  that  his 
son  Thomas  was  recalled  from  Ireland  ;  it  was  no 
doubt  for  a  like  reason  that  in  December  the  Prince 
of  Wales  had  special  permission  to  remain  by  his 
father's  side.  As  the  King's  health  declined,  so  the 
influence  of  the  Prince  and  his  supporters,  the 
Beauforts,  increased.  The  negotiations  for  the  French 
match  were  renewed  ;  and  an  embassy  chosen  as 
before  from  the  circle  of  the  Prince's  friends,*  en- 

*  Besides    Henry    Beaufort   and    Il^nry    Scrope   it   included   Sir 


1413]  The  Prince  and  tJie  Council  65 

deavoured  to  arrange  a  marriage  with  Catherine,  the 
youngest  daughter  of  Charles  VI.  For  Henry  him- 
self a  new  post  was  found  on  28th  February,  1409, 
as  Constable  of  Dover  and  Warden  of  the  Cinque 
Ports.  The  greater  part  of  the  year  he  spent  in 
London  or  its  neighbourhood.*  In  the  actual  admin- 
istration he  had  as  yet  no  official  part  ;  but  he  was 
gradually  strengthening  his  position  and  preparing 
the  way  for  a  change  of  government.  An  incident 
which  was  not  in  itself  of  the  first  importance 
brought  him  into  controversy  with  Arundel.  The 
Archbishop  had  in  January,  1409,  published  a  series 
of  constitutions,  which  were  intended  to  check  the 
growth  of  Lollard  heresy  in  the  universities.  At 
Oxford,  the  University,  always  jealous  of  outside 
interference,  yielded  reluctant  obedience;  and,  though 
the  teaching  of  Wycliffe  was  formally  condemned 
by  a  commission  of  doctors,  the  action  of  the  Arch- 
bishop was  much  resented.  The  leader  of  the 
opposition  was  Richard  Courtenay,  a  former  Chan- 
cellor of  the  University,  who  had  won  the  Prince's 
confidence  whilst  employed  with  him  in  Wales. 
Courtenay's  strength  no  doubt  consisted  in  the 
Prince's  favour,  and  the  incident  perhaps  contributed 
to  Arundel's  resignation  of  the  Chancellorship. 

The  King's  weakness,  the  constitutional  opposi- 
tion of  the  Beauforts,  and  the  virulent  hostility  of 
the  Lollards  all  helped  to  make  Arundel's  position 

Arnold  Savage,  who  had  been  on  the  Prince's  Council  in  1401,  and 
John  Catrik,  of  whom  we  shall  often  hear  again. 

*In  July  he  witnessed  a  miracle  play  at  Clerkenwell.     During 
the  autumn  he  was  at  Berkhampstead. 
5 


66  Henry  V.  11406- 

untenable.  But  the  King  did  not  part  from  him  with- 
out a  struggle.  Though  the  Archbishop  resigned 
on  2 1st  December,  1409,  Thomas  Beaufort  was  not 
appointed  in  his  place  till  3 1st  January,  1410.  Once 
made  the  change  was  complete.  In  theory  the 
Council  governed  as  it  had  done  for  three  years  be- 
fore. But  whilst  Arundel  had  been  in  a  special  sense 
the  King's  minister,  the  new  Council  derived  all  its 
direction  from  the  Prince,  whose  name  appeared  at 
its  head. 

The  Lollards  were  well  represented  in  the  Par- 
liament which  met  on  27th  January,  1410.  They 
must  have  been  conscious  that  their  influence  had 
contributed  to  Arundel's  downfall,  and  a  variety  of 
circumstances  tended  to  raise  their  hopes.  Old- 
castle,  their  leader,  who  had  strengthened  his  po- 
sition by  a  marriage  with  the  heiress  of  Cobham, 
was  high  in  the  confidence  of  the  Prince.  Thomas 
Beaufort,  the  new  Chancellor,  was  suspected  of 
favouring  the  anti-clerical  party,  as  his  father  had 
done  before  him.  The  Prince  himself  had  twice 
been  the  foil  to  the  religious  policy  of  the  Arch- 
bishop. Yet  any  hope,  which  the  Lollards  may  have 
entertained  that  Henry  of  Monmouth  would  favour 
them  openly,  was  speedily  dissipated. 

Early  in  the  session  the  Lollard  knights  in  Par- 
liament presented  a  petition  that  no  persons  arrested 
under  the  statute  of  heretics  should  be  kept  in 
prison  pending  their  trial.  They  urged  also,  that 
if  only  the  wealth  now  lavished  on  bishops,  abbots, 
and  priors  were  confiscated,  there  would  be  enough 
to  maintain 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  67 

"  Full  fifteen  earls  and  fifteen  hundred  knights, 
Six  thousand  and  two-hundred  good  esquires," 

let  alone  a  hundred  hospitals,  and  yet  leave  ;£  20,000 
by  the  year  for  the  King.  It  speaks  strongly  for 
the  confidence  of  the  anti-clerical  party  that  so  bold 
a  proposition  should  have  even  been  mooted.  How- 
ever, the  Lollards  were  met  promptly  by  a  counter- 
petition  of  the  Commons,  who  begged  that  no  action 
might  be  taken  on  the  first  petition  presented  in 
their  name.*  The  influence  of  Arundel  was  still 
powerful  in  matters  of  religion  ;  but  a  contemporary 
chroniclerf  asserts  distinctly  that  it  was  the  pro- 
hibition of  the  Prince,  as  well  as  of  the  King,  that 
put  an  end  to  the  motion. 

During  the  time  that  these  debates  were  proceed- 
ing a  Lollard  was  awaiting  his  trial  at  London.  This 
was  John  Badby,  a  poor  tailor  of  Pershore,  who  on 
1st  March  was  brought  before  Convocation  charged 
with  denying  the  real  presence  of  the  Lord's  Body 
in  the  sacrament.  On  the  5th  March  the  Archbishop 
pronounced  him  a  heretic,  and  delivered  him  with  a 
prayer  for  mercy  to  the  secular  power.  The  law 
took  its  course  swiftly,  and  that  same  afternoon 
Badby  was  burnt  at  Smithfield.  Amongst  those 
who  were  present  was  Henry  of  Monmouth.  When 
the  fire  was  already  lit,  the  Prince,  thinking  Badby 
had  made  a  sign  that  he  would  recant,  ordered  the 
faggots  to  be  removed.  Then  as  the  poor  wretch 
lay  on  the  ground,  Henry  came  to  him  and  promised 


*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  623. 
f  Otterbourne,  p.  268. 


68  Henry  V.  [1406- 

him  great  things,  a  free  pardon  and  livelihood  till 
his  death's  day,  if  he  would  but  recant.  But  Badby 
was  stiff  in  his  heresy  ;  so  the  fire  was  rekindled  and 
Prince  and  people  stood  by  to  see  him  perish.*  To 
our  modern  ideas  the  whole  incident  is  indescribably 
horrible.  Still  we  must  not  judge  Henry  by  an  im- 
possible standard,  nor  think  him  guilty  of  wanton 
cruelty.  To  Hoccleve  the  striking  thing  was  the 
^/great  tenderness  which  made  Henry  thirst  sore  for 
a  poor  heretic's  salvation.  To  us,  as  to  his  contem- 
poraries, the  Prince's  conduct  furnishes  absolute  evid- 
ence for  his  unquestioning  orthodoxy. 

The  more  particular  business  of  the  Parliament 
had  been  the  appointment  of  the  new  Council  and 
the  providing  of  supplies.  The  conduct  of  the  Com- 
mons shows  how  well  established  was  the  theory  of 
constitutional  government.  On  the  other  hand  we 
find  its  practice  accepted  frankly  by  the  King,  the 
Prince,  and  their  advisers.  The  Commons  began 
with  their  wonted  economy  and  reluctance,  declar- 
ing that  they  could  vote  no  grants  till  the  new 
Council  was  formally  named.  After  this  had  been 
conceded,  the  Prince,  as  head  of  the  King's  ministry, 
reported  that  he  and  his  colleagues  could  not  govern 
without  money.  Then  the  Commons  voted  sup- 
plies for  two  years  ;  but  with  true  constitutional 
prudence  they  refused  to  make  a  grant  for  life,  and 
so  obviate  the  need  for  frequent  Parliaments,  f 

Henry  of  Monmouth  entered  on  his  government 
with  a  youthful  zeal  that  interested  him  in  all  the 

*  Gregory1  $  Chronicle,  pp.  105-106. 

\  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  623,  632-635. 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  69 


details  of  administration.  ^-"H  is  time  was  spent  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  capital,  at  Byfleet  near  Wey- 
bridge,  at  Kennington,  or  at  Berkhampstead.  When 
in  London  he  resided  at  the  Coldharbour  in  East- 
cheap  (a  mansion  built  by  Sir  John  Pulteney,  who 
was  mayor  of  the  City  seventy  years  previously), 
where  at  one  time  the  Black  Prince  had  held  his 
Court.  Officially  Henry  was  Lieutenant  of  Wales, 
Warden  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  and  Captain  of 
Calais.  But  his  real  importance  was  as  a  member  of 
the  Council  ;  in  effect,  if  not  in  title,  he  was  its 
president.  His  name  appeared  first  on  the  list  of  its 
members  ;  his  special  position  was  marked  by  his 
exemption  from  the  oath  to  govern  well,  and  by  the 
precise  reference  of  petitions  in  Parliament  to  the 
consideration  of  "  My  lord  the  Prince  and  the  Coun- 
cil." The  Council  met  frequently,  and  at  all  its*--' 
meetings  the  Prince  was  present.  So  active  was  he  v  — 
that  Hoccleve,  who  to  the  pursuit  of  literature  added 
a  post  in  the  Council-office,  took  occasion  to  warn 
his  master  not  to  hold  meetings  on  holy  days  : 

"  In  the  long  yere  ben  werk  dayes  ynowe, 
If  they  be  wele  spent,  for  to  entende 
To  counceiles." 

The  variety  of  business  transacted  shows  how 
keen  and  searching  was  the  Prince's  zeal.  A  declar- 
ation made  by  Bishop  Beaufort  in  Parliament  gives 
the  key  to  Henry's  domestic  policy  now  and  here- 
after: "  It  is  the  sovereign  safeguard  of  every  king- 
dom and  city  to  have  the  entire  and  cordial  love  of 
the  people,  and  to  keep  them  in  their  laws  and  "• 


70  Henry  V.  [1406- 

rights."  *  The  Scottish  Marches  where  the  Lord 
John  was  in  command,  and  Wales  where  the  rebel- 
lion was  dying  out  slowly,  still  drained  the  resources 
of  the  Government.!  But  matters  were  settling 
down,  and  there  was  no  longer  such  pressure  of  need 
or  anxiety  as  there  had  been  a  few  years  previously. 
The  country  at  large  was  peaceable  enough.  The 
chief  trouble  of  the  Government  was  probably  due 
to  Archbishop  Arundel,  whose  religious  activity  did 
a  good  deal  to  foster  political  Lollardy.  Now  that 
he  was  free  from  secular  affairs,  Arundel  turned  his 
attention  once  more  to  Oxford,  where  he  hoped  to 
enforce  his  spiritual  authority  by  a  personal  visita- 
tion. Richard  Courtenay,  the  Prince's  friend,  was 
again  Chancellor,  and  under  him  the  University 
resisted  the  Archbishop's  pretensions  so  stoutly  that 
the  dispute  was  referred  to  the  King  and  Council. 
Arundel's  influence  prevailed  so  far  that  the  royal 
decision  on  i/th  September,  141 1,  went  in  his  favour, 
and  the  Oxford  movement  for  reform  was  finally 
crushed.  But  as  on  a  previous  occasion,  the  affairs 
of  the  University  brought  the  Prince  and  Archbishop 
into  personal  conflict,  and  perhaps  for  the  second 
time  contributed  to  a  change  in  the  Government. 

In  foreign  politics  the  Prince's  administration  had 
to  deal  with  the  attempt  to  put  an  end  to  the  Great 
Schism  through  the  Council  of  Pisa,  and  perhaps 
instituted  a  new  departure  in  the  relations  of  Eng- 
land with  Germany.  But  of  these  matters  we  shall 
hear  more  hereafter  \ ;  and  we  need  not  now  enter 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  622. 

f  /</.,  iii.,  624.  \  See  below,  pp.  164-166. 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  71 

further  upon  them.  The  state  of  affairs  in  France 
was  of  more  pressing  importance,  both  for  general 
politics  and  for  its  influence  on  Henry's  career. 

The  murder  of  Louis  of  Orleans  in  1407  for  the 
time  made  John  of  Burgundy  supreme  in  France. 
The  King  was  a  mere  puppet  in  his  hands,  and  John 
was  thus  able  to  force  his  rivals  to  a  formal  recon- 
ciliation (9th  March,  1409).  But  within  six  months 
the  young  Charles  of  Orleans  married  a  daughter  of 
the  Count  of  Armagnac,  whose  name  the  reconsti- 
tuted party  henceforth  adopted.  This  marriage  was 
followed  by  an  alliance  of  Orleans  and  Armagnac 
with  the  Dukes  of  Bern",  Bourbon,  and  Brittany. 
At  last,  in  July,  1411,  Orleans  demanded  the  banish- 
ment of  Burgundy  for  his  share  in  the  murder  of 
Duke  Louis.  Formal  defiances  were  exchanged  and 
a  regular  civil  war  at  once  ensued.  The  Armagnacs 
were  the  party  of  the  nobles,  of  the  west  and  south; 
Burgundy  depended  on  the  burghers,  or  in  other 
words  on  Paris  and  the  rich  cities  of  his  own  domin- 
ions in  Burgundy,  Flanders,  and  Picardy.  Both 
parties  addressed  themselves  to  the  English  Govern- 
ment. The  Armagnacs,  it  was  asserted,  begged  only 
that  no  help  might  be  rendered  to  their  rival.*  But 
whilst  the  House  of  Orleans  had  been  consistently 
hostile  to  England,  Burgundy  could  appeal  to  the 
traditional  ties  that  bound  the  English  to  his  Flem- 
ish subjects.  Personally  Henry  IV.  was  inclined  to 
peace ;  and  if  the  decision  had  rested  with  him  he 
would  probably  have  endeavoured  to  steer  a  middle 
course  between  the  two  French  parties.  It  seems, 

*  Chron.  St.  Deuys,  iv.,  475. 


72  Henry  V. 


however,  clear  that  the  Prince  of  Wales  took  the 
matter  into  his  own  hands  ;  he  despatched  an  em- 
bassy to  negotiate  a  marriage  with  Burgundy's 
daughter,  and  a  force  of  twelve  hundred  English- 
men to  assist  his  intended  father-in-law  against  the 
Armagnacs.*  All  this  was  arranged  early  in  Septem- 
ber, and  the  expedition,  which  was  under  the  com- 
mand of  the  Earl  of  Arundel,  Sir  John  Oldcastle, 
and  Robert  and  Gilbert  Umfraville,  sailed  about  the 
end  of  the  month.  The  English  marched  from 
Pontoise  in  the  company  of  Burgundy  on  23rd  Octo- 
ber. The  allies  entered  Paris  a  few  days  later,  and 
on  i6th  November  inflicted  a  smart  defeat  on  the 
Armagnacs  at  the  bridge  of  St.  Cloud.  f  Orleans 
and  his  supporters  were  thus  compelled  to  fall  back 
from  before  Paris,  and  in  December  the  English 
auxiliaries  were  honourably  dismissed.  The  whole 
affair  was  but  a  small  one  ;  still  it  must  have  given 
Henry  of  Monmouth  a  valuable  insight  into  the 
methods  and  possibilities  of  English  intervention. 

However,  for  the  moment  this  incident  was  of 
more  importance  for  its  bearing  on  home  politics. 
We  have  seen  how,  in  September,  1411,  the  Prince 
had  come  into  sharp  conflict  with  his  father  on  quest- 
ions both  of  domestic  and  foreign  policy.  It  would 


*  Fa'dera,  viii.,  698-699.  The  ambassadors  were  the  Earl  of  Arun- 
del, Francis  de  Courte,  Lord  of  Pembroke,  Hugh  Mortimer,  and 
John  Catrik.  Both  the  diplomatic  and  military  chiefs  for  the  most 
part  belonged  to  the  Prince's  party.  Even  Arundel  enjoyed  the 
Prince's  confidence,  but  his  appointment  may  have  been  intended  to 
conciliate  the  opposition. 

t  For  his  share  in  the  victory  Gilbert  Umfraville  seems  to  have 
been  made  Earl  of  Kyme  by  the  French  King. 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  73 

appear  that  the  dispute  was  not  altogether  accidental, 
but  was  the  outcome  of  a  deliberate  design  on 
the  part  of  the  Prince  and  his  supporters  to  secure 
for  themselves  the  complete  control  of  affairs.  Fur- 
ther it  is  tolerably  certain  that  it  was  intended  (as 
alleged  by  more  than  one  chronicler)  to  procure  the 
King's  abdication  in  favour  of  his  son.  The  Prince's 
chief  adviser,  his  uncle  Henry  Beaufort,  was  many 
years  later  charged  in  Parliament  with  having  "stirred 
the  Prince  to  have  taken  the  governance  of  this 
reaume,  and  the  crown  upon  him,  his  father  the  same 
time  being  King."  *  Beaufort  was  content  to  meet 
the  charge  by  a  general  declaration  of  his  loyalty 
without  any  specific  denial.  The  existence  of  such 
a  scheme  was  no  doubt  notorious  ;  it  is  probable  that 
it  was  openly  discussed  when  Parliament  met  on  3rd 
November,  1411.  The  King's  ill-health  was  the  ex- 
cuse alleged  for  the  proposal ;  but  Henry  IV.  showed 
himself  to  be  still  capable  of  vigorous  action  by 
promptly  removing  the  Prince  and  his  supporters 
from  the  Council.  The  Roll  of  the  Parliament  does 
not  give  the  full  truth,  but  relates  merely  how  on 
the  last  day  of  November  the  Commons,  by  their 
Speaker,  begged  the  King  to  thank  the  Prince  and 
other  Lords  of  the  Council  for  their  great  labours  and 
diligence.  The  Prince,  on  behalf  of  the  Council,  de- 
clared that  they  had  laboured  according  to  their  oath 
to  the  best  of  their  sense  and  understanding.  The 
King  in  reply  thanked  them  very  graciously,  and  said 
further  that  he  knew  well  they  would  have  done 
even  better  had  they  been  better  furnished  with 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  298. 


74  Henry  V.  [1406- 

supplies ;  he  was  well  content  with  their  good  and 
loyal  diligence  during  the  time  they  had  been  of  his 
Council.* 

Whatever  the  face  that  the  politeness  of  official 
records  might  present,  the  Prince's  ministry  was  un- 
doubtedly dismissed.  Hardyng  in  his  chronicle 
states  sufficiently  what  happened  : 

"  The  King  discharged  the  Prince  fro  his  counsaille, 

And  set  my  lord  Syr  Thomas  in  his  stede, 
Chief  of  counsayle  for  the  King's  more  avayle  ; 
For  which  the  Prince  of  wrath  and  wilful  hede 
Agayne  him  made  debate  and  f reward  hede, 
With  whom  the  King  took  parte  and  helde  the  felde, 
To  time  the  Prince  unto  the  King  him  yelde."  f 

The  change  was  a  triumph  for  Archbishop  Arun- 
del,  supported  by  the  King's  second  son,  Thomas, 
over  the  Beauforts,  supported  by  the  Prince.  The 
Lord  Thomas  was  little  more  than  a  figurehead, 
whose  motives  were  personal  rather  than  political. 
He  had  lately  married  Margaret,  Countess  of  Som- 
erset, the  widow  of  John  Beaufort,  who  had  died  in 
April,  1410.  The  Bishop  of  Winchester,  as  his 
brother's  executor,  refused  to  give  Thomas  a  share 
of  the  property  to  which  the  latter  thought  himself 
entitled ;  the  Prince  of  Wales  supported  his  uncle, 
and  Thomas  in  retaliation  made  alliance  with 
Arundel. 

On  $th  January,  1412,  Thomas  Beaufort  was  suc- 
ceeded as  Chancellor  by  the  Archbishop.  A  little 
later  Lord  le  Scrope  was  replaced  as  Treasurer  by 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  649.  f  Hardyng,  p.  369. 


14131  The  Prince  and  the  Council  75 

Sir  John  Pelham,  and  Henry  Beaufort  withdrew 
from  the  Council.  The  change  of  ministry  was  fol- 
lowed by  a  complete  reversal  of  foreign  policy.  The 
Armagnacs  sent  an  embassy  offering  to  cede  Aqui- 
taine  as  the  price  of  an  alliance.*  Such  a  bribe  was 
scarcely  needed  to  convert  the  new  advisers  of  the 
English  King,  and  on  iSth  May  a  treaty  was  con- 
cluded on  these  terms. 

The  Prince  of  Wales  did  not  submit  to  his  loss  of 
influence  without  a  struggle.  When  his  rivals,  not 
content  with  securing  his  dismissal  from  office, 
endeavoured  to  sow  discord  between  him  and  his 
father,  the  young  Henry  sent  messengers  through- 
out England  to  refute  their  slanders,  and  so  won  the 
support  of  many  of  the  chief  lords  of  the  realm. 
Now  that  a  reversal  of  his  French  policy  was  pro- 
posed, he  came  to  London  on  3Oth  June  with  such  a 
number  of  nobles  and  gentlemen  "as  had  never 
been  seen  in  our  time."  The  debates  between  the 
two  parties  lasted  several  days,  but  the  Prince  was 
unable  to  carry  his  point.f  The  Lord  Thomas  was 
created  Duke  of  Clarence  on  Qth  July,  and  two  days 
later  was  named  Lieutenant  for  the  King  in  Aqui- 
taine.  Early  in  August  Clarence,  who  was  accom- 
panied by  the  Duke  of  York  and  Thomas  Beaufort 
(now  Earl  of  Dorset),  crossed  to  Normandy,  where 
his  troops  speedily  overran  the  Cotentin.  But  the 

*The  "Brut,"  or  English  Chronicle,  makes  a  marked  distinction 
between  the  embassy  which  came  in  1411  "  fro  the  due  of  Bourgne 
vnto  the  prince  of  Englond,"  and  that  of  1412,  when  "the  due  of 
Orleaunce  sent  embassatours  into  Englond  vnto  King  Henry  the  iiij." 
— Harley  MS.,  2248,  ff.  278-279.  See  also  Chron.  Giles,  p.  6l. 

t  Otterbourne,  p.  271  ;    Chron.  London,  p. 94. 


76  Henry  V.  [1406- 

Armagnacs,  with  shifty  policy,  were  already  endeav- 
ouring to  make  terms  with  their  adversaries. 
Eventually  it  was  arranged  that  Orleans,  who  had 
called  the  English  in,  should  buy  them  out;  in 
November  Clarence  and  his  troops  withdrew  under 
agreement  to  Aquitaine. 

Such  a  fiasco  was  in  a  sense  a  triumph  for  the 
Prince  of  Wales.  Henry  had  also  defeated  the 
machinations  of  his  enemies  in  England,  who  had 
charged  him  with  diverting  to  his  own  use  the  money 
intended  for  his  soldiers  at  Calais.  The  refutation  of 
this  slander  had  been  one  purpose  of  his  coming  to 
London  at  the  end  of  June.  His  opponents  were 
then  so  far  successful  that  he  was  at  first  denied  an 
audience  ;  but  at  last  the  King  received  him  and  pro- 
mised that  the  charge  should  be  investigated  in 
Parliament.  The  Prince,  however,  would  not  let 
the  matter  rest  thus,  and,  after  proving  that  he  was 
still  owed  nearly  ^1000  for  his  expenses  in  Wales 
and  at  Calais,  obtained  a  formal  declaration  of  his 
innocence.  Still  his  enemies  persisted  in  their  at- 
tempts to  sow  discord  between  the  members  of  the 
royal  family.  Whether  to  meet  their  intrigues, 
or  in  the  hope  of  reaping  some  advantage  from  the 
probable  failure  of  Clarence's  expedition,  on  23rd 
September  the  Prince  came  again  to  London  "  to 
the  counseyll  with  an  huge  peple."  Whilst  he  was 
at  Westminster  a  man  was  discovered  one  night 
hiding  behind  the  tapet,  or  hangings,  of  his  chamber. 
On  being  arrested  the  fellow  declared  that  he  had 
been  sent  by  the  Bishop  of  Winchester  to  murder 
the  Prince.  The  Earl  of  Arundel,  who  was  friendly 


14131  The  Prince  and  the  Council  77 

both  with  the  Prince  and  with  his  uncle  the  Arch- 
bishop, prevented  any  further  damaging  disclosures 
by  having  the  man  tied  up  in  a  sack  and  drowned  in 
the  Thames.*  So  the  truth  of  the  plot,  whether 
it  was  a  device  of  the  Beaufort  party  to  throw  sus- 
picion on  the  Archbishop,  or  of  the  opposite  faction 
to  alienate  the  Prince  and  Henry  Beaufort,  never 
came  out.  Many  years  afterwards  the  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester indignantly  denied  the  charge,  which,  as 
against  him,  was  indeed  absurd.  We  can  only  now 
accept  the  story  as  evidence  of  an  unwholesome 
atmosphere  of  intrigue.  If,  however,  the  Prince's 
opponents  built  any  hopes  for  their  own  advantage 
on  the  sowing  of  dissension  in  the  royal  family  they 
seem  to  have  been  disappointed.  It  is  stated  ex- 
pressly that  Henry  of  Monmouth  in  spite  of  all 
intrigues  preserved  to  the  end  his  father's  grace  and 
favour.f 

The  exertion  and  excitement  of  the  political  crisis 
told  severely  on  the  King's  health.  In  the  summer 
he  had  indeed  talked  of  commanding  the  French 
expedition  in  person,  though  he  could  not  walk  and 
could  scarcely  ride.  As  his  bodily  powers  failed  his 
thoughts  turned  again  to  the  ambitions  of  his 
youth,  and  even  in  November,  1412,  King  Henry 
was  dreaming  that  he  would  go  "  as  far  as  to  the  Sep- 
ulchre of  Christ  ...  to  chase  these  pagans  on 
those  holy  fields."  But  in  December  the  attacks  of 
his  illness  grew  so  severe  that  at  times  it  seemed 
as  though  he  were  actually  dead.  However,  he 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  298. 
f  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  n. 


78  Henry  V.  [1406- 

rccovered  sufficiently  to  keep  Christmas  at  Eltham 
with  some  show  of  jollity.  Now  that  the  days  of 
his  life  were  clearly  numbered  he  must  have  looked 
back  on  his  stormy  career  with  mingled  feelings. 
If  we  may  credit  a  late  legend  he  even  doubted  his 
rightful  title  to  the  crown,  but  could  set  no  remedy 
since  "  my  children  will  not  suffer  the  regalia  to 
go  out  of  our  lineage."  The  same  idea  comes  out 
in  the  well-known  story  of  how  as  the  King  lay  in  a 
trance  and  seemingly  dead,  the  Prince  carried  away 
the  crown  from  his  father's  bedside.  When  the 
King  came  to  himself,  and  questioned  his  son  as 
to  what  had  happened,  the  Prince  avowed  that  he 
had  taken  the  crown  believing  that  it  had  become 
his  by  right.  Then  said  the  King  with  a  sigh : 
"  Fair  son,  how  should  you  have  right  thereto  ? 
Since  as  you  know  well  I  never  had  any."  "  My 
lord,"  was  the  Prince's  answer,  "  as  you  have  kept 
and  guarded  it  by  the  sword,  so  do  I  intend  to 
guard  and  defend  it  all  my  life."  The  King  an- 
swered :  "  Do  as  it  shall  seem  good  to  you  ;  for  my- 
self I  commit  me  to  God,  and  pray  that  He  will  take 
me  to  His  mercy."* 

It  is  just  possible  that  this  legend  may  have  some 
basis  of  truth,  for  the  King's  last  illness  was  marked 
by  frequent  fainting  fits.  On  2Oth  March,  1413,  he 
was  praying  at  St.  Edward's  shrine  in  Westminster 
Abbey  when  one  of  these  attacks  seized  him.  He 
was  removed  to  the  Abbot's  house  hard  by,  but 
never  rallied,  and  died  that  same  evening  in  a  room 
called  the  Jerusalem  Chamber.  Thus  was  a  pro- 

*  Monstrelet,  p.  265  ;  the  story  first  appears  in  this  writer. 


1413]  The  Prince  and  the  Council  79 

phecy  fulfilled  that  foretold  how  Henry  of  Boling- 
brpke  should  die  at  Jerusalem. 

Henry  IV.  had  ruled  as  King  not  without  suc- 
cess, and  laid  the  foundations  of  his  new  dynasty 
strongly.  But  he  had  sowed  for  others  to  reap,  and  he 
cannot  have  looked  back  on  his  troubled  life  with 
unmixed  satisfaction.  From  his  early  manhood  he 
had  lived  in  an  atmosphere  of  plot  and  counterplot. 
When  at  last  he  had  seemed  to  be  on  the  point  of 
triumphing  over  all  his  difficulties,  he  had  been 
stricken  with  an  illness  that  left  him  no  power  to  con- 
trol the  forces  around  him.  Still  his  own  peculiar 
work  was  done  ;  he  had  played  too  great  a  part  in 
the  manifold  troubles  of  the  past  thirty  years  to  as- 
sume the  role  of  the  healer  of  discord,  and  leader  of 
a  united  England.  This  was  the  inheritance  with 
which  he  endowed  his  son,  who  now  entered  upon 
it  without  any  of  the  embarrassments  that  had 
hampered  his  father's  career  as  King. 

"  Heaven  knows,  my  son, 
By  what  by-paths,  and  indirect  crook'd  ways, 
I  met  this  crown  ;  and  I  myself  know  well 
How  troublesome  it  sat  upon  my  head  : 
To  thee  it  shall  descend  with  better  quiet, 
Better  opinion,  better  confirmation  ; 
For  all  the  soil  of  the  achievement  goes 
With  me  into  the  earth." 


CHAPTER  VI 

HENRY   OF   MONMOUTH   AND   POPULAR    TRADITION 

WHEN  studying  the  history  of  Henry  of 
Monmouth  as  given  by  sober  chroniclers, 
what  strikes  us  most  is  that  he  should  have 
played  so  great  a  part  at  so  young  an  age.  As  a  boy 
he  had  served  his  apprenticeship  in  arms,  and  as 
commander  in  the  field  suppressed  a  serious  rebel- 
lion ;  he  had  hardly  reached  manhood  before  he  was 
called  to  preside  over  the  Government  and  direct  the 
affairs  of  the  nation.  So  his  strenuous  youth  had 
been  spent  in  the  battle-field  and  council-chamber, 
and  it  seems  difficult  to  guess  when,  if  ever,  he 
could  have  found  relaxation  in  pursuits  more  nat- 
ural to  his  years.  Popular  tradition  has  a  different 
tale  to  tell : 

"  Since  his  addiction  was  to  courses  vain  : 
His  companies  unletter'd,  rude,  and  shallow  ; 
His  hours  fill'd  up  with  riots,  banquets,  sports." 

The  contradiction  is  to  all  appearance  complete  ;  on 
the  one  side  the  evidence  of  facts  is  overwhelming ; 
on  the  other  hand  the  weight  of  tradition  is  too 
great  to  be  lightly  put  aside.  But  the  problem  of 

80 


Popular  Tradition 


the  Prince's  character  is  not  insoluble.  Henry  of 
Monmouth  is  no  instance  of  prematurely  forced 
genius.  He  was  precocious  only  in  so  far  that,  like 
Alexander  of  Macedon,  he  possessed  naturally  the 
power  to  rise  at  once  to  the  level  of  the  responsibilities 
which  circumstances  forced  upon  him.  He  was  reared 
in  no  hotbed  of  artificiality,  but  in  the  storm  and 
stress  of  actual  life  received  a  training  which  en- 
sured the  natural  though  early  development  of  un- 
usual gifts.  High-spirited  and  full  of  vigour,  his 
enjoyment  of  life  was  complete.  So  in  his-  youth 
there  was  no  sobriety  beyond  his  years  ;  and  when 
the  affairs  of  state  lay  heaviest  upon  him  he  never 
lost  that  common  feeling  of  humanity,  which  gives 
to  the  most  heroic  characters  their  greatest  power 
and  charm. 

Henry's  personal  appearance  has  been  minutely 
described  by  his  biographer.  He  had  an  oval,  hand- 
some face  with  a  broad,  open  forehead  and  straight 
nose,  ruddy  cheeks  and  lips,  a  deeply  indented  chin, 
and  small  well-formed  ears ;  his  hair  was  brown  and 
thick ;  and  his  bright  hazel  eyes,  gentle  as  a  dove's 
when  at  rest,  could  gleam  like  a  lion's  when  roused 
to  wrath.  In  stature  he  was  above  the  average,  and 
his  frame,  with  its  comely,  well-knit  limbs,  was  that 
of  a  man  accustomed  to  active  pursuits.  He  re- 
joiced in  all  kinds  of  sports  and  exercise,  had  no 
equal  in  jumping,  and  was  sp  swift  of  foot  that  with 
one  or  two  chosen  companions  he  would  start  the 
quickest  buck  from  the  woodland  and  run  it  down 
in  the  open.* 

*  Versus  Rythmici,  69-88  ;  Elmham,   Vita,  p.  12  ;  Livius,  p.  4. 
6 


82  Henry  V. 

Though  his  education  in  the  narrower  sense  had 
been  brief,  it  had  not  been  neglected.  He  had  some 
tincture  of  Latin,  and  could  write  a  manly,  straight- 
forward letter  alike  in  French  and  in  English.  He 
had  a  natural  taste  for  music,  had  been  taught  to 
play  the  harp,  and  in  the  eyes  of  his  biographer  de- 
voted too  much  of  his  leisure  to  musical  instruments. 
But  he  could  find  time  for  more  serious  pursuits; 
he  was  fond  of  reading,  not  only  works  on  hunt- 
ing* and  goodly  tales,  of  which,  says  Hoccleve,  he 
had  insight  to  judge,  but  also  chronicles  and  even 
theology.  Amongst  the  books  which  his  executors 
returned  after  his  death  were  The  Chronicle  of 
Jerusalem  and  The  Journey  of  Godfrey  de  Bouil- 
lon, which  he  had  'borrowed  from  the  Count- 
ess of  Westmoreland  ;  and  "  a  large  book  containing 
all  the  works  of  St.  Gregory,"  which  had  been  the 
property  of  Archbishop  Arundel.  So  Shakespeare 
may  have  had  some  justice  in  making  Chichele 
declare : 

"  Hear  him  but  reason  in  divinity, 
You  would  desire  the  king  were  made  a  prelate." 

He  was  fond  too  of  poetry ;  a  copy  of  Chaucer's 
Troihis,  with  his  arms  as  Prince  embossed  on  the 
cover,  is  still  preserved.  The  poets  of  his  own  day 
enjoyed  his  favour ;  Hoccteve  called  him  "  his  good 
master,"  and  dedicated  his  Regiment  of  Princes  to 


*  For  twelve  books  on  hunting   purchased    for  Henry's   use  see 
Devon,  Issues  of  Exchequer,  p.  368. 


Popular  Tradition  83 

him,  whilst  Lydgate  wrote  for  him  the  Life  of  Our 
Lady  and  The  Siege  of  Troy.  Men  of  learning  also 
profited  by  his  patronage.  Thomas  Rudborn  and 
John  Carpenter,  afterwards  Bishops  of  St.  David's 
and  Worcester,  owed  their  early  advancement  to 
him.  The  learned  Carmelites,  Stephen  Patrington 
and  Thomas  Netter  of  Walden,  were  successively 
his  confessors  ;  it  was  at  Henry's  request  that  the 
latter  wrote  his  monumental  defence  of  the  Catholic 
faith.  All  these,  like  the  Prince's  other  friend,  Rich- 
ard Courtenay,  were  Oxford  scholars,  and  this  so  far 
favours  the  tradition  that  Henry  himself  had  spent 
some  time  in  that  University.  Even  his  favourite 
comrades  in  the  Welsh  wars  were  not  unlettered 
soldiers,  but  sober,  thoughtful  men  like  Oldcastle, 
Roger  Acton,  and  John  Greindor,  who,  if  they 
could  not  convert  him  to  their  unorthodox  beliefs, 
must  have  exercised  a  serious  influence  upon  him. 
His  London  boon  companions  were  probably  no 
dissolute  roysterers  like  Shakespeare's  Poins  and 
Bardolph,  but  rather  perhaps  that  "  Court  of  Good 
Company  "  of  which  Hoccleve  and  Henry  Somer, 
the  friend  of  Chaucer,  were  among  the  principal 
members. 

Of  Henry's  personal  character  we  have  had  already 
some  illustrations.  When  in  authority  he  was  keen 
and  diligent  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties,  though 
perhaps  his  abounding  zeal  and  energy  inclined  him 
to  gatr^r  too  much  into  his  own  hands.  Still  his 
conduct  during  Arundel's  periods  of  rule  seems  to 
show  that  he  had  some  power  of  self-effacement,  and 
the  politic  prudence  to  abide  his  time.  He  was 


84  Henry  V. 

quick  to  resent  anything  that  cast  a  doubt  on  his 
personal  honour;  but,  as  his  behaviour  during  his 
father's  last  years  shows,  was  free  from  malice.     He  *- 
could  win  and    retain  the  loyal    services  of   those    • 
about  him,  for  his  power  as   Prince  rested  on  the 
personal   fidelity  of  his  supporters.      In   return  he 
showed  himself  a  true  and  faithful  friend  to  those   I- 
who    gained  his  favour,   as  witness  his    chivalrous 
defence  of  York  at  Gloucester  in    1407,  his  steady 
support  of  Richard  Courtenay  at  Oxford,  and  his 
advancement  of  Oldcastle.     The  dark  spot   on  his 
character  so  far  had  been  the  terrible  scene  at  Bad-  ^ 
by's  execution;    but   even   there  we  can  trace  his^, 
longing  for  mercy  as  well  as  the  sternness  of  his  ^ 
justice  and  orthodoxy. 

In  1406,  the  Commons  expressed  their  view  of  the 
Prince's  character  in  an  address  to  the  King  through 
the  mouth  of  their  Speaker,  Sir  John  Tiptoft. 

"  Sir  John  made  commendation  of  the  goodness  and 
virtue  that  reposed  in  the  honourable  person  of  my  lord 
Prince,  and  especially  of  the  humbleness  and  obedience 
that  he  shows  towards  Our  Sovereign  Lord  the  King  his 
father.  Secondly  he  praised  him  for  the  good  heart  and 
courage  wherewith  God  hath  endowed  him.  And  in  the 
third  place  for  a  great  virtue  which  God  hath  bestowed 
on  him  that,  whatever  purpose  he  may  entertain  to  the 
best  of  his  understanding,  yet  for  the  great  trust  that  he 
hath  in  his  Council  he  conforms  graciously  to  their  ordin- 
ance, abandoning  wholly  his  own  wishes.  Wherefrom 
it  is  like,  by  God's  grace,  that  great  good,  comfort, 
honour  and  profit  will  come  hereafter."  * 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  574. 


Popular  Tradition  85 

There  may  be  something  of  formal  flattery  in  the 
speech,  but  it  seems  hypercritical  to  put  it  down 
either  to  simplicity  or  irony  on  Tiptoft's  part.*  The 
final  remarks  are  so  unnecessary  to  the  immediate 
purpose,  that  we  may  accept  them  justly  as  a  frank 
recognition  of  the  young  Prince's  readiness  to  think 
and  act  for  himself.  Even  in  the  crisis  of  six  years 
later,  Henry  of  Monmouth  showed  that  he  could 
submit  his  will  to  that  of  another,  whilst  still  main- 
taining his  own  opinion.  The  truth  seems  to  be 
that  the  attempt  to  sow  any  permanent  dissension 
between  the  Prince  and  King  signally  failed.  What- 
ever his  faults,  Henry  of  Monmouth  never  entered 
on  any  course  of  active  disloyalty  to  his  father ;  the 
suggested  abdication  was  grounded  on  the  King's 
apparent  incapacity,  and  even  if  it  was  openly  pro- 
posed there  was  certainly  no  serious  effort  to  give 
it  practical  effect.  The  popular  tradition  of  the 
Prince's  wildness  touches  only  his  personal  char- 
acter ;  his  political  role  as  a  leade§  of  opposition 
rests  on  an  exaggerated  view  of  historical  facts. 

Henry  of  Monmouth  was  for  a  century  and  more 
the  peculiar  darling  of  popular  fancy.  It  was  not 
merely  his  glorious  reign,  contrasting  so  sharply  with 
subsequent  disgrace  and  discord,  but  also  the  charm  of 
his  own  personality  that  filled  men's  minds.  In  the 
traditional  stories  of  Henry's  youth  there  is  nothing 
unwholesome  ;  we  have  presented  to  us  only  the 
boisterous  horse-play  of  a  high-spirited  boy,  and 
whilst  the  stories  have  not  suffered  in  the  telling, 
the  most  notable  of  them  all  redounds  in  the  end  to 

*  As  does  Ramsay,  i.,  100. 


86  Henry  V. 

the  Prince's  credit.  It  was  his  frank,  hearty  temper 
that  gave  Henry  such  a  hold  on  the  affection  of  his 
subjects ;  it  is  the  same  spirit,  exaggerated  to  suit 
the  vulgar  taste,  that  is  reflected  in  the  legends  of 
his  youth. 

The  historians  of  Henry's  own  time  record  that 
his  conduct  as  Prince  was  marked  by  levity,  and  that 
a  sharp  change  took  place  on  his  accession  to  the 
throne.  His  professed  eulogist*  says: 

"  The  Prince  was  in  his  youth  an  assiduous  cultor  of 
lasciviousness,  and  addicted  exceedingly  to  instruments 
of  music.  Passing  the  bounds  of  modesty,  he  was  the 
fervent  soldier  of  Venus  as  well  as  of  Mars  ;  youthlike, 
he  was  fired  with  her  torches,  and  in  the  midst  of  the 
worthy  works  of  war  found  leisure  for  the  excesses  com- 
mon to  ungoverned  age." 

This  is  mere  rhetoric,  but  the  more  sober  Walsing- 
ham  f  declares  : 

"As  soon  as  he  was  made  King  he  was  changed  sud- 
denly into  another  man,  zealous  for  honesty,  modesty 
and  gravity  ;  there  being  no  sort  of  virtue  that  he  was 
not  anxious  to  display." 

In  like  manner,  an  English  chronicler^:  writes: 

"  He  was  a  noble  king  after  he  was  prince  and 
crowned  ;  howbeit  before  in  his  youth  he  had  been  wild, 
reckless,  and  spared  nothing  of  his  lusts  nor  desires, 


*  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  12. 
f  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  290. 

\  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.    MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  nro.     See 
also  Hardyng,  p.  372,  and  Otterbourne,  p.  273. 


Popular  Tradition  87 

but  accomplished  them  after  his  liking  ;  but  as  soon  as 
he  was  crowned,  anointed  and  sacred,  anon  suddenly  he 
changed  into  a  new  man,  and  all  his  intent  was  to  live 
virtuously  in  maintaining  of  Holy  Church,  destroying  of 
heretics,  keeping  justice,  and  defending  of  his  realm 
and  subjects." 

In  these  statements  we  have  the  originals  of  the 
later  legends,  in  which  the  King's  unthrifty  son  is 
made  with  his  loose  companions  to  frequent  London 
taverns,  beating  the  watch  and  robbing  passers-by. 
It  is  perhaps  a  mere  coincidence  that  Dame  Quick- 
ly's  tavern  of  the  Boar's  Head  in  Eastcheap  was 
near  at  hand  to  the  Prince's  mansion  of  the  Cold- 
harbour.  But  it  is  just  these  tales  of  London  riot- 
ing that  are  corroborated  most  nearly  in  history. 
On  23rd  June,  1410,  the  King's  sons  Thomas  and 
John,  being  at  supper  in  Eastcheap  after  midnight, 
got  quarrelling  so  hotly  with  the  men  of  the  town 
that  the  Mayor  and  Sheriffs  were  roused  in  haste  to 
quell  the  turmoil.  A  year  later  again  "  the  Lord 
Thomas'  men  "  were  parties  to  a  great  debate  in 
the  city.  *  This  was  the  groundwork,  no  doubt,  of  a 
scene  in  the  old  play,  The  Famous  Victories  of 
Henry  the  Fifth  (a  popular  piece  much  older  than 
Shakespeare's  three  histories) ;  wherein  the  Prince, 
after  a  riot  in  Eastcheap,  is  taken  to  prison  at  the 
Counter. 

Let  us  turn  to  the  most  famous  of  all  the  legends 
of  Henry's  youth,  the  story  of  his  quarrel  with 
Chief  Justice  Gascoigne.  This  story,  which  has  so 


*  Chron.  London,  p.  93.     Cf.  Gregory's  Chronicle,  p.  106  :  "The 
hurlynge  in  Estechepe  by  the  lorde  Thomas  and  the  lorde  John." 


88  Henry  V. 

implanted  itself  in  popular  fancy,  has,  however, 
o  sound  authority  and  makes  its  first  appearance 
more  than  a  century  later.  Sir  Thomas  Elyot,  who 
was  the  son  of  a  judge,  and  himself  a  lawyer  and 
diplomatist  of  some  little  distinction,  as  well  as  a 
man  of  culture  and  learning,  published  in  1531  a 
"  Boke  named  the  Gonernour"  The  purpose  of  this 
work  was,  "  to  instruct  men  in  such  virtues  as  shall 
be  expedient  for  them,  which  shall  have  authority 
in  a  weal  public,  and  to  educate  those  youths  that 
hereafter  may  be  deemed  worthy  to  be  gov- 
ernors." In  one  of  his  discourses,  Elyot  cites 
the  story  of  Henry  and  the  Chief  Justice  as  in- 
stancing "  a  good  Judge,  a  good  Prince,  and  a  good 
King."  "  The  Governor  "  had,  as  will  be  observed, 
a  didactic  and  not  an  historical  purpose  ;  but  it  is 
just  possible  that  Elyot  may  be  reproducing  some 
legend  of  the  courts,  with  which  as  a  lawyer  he 
had  become  familiar.  We  will  take  the  tale  in 
Elyot's  own  words : 

"  The  most  renowned  Prince,  King  Henry  the  Fifth, 
late  King  of  England,  during  the  life  of  his  father  was 
noted  to  be  fierce  and  of  wanton  courage.  It  happened 
that  one  of  his  servants  whom  he  favoured  well,  was  for 
felony  by  him  committed,  arraigned  at  the  King's 
Bench  ;  whereof  the  Prince  being  advertised,  and  in- 
censed by  light  persons  about  him,  in  furious  rage  came 
hastily  to  the  bar,  where  his  servant  stood  as  a  prisoner, 
and  commanded  him  to  be  ungyved  and  set  at  liberty. 
Whereat  all  men  were  abashed,  reserved  the  Chief 
Justice,  who  humbly  exhorted  the  Prince  to  be  con- 
tented that  his  servant  might  be  ordered,  according  to 


Popular  Tradition  89 

the  ancient  laws  of  this  Realm  :  or  if  he  would  have 
him  saved  from  the  rigour  of  the  laws,  that  he  should 
obtain,  if  he  might,  of  the  King  his  gracious  pardon, 
whereby  no  Law  or  Justice  should  be  derogate. 

"  With  which  answer  the  Prince  nothing  appeased, 
but  rather  more  inflamed,  endeavoured  himself  to  take 
away  his  servant.  The  Judge  considering  the  perilous 
example  and  inconvenience  that  might  thereby  ensue, 
with  a  valiant  spirit  and  courage  commanded  the  Prince 
upon  his  allegiance  to  leave  the  prisoner  and  depart  his 
way  ;  at  which  commandment  the  Prince  being  set  all 
in  a  fury,  all  chafed,  and  in  a  terrible  manner,  came  up 
to  the  place  of  judgment,  men  thinking  that  he  would 
have  slain  the  Judge,  or  have  done  to  him  some  damage. 
But  the  Judge  sitting  still  without  moving,  declaring  the 
majesty  of  the  King's  place  of  judgment,  and  with  an 
assured  and  bold  countenance  had  to  the  Prince  these 
words  following  : 

Sir,  remember  your  self,  I  keep  here  the  place  of 
the  King  your  sovereign  lord  and  father,  to  whom  ye 
owe  double  obedience  :  wherefore  eftsoon  in  his  name, 
I  charge  you  to  desist  of  your  wilfulness  and  unlaw- 
ful enterprise,  and  from  henceforth  give  good  example 
to  those  which  shall  hereafter  be  your  proper  subjects. 
And  now,  for  your  contempt  and  disobedience,  go  you 
to  the  prison  of  the  King's  Bench,  whereunto  I  commit 
you,  and  remain  ye  there  prisoner  until  the  pleasure  of 
the  King  your  father  be  further  known.'  With  which 
words  being  abashed,  and  also  wondering  at  the  mar- 
vellous gravity  of  that  worshipful  Justice,  the  noble 
Prince  laying  his  weapon  apart,  doing  reverence  de- 
parted and  went  to  the  King's  Bench  as  he  was  com- 
manded. Whereat  his  servants  disdayned,  came  and 
shewed  to  the  King  all  the  whole  affair,  whereat  he  a 


90  Henry  V. 

whiles  studying,  after  as  a  man  all  ravished  with  glad- 
ness, holding  his  eyes  and  hands  up  towards  heaven, 
abraided  with  a  loud  voice  :  '  O  merciful  God,  how 
much  am  I  bound  to  your  infinite  goodness,  specially 
for  that  you  have  given  me  a  judge,  who  feareth  not  to 
minister  Justice,  and  also  a  son  who  can  suffer  semblably 
and  obey  Justice.' " 

The  story  thus  published  at  once  obtained  popu- 
larity, and  Robert  Redmayne,*  in  his  Life  of  Henry 
]/.,  written  a  few  years  later,  makes  reference  to  it, 
alleging  that  the  Prince  struck  the  judge,  and  con- 
necting the  incident  with  Henry's  dismissal  from  the 
Council.  Hall  in  1542  and  Holinshed,  some  thirty 
years  later,  give  a  like  account  with  like  additions. 
Contemporaneous  with  Holinshed's  chronicle  was 
The  Famous  Victories  of  Henry  V.,  in  which  play  a 
scene  is  devoted  to  the  incident  of  the  Prince  and 
the  Chief  Justice.  Shakespeare,  without  introduc- 
ing the  story  in  his  own  plays,  makes  reference  to  it 
and  adds  some  final  embellishments.  The  Chief 
Justice  is  the  nobleman  who  "committed  the  Prince 
for  striking  him  about  Bardolph,"  and  is  filled  with 
apprehensions  at  the  accession  of  the  new  King;  he 
does  not,  however,  forget  his  dignity,  and  Henry, 
mindful  of  his  own  new  state,  bids  him  : 

"  Still  bear  the  balance  and  the  sword." 
Thus   the   whole   story   is  completed   without  any 


*  Kedmayne  the  historian  is  probably  identical  with  Robert  Red- 
man the  printer,  who  died  in  1540.  His  Life  was  probably  written 
after  1536.  See  Cole's  Afemorials  of  Henry  the  Fifth,  p.  ix.  Red- 
mayne's  Life  was  not  printed  till  forty  years  ago. 


JUDGE  QASCOIGNE. 

FROM  HIS  TOMB. 


Popular  Tradition  91 

explicit  mention  of  Sir  William  Gascoigne  by  name. 
But  Gascoigne  was  Chief  Justice  of  the  King's 
Bench  nearly  the  whole  of  the  reign  of  Henry  IV. ; 
if  therefore  there  is  any  truth  in  the  tale,  it  is  of  him 
that  it  must  be  told.  With  Gascoigne's  known 
character  as  an  upright  and  fearless  judge,  it  would 
indeed  fit  well ;  he  had  boldly  declared  that  the 
King,  as  Duke  of  Lancaster,  could  be  sued  "  like 
any  common  person,"  and  refused,  as  it  is  alleged, 
to  have  any  share  in  the  trial  of  Archbishop  Scrope. 
On  the  accession  of  Henry  V.,  his  patent  as  Chief 
Justice  was  not  renewed  ;  a  circumstance  which  has 
been  argued  to  prove  that  he  had  incurred  the 
King's  enmity.  But  such  a  theory  is  needless  and 
lacks  all  authority ;  Gascoigne's  age — he  was  close 
on  seventy— is  enough  to  account  for  his  resignation 
of  office,  and  he  was  in  fact  treated  with  favour  by 
the  King  till  his  death  in  honourable  retirement  in 
December,  1419. 

So  may  we  leave  the  legend  of  the  Prince  and  the 
Chief  Justice  as  a  pretty  tale  fitted  not  inappropri- 
ately to  two  historical  persons. 

The  character  who  plays  the  greatest  part  in  the 
company  of  Shakespeare's  Prince  Hal  is  entirely  the 
poet's  creation.  Originally,  both  in  The  Famous 
Victories  and  in  Shakespeare's  own  plays,  the 
Prince's  boon  companion  was  called  Oldcastle  ;  but 
when  the  plays  were  printed  the  name  of  Falstaff 
was  substituted  in  deference  to  the  feelings  of 
Henry,  Lord  Cobham.  When  the  stout  old  knight 
met  his  end  "a  babbled  of  green  fields";  but  "Old- 
castle  died  a  martyr  and  this  is  not  the  man." 


92  Henry  V. 

Falstaff  is  in  name  a  hazy  reminiscence  of  Sir  John 
Fastolf,  a  reputable  soldier,  who  as  a  young  man 
was  in  the  service  of  Thomas,  Duke  of  Clarence,  in- 
curred somewhat  unjustly  the  imputation  of  cow- 
ardice at  the  battle  of  Patay  in  1429,  and  owned  the 
Boar's  Head  Inn  in  Eastcheap.  To  this  slender 
foundation  Shakespeare's  great  creation  must  trace 
its  origin.  The  character  no  doubt  commenced  in 
the  traditional  scandal  that  attached  to  the  Prince's 
name  through  his  sometime  friendship  for  the  un- 
popular Lollard  leader.  Is  it  too  much  to  suggest 
that  part  at  least  of  the  Prince's  own  supposed  mis- 
conduct is  to  be  traced  to  the  same  source?  Henry's 
political  opponents  were  Oldcastle's  religious  perse- 
cutors; we  know  that  they  did  not  show  themselves 
at  all  scrupulous  in  their  methods  for  his  defama- 
tion. The  historians  who  charge  Henry  with  wild- 
ness  as  Prince,  find  his  peculiar  merit  as  King  in 
the  maintaining  of  Holy  Church  and  destroying  of 
heretics.  There  is  no  sufficient  reason  to  question 
Henry's  orthodoxy  in  religion  at  any  time  of  his 
life,  but  he  did  not  escape  without  some  aspersions.* 
It  is  probable  that  his  religious  attitude  after  his 
accession  to  the  throne  was  a  blow  to  Lollard  hopes ; 
perhaps  it  was  somewhat  of  a  surprise  to  his  polit- 
ical opponents.  Did  his  "  change  suddenly  into  a 
new  man  "  mean  no  more  than  this? 

It  is  likely  enough  that  the  legends  of  Henry's 
riotous  youth  had  some  foundation  of  fact ;  but  at 
the  most  they  point  only  to  youthful  indiscretion. 

*  Thomas  Netter,  his  confessor,  is  said  to  have  rebuked  him  for 
his  slackness  towards  the  Lollards  early  in  his  reign. 


Popular  Tradition  93 

'  Certainly  they  leave  no  serious  blemish  on  the 
Prince's  character,  which  indeed  they  help  to  illus- 
trate. They  give  life  and  warmth  to  what  would  be 
otherwise  a  somewhat  colourless  and  dim  personality. 
They  enable  us  to  see  Henry  as  he  really  was  :  frank, 
generous,  and  warm-hearted ;  steadfast  and  self- 
reliant  ;  not  taking  life  sadly,  but  not  unmindful  of 
its  serious  side;  not  old  before  his  time,  but  ready 
for  responsibility  when  it  came  upon  him — in  short, 
by  disposition  as  he  was  by  birth,  the  most  English 
of  our  Plantagenet  kings,  heart  and  soul  in  sympathy 
with  his  subjects,  marked  out  by  nature  to  be  the 
leader  of  a  united  nation. 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE   RESTORATION   OF  DOMESTIC   PEACE 
1413-1414 

HENRY  the  Fifth  assumed  the  crown  in  a  spirit 
of  calm  self-confidence.  With  a  full  belief  in 
his  own  right  and  capacity  to  govern,  he  was 
equally  sensible  of  the  sacred  trust  imposed  upon 
him.  The  night  after  his  father's  death  was  spent 
with  a  holy  recluse  at  Westminster  in  prayerful 
preparation  for  his  new  duties.  On  the  following 
morning  he  was  formally  proclaimed,  and  at  once 
undertook  the  direction  of  the  government.  A  Par- 
liament had  been  summoned  to  meet  before  the  late 
King's  death,  and  many  of  the  chief  persons  of  the 
realm  were  consequently  assembled  in  London. 
They  took  the  opportunity  thus  afforded  to  tender 
their  homage  to  the  new  King  before  his  coronation. 
Henry  received  them  graciously,  and  by  the  favour 
which  he  showed  to  all  alike  made  manifest  his  in- 
tention to  forget  the  unhappy  differences  of  the 
past ;  with  a  solemn  protestation  he  declared  his  de- 
sire to  rule  only  for  the  honour  of  God  and  welfare 
of  his  kingdom. 

94 


THE  CORONATION    OF  HENRY  V. 

FROM  A  BAS-RELIEF  IN  WESTMINSTER  ABBEY. 


1413-1414]    Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace         95 

On  Friday,  the  /th  April,  the  King  came  riding  in 
state  from  Kingston  to  the  Tower.  That  evening  a 
great  banquet  was  held,  at  which  the  King  was 
served  by  fifty  young  nobles,  who  were  to  be 
knighted  upon  the  morrow.  On  the  Saturday 
morning  the  King  dubbed  his  new  Knights  of  the 
Bath,  and  in  the  afternoon  rode  in  solemn  proces- 
sion through  the  city  to  Westminster.  Next  day  — 
it  was  Passion  Sunday —  Henry  was  crowned  in  the 
Abbey  by  Archbishop  Arundel,  and  held  his  cor- 
onation feast  in  Westminster  Hall.  One  circum- 
stance alone  marred  the  festivities.  The  day  was 
cold  and  stormy,  with  heavy  showers  of  snow.  But 
though  some  interpreted  this  to  forebode  a  reign  of 
chilling  severity,  others  accepted  it  hopefully  as  an 
omen  that  the  winter  was  past  and  a  more  fruitful 
season  come. 

On  the  very  first  day  of  his  reign,  the  King  had 
made  Henry  Beaufort  his  Chancellor  in  place  of 
Archbishop  Arundel.  The  only  other  change  of  im- 
portance was  the  appointment  of  the  Earl  of  Arun- 
del to  be  Treasurer  in  place  of  Sir  John  Pelham. 
The  Earl  had  been  always  on  good  terms  with 
Henry,  but  nevertheless  the  two  appointments  in  a 
sense  balanced  each  other.  The  new  King  desired^ 
to  reign,  not  through  any  one  party,  but  as  the  ac- 
cepted head  of  an  undivided  nation. 

Fortune  in  some  degree  favoured  Henry's  designs. 
Most  of  the  leaders  in  the  late  unquiet  times  were 
dead,  and  the  young  men  of  the  new  generation  had 
no  past  to  embarrass  them.  First  came  the  King's 
three  brothers.  Thomas  of  Clarence  was  a  gallant 


96  Henry  V.  [1413- 

soldier,  who  had  spent  some  time  in  Ireland  as 
Lieutenant  for  his  father,  and  in  1405,  when  just 
seventeen,  been  Admiral  of  the  Fleet  in  the  Channel. 
Clarence's  recent  political  opposition  to  his  brother 
had  created  no  personal  animosity  ;  at  the  present  mo- 
ment he  was  absent  in  Aquitaine,  though  he  returned 
home  during  the  summer.  John,  the  second  brother, 
had  served  a  long  apprenticeship  on  the  Scottish 
border,  and  was  still  Warden  of  the  East  March ; 
in  character  and  abilities  he  most  resembled  the 
King,  and  in  after  years  through  his  statesmanlike 
qualities  became  Henry's  right  hand  in  England. 
Humphrey,  the  youngest,  had  as  yet  no  experience 
of  public  affairs  ;  whether  from  lack  of  training  or 
want  of  stability,  he  achieved  no  success  either  as 
soldier  or  statesman.  Henry  V.  measured  his  capac- 
ity and  never  trusted  him  fully.  Still  Humphrey 
was  a  cultured  and  courtly  prince,  who  shared  his 
eldest  brother's  taste  for  literature  and  became  a 
munificent  patron  of  learning.*  John  and  Humphrey 
were  created  Dukes  of  Bedford  and  Gloucester  by 
their  brother  at  Leicester  in  1414.  The  King's  two 
sisters  had  long  been  married  ;  Blanche  to  Louis 
of  Bavaria,  Count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine,  in  1402  (she 
had  died  in  1409)  ;  and  Philippa  to  Eric  of  Den- 
mark in  1406.  His  stepmother,  Queen  Joanna,  the 
daughter  of  Charles  the  Bad  of  Navarre  and  widow 
of  John  IV.  of  Brittany,  was  on  friendly  terms  with 
the  children  of  her  second  husband. 

Next  in  importance  to  the  King's  brothers  came 

*  Of   the   three   princes,   Thomas   was   born  in  1388  (before  3Oth 
September),  John  in  June,  1389,  and  Humphrey  in  February,  1391. 


1414]         Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace  97 

the  Beauforts,  his  uncles  and  political  tutors.  Henry, 
who  had  been  Bishop  of  Winchester  since  1404,  was 
more  of  a  statesman  than  an  ecclesiastic  ;  he  was  a  wise 
but  ambitious  man,  and  his  nephew's  most  loyal  and 
trusted  adviser.  Thomas,  now  Earl  of  Dorset,  was 
a  capable  soldier  and  politician.  Both  the  brothers 
were  still  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  devoted  heart  and 
soul  to  the  interests  of  the  House  of  Lancaster. 

At  the  head  of  the  other  princes  of  the  blood  was 
Edward,  Duke  of  York,  whose  old  treasons  were 
forgotten  in  his  loyalty  to  the  new  King.  York's 
brother  Richard,  whom  Henry  made  Earl  of  Cam- 
bridge in  1414,  was  a  weak  man  of  no  principle,  but 
derived  some  slight  importance  from  his  marriage  to 
the  sister  of  the  Earl  of  March.  Edmund  of  March 
himself  was  warmly  attached  to  his  cousin  the  King, 
whose  ward  he  had  been  ;  he  was  a  young  man  of 
good  parts,  with  no  ambition  to  assert  his  claims  to 
the  throne. 

Among  the  greater  nobles  the  only  men  of  proved 
experience,  besides  Thomas  Fitzalan,  Earl  of  Arun- 
del,  were  the  Earls  of  Westmoreland  and  Warwick. 
Westmoreland  was  head  of  the  House  of  Neville, 
and  since  the  defection  of  the  Percies  had  been  the 
mainstay  of  the  Lancastrian  cause  in  the  North  ;  his 
wife  was  the  King's  aunt,  Joan  Beaufort.  Richard 
Beauchamp,  Earl  of  Warwick,  was  a  true  knight  er- 
rant ;  though  barely  thirty  years  old  he  had  fought 
at  Shrewsbury  and  in  the  Welsh  war,  and  had  won 
high  repute  as  a  crusader  in  the  East.  The  Earls 
of  Devonshire  and  Suffolk  were  honourable  nobles 
of  no  special  distinction.  John  Mowbray,  the  Earl 

7 


98  Henry  F.  tHi3- 

Marshal,  had  been  too  young  to  share  his  brother's 
treason  in  1405  ;  he  was  nephew  to  the  Earl  of  Arun- 
del,  and  son-in-law  of  Westmoreland.  Thomas 
Montacute,  Earl  of  Salisbury,  and  John  Holland, 
Earl  of  Huntingdon,  the  sons  of  the  men  who  suf- 
fered for  Richard  II.  in  1400,  had  just  reached  man- 
hood. Richard  de  Vere,  Earl  of  Oxford,  was  their 
contemporary.  Humphrey,  Earl  of  Stafford,  and 
Henry  Beaufort,  Earl  of  Somerset,  the  King's 
cousins,  were  mere  boys ;  whilst  the  young  heir  of 
Northumberland  was  an  exile  in  Scotland. 

Chief  among  the  lesser  nobility  were  Richard 
Grey  of  Codnor,  a  trusty  servant  of  the  Crown  ; 
Thomas,  Lord  Camoys,  a  soldier  of  proved  experi- 
ence, who  was  married  to  Hotspur's  widow  ;  Sir 
John  Cornwall,  afterwards  Lord  Fanhope,  husband 
to  the  King's  aunt  Elizabeth  ;  Henry  FitzHugh,  who 
was  made  the  King's  chamberlain  ;  Henry  le  Scrope 
of  Masham,  a  bosom  friend  of  the  King;  and  last 
but  not  least,  Sir  John  Oldcastle,  who  was  Lord 
Cobham  in  his  wife's  right. 

At  the  head  of  the  clergy  came  Archbishop  Arundel, 
now  fast  approaching  the  close  of  his  long  career. 
Of  the  other  bishops  the  most  prominent,  besides 
Henry  Beaufort,  were  Henry  Chichele  of  St.  David's, 
Thomas  Langley  of  Durham,  and  Robert  Hallam  of 
Salisbury.  Chichele  was  a  warm  friend  of  the  King, 
and  Arundel's  destined  successor  at  Canterbury. 
Langley,  who  had  been  Chancellor  from  1405  to 
1407,  was  a  prudent  and  capable  official  of  the  Beau- 
fort party.  Hallam  had  represented  his  Church  and 
country  at  the  Council  of  Pisa  in  1409,  and  during 


1414]         Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace  99 

the  next  few  years  was  to  play  a  still  greater  part  at 
Constance. 

The  first  Parliament  of  Henry  V.  met  on  i$th  May, 
1413.  Writs  had  been  issued  before  the  late  King's 
death ;  but  the  Parliament  had  been  held  to  be  dis- 
solved by  that  event,  and  a  fresh  summons  went  out 
on  23rd  March.  The  course  of  the  session  was  in  no 
way  remarkable,  though  it  illustrates  sufficiently  the 
sound  basis  on  which  parliamentary  government  was 
now  established.  The  Commons  made  their  grant 
of  supplies  on  conditions,  though  with  reasonable 
liberality.  The  customs  on  wool  were  granted  for 
four  years,  the  Tonnage  and  Poundage  for  a  twelve- 
month only,  with  a  subsidy  of  a  fifteenth  and  a  tenth 
for  the  coming  year.  A  sum  of  ,£10,000  was  prefer- 
entially appropriated  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
King's  own  estate.  Henry's  attention  was  directed 
to  the  urgent  need  for  better  government,  the 
safeguarding  of  the  sea,  and  the  proper  defence  of 
the  Marches  of  Wales  and  Scotland,  of  Ireland, 
Calais,  and  Guienne.  The  Commons  marked  their 
sense  of  their  own  position  as  the  national  represent- 
atives by  provisions  for  parliamentary  elections ; 
electors  and  elected  alike  were  to  be  restricted  to 
those  persons  who  were  actually  resident  within  the 
county  or  borough  concerned.  The  King,  on  his 
part,  showed  tactful  discretion  ;  in  most  matters  he 
was  ready  to  meet  the  Commons  half-way  ;  he  ac- 
corded his  assent  to  the  customary  anti-papal  peti- 
tions, but  gave  only  a  qualified  approval  to  some 
further  proposals  curtailing  the  privileges  of  the 
Church.  Any  novel  departure  in  legislation  at  this 


ioo  Henry  V.  [1413- 

moment  was  ill-timed,  and  might  have  proved  disas- 
trous to  the  King's  domestic  policy. 

The  key-notes  of  that  policy  were  moderation  and 
oblivion  of  the  past.  Its  intention  was  marked  by  a 
succession  of  acts  of  clemency.  The  young  Earl  of 
March  was  released  from  his  honourable  custody, 
and,  together  with  the  Earl  Marshal,  brother  of  the 
Earl  who  suffered  with  Archbishop  Scrope,  was  re- 
stored to  his  place  in  Parliament.  Scrope  himself 
received  a  sort  of  posthumous  pardon  in  the  licence 
granted  for  offerings  at  his  tomb.  It  was  the  same 
policy  that  a  little  later  prompted  the  restoration  of 
Hotspur's  son  to  the  Earldom  of  Northumberland. 
But  the  most  striking  act  of  all  was  the  bringing  of 
King  Richard's  remains  from  their  resting-place  at 
Langley,  to  be  solemnly  interred  in  the  tomb  which 
he  had  prepared  for  himself  by  the  side  of  Queen 
Anne,  his  wife,  at  Westminster.  It  was  a  sign  that 
the  old  enmities  were  to  be  buried  and  put  away. 
On  Henry's  own  part  it  was  also  an  act  of  grateful 
reverence  to  the  friend  of  his  youth,  whose  memory 
he  cherished  like  that  of  a  father. 

There  was,  however,  one  party  whom  the  King 
could  not  conciliate.  Henry's  manifest  orthodoxy 
had  disappointed  the  hopes  of  the  Lollards,  whose 
discontent  now  came  rapidly  to  a  crisis.  The  mes- 
senger who  brought  the  news  of  the  King's  accession 
to  France  reported  that  many  in  England  favoured 
the  Earl  of  March,  and  that  a  civil  war  was  likely 
to  ensue.*  Early  in  the  reign  there  was  also  dis- 
covered a  conspiracy  to  bring  in  the  pretended  King 

*Chron.  St.  Dettys,  iv.,  770-772. 


14141         Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace          101 

Richard  from  Scotland.  Subsequent  events  make 
it  probable  that  such  projects  were  merely  the  cloak 
for  Lollard  intrigues.  How  little  Henry  regarded 
them  was  proved  by  the  release  of  Mortimer,  and  by 
the  respect  shown  to  Richard's  memory.  His  politic 
conduct  did  much  to  rob  disloyalty  of  its  pretext, 
but  was  powerless  against  the  more  serious  forces 
that  lay  behind. 

As  on  previous  occasions,  it  was  the  religious  zeal 
of  Archbishop  Arundel  that  brought  matters  to  a 
head.  After  his  victory  over  the  University  in 
September,  1411,  the  Archbishop  had  renewed  his 
proceedings  at  Oxford.  His  influence  was  now  too 
great  to  be  withstood  and  the  moderate  party  gave 
way,  whilst  reformers  of  pronounced  opinions  had 
to  leave  the  University.  This  did  not  tend  to 
diminish  the  difficulties  of  the  Government,  for  the 
Lollard  scholars  spread  their  doctrines,  both  relig- 
ious and  political,  throughout  the  country  all  the 
more. 

Sir  John  Oldcastle  had  harboured  Lollard  preach- 
ers on  his  estates  since  1410,  and  he  was  prob- 
ably the  secret  supporter  of  these  new  emissaries. 
At  all  events  his  heresy  was  so  notorious  that  the 
Convocation  which  met  in  1413  took  open  action 
against  him.  In  the  course  of  a  diligent  search  for 
Lollard  writings  a  volume  that  belonged  to  Oldcastle 
was  found  at  a  "limner's"  shop  in  "Paternoster 
Rowe."  Its  contents  appeared  so  convincing  that 
they  were  brought  under  the  King's  notice.  Henry 
was  greatly  shocked  at  the  views  expressed  ;  but, 
mindful  of  his  old  friendship,  begged  Arundel  and 


IO2  Henry  V.  [1413- 

the  bishops  to  hold  their  hands  till  he  had  tried  his 
personal  influence.  Oldcastle,  whilst  declaring  him- 
self most  willing  to  obey  the  King,  and  to  submit 
to  him  "  all  his  fortune  in  this  world,"  was  firm  in 
the  maintenance  of  his  religious  beliefs.  Exhortation 
and  rebukes  were  alike  in  vain,  and  Oldcastle  fled 
from  the  Court  at  Windsor  to  his  own  castle  at 
Cowling.  A  few  days  later  Henry  gave  his  sanction 
to  formal  proceedings  against  Oldcastle,  and  on  22nd 
August  issued  a  general  proclamation  against  the 
unlicensed  Lollard  preachers.  Sir  John  refused  to 
obey  Arundel's  repeated  citations,  and  it  was  under 
a  royal  writ  that  he  was  produced  before  the  Arch- 
bishop's Court  on  23rd  September.  To  his  judges 
(Henry  Beaufort  and  Richard  Clifford,  Bishop  of 
London,  sat  with  Arundel),  Oldcastle  read  a  con- 
fession of  faith.  He  declared  his  belief  in  all  the 
sacraments,  and  that  the  sacrament  of  the  altar  was 
Christ's  body  in  the  form  of  bread  ;  he  also  acknow- 
ledged the  necessity  of  penance  and  true  confession. 
But  to  put  hope,  faith,  or  trust  in  the  help  of 
images  was  the  great  sin  of  idolatry  ;  and  a  man 
might  go  on  pilgrimage  to  all  the  world  and  yet  be 
damned.  Arundel,  who  it  would  seem  desired  sin- 
cerely to  find  a  way  for  escape,  admitted  that  there 
was  much  both  Catholic  and  good  in  this  statement ; 
he  required,  however,  further  answers  as  to  the  doc- 
trines of  the  real  presence  and  auricular  confession. 
On  these  points  Oldcastle  refused  to  commit  him- 
self, and  he  was  thereupon  remanded  with  a  severe 
warning  as  to  the  probable  consequences. 

The  court  met  again  on  2$th  September;  amongst 


14141         Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace         103 

its  assessors  on  this  occasion  was  the  Carmelite 
friar,  Thomas  Netter  of  Walden,  afterwards  the 
King's  confessor.  Oldcastle  refused  plainly  to  as- 
sent to  the  orthodox  doctrine  of  the  sacrament  as 
stated  by  the  bishops.  Nor  would  he  admit  that 
confession  to  a  priest  was  essential  to  salvation. 
The  argument  between  the  accused  and  his  judges 
was  long  and  hot.  At  last  Oldcastle  burst  forth  in 
reply  to  Netter  :  "  I  say  what  I  said  before,  the  Pope 
and  you  together  make  up  the  great  Antichrist,  of 
whom  he  is  the  Head,  you  bishops,  priests,  prelates 
and  monks  are  the  Body,  and  the  begging  friars  the 
Tail,  who  cover  all  your  lewdness  with  their  sophistry." 
Arundel  made  a  final  appeal  to  him  to  "  look  to  it 
in  time,  for  within  a  few  moments  it  will  be  in  vain." 
But  the  knight  was  firm  that  he  could  not  be- 
lieve otherwise  than  he  had  before  declared.  Then 
the  court  convicted  him  as  a  bold  maintainer  of 
heresy  against  the  faith  and  religion  of  the  Holy 
Roman  and  Universal  Church,  and  delivered  him 
to  the  secular  jurisdiction  to  be  put  to  death.* 

Henry  was  still  anxious  if  possible  to  save  his  old 
friend  and  comrade  in  arms,  and  granted  him  a 
respite  of  forty  days.  But  before  the  time  expired 
Oldcastle  escaped  from  the  Tower,  and  took  refuge 
in  the  house  of  one  William  Fisher, f  a  parchment- 
maker  in  Smithfield.  A  contemporary  writer,  \ 
remarking  upon  the  long  immunity  from  arrest  that 


*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  61-66  ;  Wilkins,  Concilia,  iii.,  351-357. 
f  Gesta,  pp.  3,4;  Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  296.      The  latter 
author  gives  Arundel  the  credit  of  this  moderation. 
^Walsingham,  Hist,  Angl.,  ii.,  299. 


IO4  Henry  V.  H413- 

Oldcastle  enjoyed,  argues  justly  to  the  wide-spread 
popularity  of  Lollard  opinions.  The  situation  was 
not  the  less  serious  from  the  circumstance  that  Old- 
castle's  supporters  were  drawn  chiefly  from  the 
commoners,  and  especially  from  the  prosperous 
middle  class  of  London  and  other  towns. 

It  is  probable  that  Henry's  anxiety  to  avoid 
extremities  was  due  in  part  to  his  recognition  of  the 
serious  danger  of  a  political  upheaval.  Oldcastle's 
/  trial  had  caused  great  alarm  among  his  supporters. 
By  breaking  out  of  prison  he  had  committed  him- 
self irretrievably  to  a  policy  of  treason.  His  own 
position  was  now  desperate,  and  under  his  guid- 
ance the  Lollard  movement  made  alliance  with 
all  who  were  hostile  to  the  existing  order :  with  the 
friends  of  Mortimer,  and  the  partisans  of  the  pre- 
tended Richard  II.,  and  even  with  the  Scots  and 
rebel  Welsh. 

Now  that  the  crisis  was  unavoidable  Henry  met  it 
with  his  wonted  prudence  and  courage.  There  was 
probably  something  of  deliberate  policy  in  his 
choice  of  this  moment  for  the  celebration  of  King 
Richard's  reinterment.  The  course  of  events  shows 
that  the  King  was  well  informed  as  to  what  was 
going  on ;  the  conspiracy  was  allowed  to  gather 
to  a  head  and  at  the  right  moment  was  dealt  with 
promptly. 

The  first  design  of  the  Lollards  was  to  have  made 
a  "  momming  "  on  Twelfth-night  at  Eltham,  where 
the  King  held  his  Christmas  Court,  and  under  col- 
our thereof  to  have  seized  Henry  and  his  brothers.* 

*  Gregory  s  Chronicle,  p.ioS. 


HENRY  V.  AND  HIS  COUNCIL. 


1414]         Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace         105 

This  plot  was  frustrated  by  a  sudden  removal  to 
Westminster.  The  Lollards  had  flocked  towards 
London  from  all  parts  of  the  country  intending, 
after  they  had  seized  the  King  and  his  brothers, 
to  overthrow  the  existing  order  and  establish  some 
sort  of  commonwealth  with  Oldcastle  as  its  head.  * 
A  great  gathering,  at  which  it  was  said  twenty 
thousand  Lollards  were  to  be  present,  was  fixed  for 
St.  Giles's  Fields  between  London  and  Westminster 
on  the  night  of  Qth  January,  when  the  city  appren- 
tices were  to  rise  in  arms.  Henry,  warned  of  their 
"  false  purpose,"  had  the  gates  barred  and  watched, 
and  himself  went  to  the  Fields  at  the  head  of  an 
armed  force.  The  would-be  insurgents,  finding  the 
ground  already  occupied,  dispersed  in  haste ;  and, 
though  Oldcastle  escaped,  many  other  of  their  lead- 
ers were  taken  prisoners.  Thirty-seven  conspirators, 
none  of  them  persons  of  note,  were  summarily  tried 
and  executed.  A  little  later  Sir  Roger  Acton,  who 
was  next  to  Oldcastle  in  the  conspiracy,  met  a 
like  fate.  Oldcastle  got  safe  away  ;  and  in  spite  of  a 
large  reward  offered  for  his  arrest,  continued  for 
four  years  to  be  a  mysterious  agent  in  whatever 
treason  was  afoot : 

"  Under  colour  of  suche  lollyng 
To  shape  sodeyn  surreccioun 

Agaynst  our  liege  lord  Kynge 
With  fals  imagynacioun."  f 

The    vigour    which     Henry    displayed    on    this 


*  F&dera,  ix.,  170,  171  ;  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.    15. 
f  Political  Songs,  ii.,  247. 


io6  Henry  V.  [1413- 

occasion  had  secured  him  an  almost  bloodless  victory. 
The  advantage  thus  gained  was  used  with  equal 
promptitude.  On  the  second  day  after  the  meeting 
in  St.  Giles's  Fields  a  proclamation  went  out  to  the 
sheriffs  of  all  counties  ordering  them  to  take  meas- 
ures for  the  arrest  of  Lollards.  But  on  28th  March, 
when  a  fitting  interval  had  elapsed,  a  general  par- 
don was  promised  to  all  but  a  few  ringleaders,  who 
were  excepted  by  name.*  This  second  proclam- 
ation was  expressly  declared  to  be  issued  on  no 
man's  petition  but  of  the  King's  own  motion,  out  of 
regard  to  the  many  persons  who,  though  led  astray 
by  bad  advice,  were  themselves  sufficiently  loyal. 
The  recent  disturbances  were,  not  unnaturally, 
the  first  subject  recommended  for  the  consideration 
of  the  Parliament  which  met  at  Leicester  on  3Oth 
April.  The  Chancellor  in  his  opening  speech  de- 
clared the  King's  firm  purpose  to  maintain  the 
Christian  faith  as  necessary  to  a  well-ordered  state. 
In  the  opinion  of  the  Government  the  question  had 
become  a  political  one,  and  was  therefore  to  be 
dealt  with  by  the  secular  authority.  All  the  officers 
of  the  Crown,  from  the  Chancellor  downwards,  were 
now  directed  by  statute  "  to  exert  their  entire  pains 
and  diligence  to  oust,  cease  and  destroy  all  manner 
heresies  and  errors  vulgarly  called  Lollardies."  f 
This  measure  was  not  based  on  a  petition  of  the 

*  Fasdttra,  ix.,  89,  119,  129;  the  third  of  these  documents  was  a 
pardon  to  certain  individuals  granted  on  2oth  May.  The  persons 
named  include  only  one  knight  besides  Oldcastle  ;  there  are  several 
"  clerks,"  but  the  great  majority  belong  to  the  mercantile  class. 
Cf.  Fcedera,  ix.,  193,  194,  for  a  later  pardon. 

f  AW/.T  of  Parliament,  iv.,  15,  24. 


1414]         Restoration  of  Domestic  Peace         107 

Commons,  and  was  no  doubt  due  to  the  direct  in- 
itiative of  the  King  and  his  Council. 
^  Henry's  anxiety  for  a  firm  and  orderly  govern- 
ment was  shown  also  in  two  other  measures  recom-" J 
mended  by  the  Chancellor  to  Parliament.  The  first 
was  to  provide  for  the  better  keeping  of  peace  on 
the  high  seas  ;  the  second  dealt  with  the  rioters  and 
malefactors  who  infested  various  parts  of  the  coun- 
try, and  particularly  the  Northern  Marches.  But 
although  the  principal  legislation  of  the  session 
owed  its  inspiration  to  the  King,  this  was  not  due 
to  any  lack  of  independence  on  the  part  of  the  Com- 
mons. The  great  constitutional  principle,  that 
statutes  should  be  enacted  in  the  terms  of  the 
petitions  on  which  they  were  based,  was  successfully 
asserted.  Henry,  on  his  side,  showed  that  a  high  <~~ 
sense  of  his  rights  did  not  blind  him  to  his  duties  as 
a  constitutional  ruler.  He  granted  freely  that  no- 
thing should  be  enacted  whereby  the  Commons 
should  be  bound  without  their  assent,  "  saving  al- 
ways to  our  liege  lord  his  royal  prerogative  to  grant 
and  deny  what  him  lust  of  their  petitions  and 
askings."  *  For  this  recognition  of  their  position  L^ 
as  "  Assenters  "  and  not  merely  "Petitioners"  the  k 
Commons  had  striven  in  vain  during  the  reigns  of  L 
Edward  III.  and  Richard  II.  The  concession  was 
of  vital  importance  to  the  future  welfare  of  Par- 
liament.  It  has  also  a  narrower  significance  for  the 
moment  at  which  it  was  made.  It  affords  the  most 
convincing  proof  that  the  Parliament  which  obtained 
it  was  no  mere  instrument  for  registering  the  King's 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv. ,  22. 


io8  Henry  V.  [1413-1414 

wishes ;  and  that  the  King,  who  granted  it,  under- 
stood the  importance  to  his  government  of  the 
good-will  of  the  governed. 

Thus  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign  was  Henry 
called  upon  to  deal  with  a  domestic  crisis  of  the 
most  serious  character.  In  meeting  it  he  had  shown 
forbearance  without  weakness,  and  promptitude  with- 
out panic;  he  had  exercised  justice  with  swift  sever- 
ity, but  had  tempered  it  with  timely  mercy.  His 
amnesty  for  the  past  and  his  dealings  with  two  Par- 
liaments had  marked  him  as  a  ruler  who  could  trust 
and  be  trusted.  It  would  be  absurd  to  suppose  that 
he  had  in  so  brief  a  time  appeased  all  the  surviving 
elements  of  discontent.  Much  had,  however,  been 
accomplished,  and  the  great  body  of  the  nation 
must  have  recognised  that  in  Henry  they  possessed 
a  prince  who  not  only  knew  how  to  govern,  but 
could  win  and  deserve  the  confidence  of  his  subjects. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THREATENINGS   OF   WAR 
I4I3-I4I5 

SHAKESPEARE,  following  the  chroniclers  of 
the  sixteenth  century,  ascribes  the  war  with 
France  to  the  designs  of  the  higher  clergy,  who 
thought  by  this  means  to  prevent  a  revival  of  those 
projects  of  Church  reform  which  had  been  mooted 
in  the  previous  reign.  The  theory  that  the  bishops 
encouraged  Henry  V.  to  challenge  his  rights  in 
France,  so  that  he  might  not  seek  occasion  to  enter 
upon  such  matters  as  the  alienation  of  ecclesiastical 
property,  was  first  advanced  by  an  English  writer  of 
the  following  generation.*  In  the  next  century  it 
was  further  developed  by  Redmayne  and  Hall,  or  by 
some  contemporary,  to  whom  the  circumstances  of 
their  time  made  it  acceptable.  At  the  Parliament  of 
Leicester  in  1414,  so  goes  their  history,  the  Wycliff- 
ite  proposals  for  a  confiscation  of  Church  goods  were 
revived ;  Chichele,  as  Archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
thereupon  rose  in  his  place  and  in  a  set  speech 
stirred  up  the  King  to  war  with  France.  The  official 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  iivo. 
109 


1 1  o  Henry  V.  [1413- 

rccord  of  that  Parliament  gives,  however,  no  hint 
that  any  such  proposals  were  brought  forward,  or 
that  the  prospects  of  war  with  France  were  then 
discussed.  Nor  indeed  was  Chichele  yet  Arch- 
bishop ;  for  though  Arundel  had  died  in  February, 
the  appointment  of  his  successor  was  not  completed 
till  after  the  dissolution  of  the  Parliament.  On  the 
other  hand,  it  is  true  that  Chichele  gave  a  loyal  sup- 
port to  the  policy  of  his  master  ;  and  that  under  his 
guidance  the  clergy  showed  themselves  generous  in 
providing  means  for  the  prosecution  of  the  war.  It 
is  not  impossible  that  King  and  Archbishop  may 
have  felt  that  a  spirited  foreign  policy  would  afford 
a  wholesome  vent  to  the  humours  of  the  late 
"  scambling  and  unquiet  time."  Still  there  is  no 
necessity  to  attribute  to  either  of  them  so  Macchia- 
vellian  a  policy,  and  it  not  likely  that  this  was  their 
only  or  principal  motive. 

The  idea  of  war  with  France  was  not  unpopular. 
The  old  traditional  and  commercial  intercourse  that 
bound  England  to  Flanders  and  Gascony,  the  north- 
ern and  southern  enemies  of  the  central  power  at 
Paris,  favoured  it ;  it  was  fostered  also  by  the  mut- 
ual piracy  of  the  maritime  populations  on  either 
side  of  the  Channel.*  The  long  dispute  between 
the  two  nations  was  still  unsettled,  and  the  recent 
actions  of  the  French  Government  had  given  the 
English  good  cause  for  complaint.  To  Henry  him- 
self, with  his  high  belief  in  his  own  rights,  the  as- 

*  In  the  first  year  of  Henry's  reign,  English  adventurers  burnt 
Dieppe,  and  afterwards,  seemingly  with  the  King's  approval, 
sacked  Treport. — Chron.  St.  Denys.  v.,  69. 


1415]  Threatenings  of  War  1 1 1 

sertion  of  his  claim  to  the  throne  of  France  must 
have  appeared  almost  in  the  light  of  a  duty.  Pos- 
sibly he  may,  even  now,  have  had  other  motives,  and 
dreamt  that  when  Western  Europe  was  united  under 
his  sway,  he  would  restore  the  unity  of  the  Church 
and  become  the  leader  of  Christendom  in  a  new 
Crusade. 

However  this  may  be,  it  is  certain  that  from 
the  beginning  of  his  reign  Henry  contemplated  the 
likelihood  of  armed  intervention  in  France.  The 
course  of  events  in  that  country  made  such  a  policy 
more  than  ever  possible.  In  April,  1413,  the  Bur- 
gundian  faction  in  Paris,  fearing  that  power  was 
slipping  from  their  hands,  had  established  a  reign  of 
terror  under  a  leader  named  Caboche.  But  the 
atrocities  of  the  "  Cabochiens "  so  alienated  the 
more  moderate  bourgeoisie  that  a  few  months  later 
the  Armagnac  princes  were  able  to  re-enter  Paris, 
and  Burgundy  fled  in  discredit  to  Flanders.  The 
poor  mad  King  was  of  no  account  ;  and  his  son  the 
Dauphin  was  a  weak  and  worthless  youth,  who 
wearied  of  both  parties  in  turn  and  presently  called 
in  Burgundy  to  his  aid.  So  in  1414  northern  France 
was  again  devastated  by  civil  war.  The  Armagnacs 
had  the  advantage  on  this  occasion  of  being  able  to 
use  the  royal  name,  and  in  the  autumn  besieged 
Burgundy  at  Arras.  Eventually,  by  the  inter- 
vention of  the  Flemings,  a  compromise  was  ar- 
ranged. John  the  Fearless  was  left  to  rule  his  own 
estates,  but  swore  to  conclude  no  treaty  with  Eng- 
land without  the  King's  consent.  The  central 
government  rested  with  the  Dauphin  and  his 


112  Henry  V.  [1413- 

favourites,  so  far  as  the  turbulent  Armagnac  no- 
bility would  allow  them  to  exercise  it. 

Under  such  circumstances  the  only  problem  for 
the  English  Government  was  to  decide  from  which 
party  they  could  obtain  the  most  advantage.  Henry 
himself,  supported  by  Bedford  and  the  Beauforts, 
favoured  a  Burgundian  alliance  ;  Clarence  not  un- 
naturally looked  to  the  Armagnacs,  and  was  sup- 
ported by  his  brother  Humphrey,  as  well  as  by  the 
Duke  of  York.  In  July,  1413,  whilst  the  Bur- 
gundian party  still  held  power  in  Paris,  Henry 
Chichele  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  had  been  ap- 
pointed to  treat  both  for  a  renewal  of  the  truce 
with  France  and  for  an  arrangement  with  Burgundy 
as  concerned  his  own  dominions.*  The  negotiations 
were  conducted  at  Leulinghen,  near  Calais,  in  Sep- 
tember, and  resulted  in  an  extension  of  the  truce 
for  Picardy  and  Flanders.  About  the  same  time 
Edward  of  York  was  at  Paris  on  his  way  home  from 
Aquitaine,  and  there  opened  proposals  with  the 
Armagnacs  for  a  marriage  between  Henry  and  the 
French  King's  daughter  Catherine.  Eventually  it 
was  arranged  that  the  Government  at  Paris  should 
send  an  embassy  to  treat  in  England. 

On  i  Qth  December  the  French  ambassadors  reached 
London  f ;  at  their  head  was  the  Archbishop  of 
Bourges,  a  proud  and  eloquent  man  but  no  diplo- 
matist. The  English  representatives,  of  whom  the 
chief  were  the  Bishop  of  Durham  and  the  Earl  of 
Warwick,  were  commissioned,  as  it  would  appear,  to 
assert  their  master's  claims  to  the  throne  of  France 

*  Facdcra,  ix.,  34-36.  \  Chron.  London,  p.  97. 


1415]  Threatenings  of  War  113 

in  full.  The  French  ambassadors  pleaded  that  they 
had  no  power  to  treat  of  such  a  matter.  Neverthe- 
less, on  24th  January  a  truce,  to  last  till  2nd 
February,  1415,  was  concluded,  and  Henry  pledged 
himself  to  make  no  other  alliance  pending  the  pro- 
posal for  his  marriage  with  Catherine  of  France.* 

The  Armagnac  Government  was  quite  unable 
to  appreciate  the  situation.  Henry's  demands  were 
no  doubt  extravagant,  but  the  derision  with  which 
they  were  received  at  Paris  was  absurd.  The  Dau- 
phin, with  childish  humour,  before  his  ambassadors 
were  actually  returned,  sent  a  message  to  Henry 
that  he  was  over-young  and  too  tender  of  age  to 
make  any  war,  and  with  it  he  sent  him  a  tun  full  of 
tennis-balls  that  he  and  his  lords  might  have  some- 
thing to  play  with.f  Henry  replied  merrily  that  he 
would  soon  send  such  balls  from  London  J  as  would 
bring  the  Dauphin's  palace  about  his  ears.  The  inci- 
dent had  no  real  bearing  on  the  course  of  the  nego- 
tiations, but  it  stirred  the  popular  fancy  and  feeling. 
In  the  vernacular  history  and  ballads  of  the  time 
these  tennis-balls  figure  as  the'beginning  of  evil  for 
the  French. 


*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  91-103. 

f  Otterbourne,  p.  275  ;  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius, 
A.  viii.,  f.  ivo.  Other  writers,  like  Walsingham  (Hist.  Angl.,  ii., 
302)  and  Elmham  ( Vita,  p.  30),  speak  of  the  French  scornful  flip- 
pancy without  giving  details  ;  did  they  think  them  too  undignified  ? 
Elmham,  however,  duly  records  the  present  of  tennis-balls  in  his 
"  Liber  Metricus"  (155-162).  The  story  seems  well  established  ; 
Otterbourne  says  that  Henry  was  at  Kenilworth  ;  this  fixes  the  date, 
for  the  King  was  there  on  2yth  February.  Cf.  Faedera,  ix.,  117. 

\  In  contradistinction  to  "  pilae  Parisianae  "  or  tennis-balls. 


H4  Henry  V.  [1413- 

Whilst  the  Parliament  was  sitting  at  Leicester 
there  came  to  England  fresh  embassies  both  from 
Burgundy  and  the  Armagnacs.  Burgundy's  envoys 
had  the  better  reception  and  treated  with  the  King 
in  person  at  Leicester,  whilst  the  Dauphin's  ambas- 
sadors remained  at  London.  On  23rd  May,  Henry 
concluded  a  secret  treaty  with  Burgundy,  providing 
for  an  alliance  against  the  Armagnacs,  but  with  a 
saving  for  the  French  King.  On  4th  June,  Henry  le 
Scrope  and  Hugh  Mortimer  were  appointed  publicly 
to  negotiate  with  Burgundy  not  only  for  an  alliance 
and  commercial  intercourse,  but  actually  for  a  mar- 
riage with  his  daughter,  another  Catherine ;  author- 
ity was  also  given  to  the  envoys  to  receive  from  the 
Duke  his  homage  as  Henry's  vassal.*  It  was  not 
without  reason  that  the  Government  at  Paris  sus- 
pected Burgundy  of  intriguing  for  an  English  alliance. 
The  negotiations  with  the  Armagnac  envoys  had 
been  concluded  four  days  previously,  when  the 
Bishops  of  Durham  and  Norwich,  f  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury and  Richard  Grey  of  Codnor,  were  appointed 
as  the  King's  ambassadors  to  treat  for  the  marriage 
and  for  "  a  way  of  ministration  of  justice  and  the  re- 
stitution of  our  rights  and  heritage."  \  The  Eng- 
lish envoys  crossed  over  to  France  on  loth  July,  and 
opened  negotiations  with  the  Duke  of  Berri  at  Paris, 
whilst  the  Dauphin  was  prosecuting  his  war  with 
Burgundy  before  Arras.  The  Duke  rejected  Henry's 

*  Fa-t/era,  ix.,  136-138. 

f  This  was  Henry's  old  friend  Richard  Courtenay  who   had  been 
consecrated  in  September,  1413. 
|  Feeder  a,  ix.,  131,  150. 


1415]  Threatenings  of  War  115 

demand  for  the  Crown  of  France  as  too  ridiculous  to 
be  discussed,  but  intimated  that  he  might  assent  to 
some  territorial  concessions  in  Aquitaine.*  So  no 
advance  was  made  beyond  an  extension  of  the  pro- 
mise of  marriage,  and  the  bishops  returned  to  England 
at  the  beginning  of  October. 

Henry  may  have  used  diplomacy  as  a  weapon  to 
prevent  any  agreement  between  Burgundy  and  the 
Armagnacs,  and  probably  played  off  one  party  against 
the  other.  He  can  have  expected  no  practical  result 
from  his  negotiations,  but  delay  gave  time  for  prepar- 
ation. The  whole  question  was  laid  before  a  Council 
of  nobles  which  met  at  Westminster  at  Michael- 
mas. The  Lords  declared  their  confidence  that  so 
Christian  a  prince  would  eschew  by  all  possible  ways 
the  shedding  of  Christian  blood,  and  recommended  a 
further  embassy.  Deferentially  they  suggested  that 
the  King  might  of  his  own  proper  motion  offer  some 
mean  way,  that  were  a  "  moderingof  your  hole  title." 
If  he  was  met  with  a  denial  of  all  right  and  reason, 
they  were  ready  with  their  bodies  to  do  him  service, 
and  trusted  that  all  the  works  of  readiness  would 
in  the  meantime  be  wrought  and  thought  of  under 
advice  of  the  Council,  f 

In  November,  the  second  Parliament  of  the  year 
was  assembled.  Henry  Beaufort,  the  Chancellor, 
took  for  his  text,  "  While  we  have  time  let  us  do 
good."  There  was,  he  said,  a  time  for  peace  and  a 
time  for  war :  by  the  gift  of  God  there  was  now  peace 

*  Fader  a,  ix.,   186  ;  Chron.  St.  Denys,  v.,  376. 
f  Nicolas,    Proceedings    and  Ordinances   of    the  Privy   Council^ 
ii.,  140-142. 


n6  Henry  V.  H413- 

at  home  and  a  just  quarrel,  as  became  a  prince  who 
intended  war  abroad.  But  for  the  King's  high  and 
honourable  purpose  there  were  three  things  needful : 
the  sage  and  loyal  counsel  of  his  lieges,  the  strong 
and  true  assistance  of  his  people,  and  a  bounteous 
subsidy  from  his  subjects.  All  which  they  would 
readily  grant,  seeing  that  the  more  the  Prince's  patri- 
mony is  increased,  the  more  the  charges  of  his  lieges 
are  diminished.  Henry's  confidence  in  his  people 
was  justified.  The  Dauphin's  ill-timed  jest  and  the 
King's  high  bearing  had  roused  the  warlike  spirit 
of  the  nation.  The  Commons  responded  with  alac- 
rity and  voted  two  whole  fifteenths  and  two  whole 
tenths,  though  they  recommended  that  a  further  em- 
bassy should  be  sent  to  France.*. 

Henry  accordingly  commissioned  the  Bishops  of 
Durham  and  Norwich,  the  Earl  of  Dorset  and  Rich- 
ard Grey  of  Codnor  to  go  again  to  Paris,  "hoping  in 
the  Lord  that  a  final  peace  might  yet  be  devised." 
The  recommendations  of  the  Council  and  Commons 
and  the  King's  pious  aspirations  were  perhaps  equally 
formal.  The  ambassadors  crossed  over  in  February, 
1415.  They  first  demanded  the  restitution  of  the 
Crown  of  France  ;  but  as  this  seemed  not  likely  to  be 
acceptable  they  condescended  further,  protesting 
that  if  the  King  took  less  than  his  rights  it  was  only 
for  the  honour  of  God  and  the  love  of  peace.  So 
after  much  parleying  they  at  last  disclosed  what  were 
presumably  the  genuine  demands,  namely,  (i)  the 
fulfilment  of  the  Treaty  of  Bretigny  ;  (2)  the  cession 
of  half  the  county  of  Provins,  and  the  lordships  of 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.  34-35  ;  Proc.  Privy  Council,  ii.,  150. 


1415]  Tkreatenings  of  War  117 

Beaufort  and  Nogent ;  *  (3)  the  payment  of  King 
John's  ransom,  amounting  to  1,600,000  crowns  ;f 
and  (4)  the  hand  of  Catherine  with  a  dowry  of  2,000,- 
ooo  crowns.  The  French  in  reply  offered  large  con- 
cessions in  Aquitaine  and  a  dowry,  first  of  600,000, 
and  eventually  of  800,000  crowns.  Further  than  this 
they  would  not  go ;  their  proposals  were  so  liberal 
that  the  payment  of  the  ransom  of  King  John  might 
well  be  waived,  whilst  Provins,  Beaufort,  and  Nogent 
were  not  in  the  royal  power  to  give.  To  such  terms 
the  English  ambassadors  had  no  authority  to  agree ; 
so  towards  the  end  of  March  they  departed  home- 
wards, after  arranging  that  fresh  ambassadors  should 
be  sent  to  treat  with  Henry  in  England.  \ 

By  this  time  the  French  Court  can  have  hoped  for 
no  more  than  a  postponement  of  the  war,  unless  they 
were  prepared  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  king- 
dom. It  was  indeed  reported  in  France  that  Henry 
could  no  longer  control  the  impatient  ardour  of  his 
subjects,  and  was  determined  to  maintain  his  pre- 
tensions sword  in  hand.  §  It  is  certainly  true  that 
the  spirit  of  the  English  nation  was  fully  roused, 
and  for  months  past  both  King  and  people  had  been 
preparing  openly  for  war.  In  September,  1414,  the 
exportation  of  gunpowder  from  English  ports  was 
forbidden,  and  orders  issued  to  Nicholas  Merbury 
"our  Master  of  Works,  Engines,  Guns,  and  other 

*  These  lands  were  claimed  by  Henry,  as  heir  of  Edmund  of  Lan- 
caster and  Blanche  Countess  of  Champagne, 
f  This  is  £266,666. 13. 4. 
\  Fadera,  ix.,  208-15. 
§  Chron.  St.  Denys,  v.,  499. 


1 1 8  Henry  V.  [1413- 

Ordnance  of  War."  *  The  following  spring  saw  a 
more  extended  activity.  In  March  officers  were 
despatched  to  hire  ships  in  Holland  and  bring  them 
to  London,  Sandwich  and  Winchelsea.  Nicholas 
Mauduyt  and  Robert  Sellowe,  the  King's  sergeants- 
at-arms,  had  orders  to  seize  all  vessels  of  twenty 
tons  burthen  and  upwards  from  Bristol  to  the  Tyne  ; 
the  English  ships  were  to  be  brought  to  Southamp- 
ton, and  the  foreign  ones  to  the  same  ports  as  those 
hired  in  Holland,  f  The  King's  Pavilioner,  the 
royal  Bowyer,  the  Sergeant-Carter,  the  Sergeant- 
Farrier,  the  royal  Minstrels,  the  King's  Physician 
and  Surgeon,  all  in  due  course  received  orders  to 
make  preparations  in  their  respective  departments. 
The  Sheriffs  were  directed  to  collect  draught-oxen 
for  transport  and  cattle  for  the  commissariat ;  the 
proper  officers  were  commissioned  to  hire  masons, 
carpenters  and  smiths  for  service  in  the  war.  The 
royal  jewels  were  put  in  pawn,  and  large  loans  of 
money  raised  from  English  towns  \  and  Italian  mer- 
chants. Nothing  that  was  necessary  for  the  equip- 
ment of  a  great  expedition  was  overlooked,  and  even 
in  April,  1415,  it  was  reported  in  France  that  no 
English  King  had  ever  got  together  so  strong  an 
army. 

Henry's  forethought  was  not  confined  merely  to 

*  The  King's  guns  were  brought  from  Bristol  in  September,  1413. — 
Feeder  a,  ix.,  49. 

\  Id.,  ix.,  215-216. 

\  London  lent  10,000  maiks  ;  Norwich  500,  Lynn  400,  Bristol  360, 
and  even  a  small  place  like  Sudbury  40  marks.  A  little  later,  when 
Henry  was  at  Harfleur,  Richard  Whittington  sent  him  a  loan  of  700 
marks.  (Faedtra,  ix.,  310.) 


T415]  Threatenings  of  War  119 

the  equipment  of  his  host.  Due  precautions  were 
taken  for  the  safeguarding  of  the  country  during  his 
absence.  From  the  commencement  of  his  reign  he 
had  recognised  the  wisdom  of  making  terms  with 
the  Scots,  and  had  opened  proposals  for  the  restora- 
tion of  the  young  King  James.  This  had  so  far 
come  to  nothing,  though  a  truce  had  been  estab- 
lished between  the  two  countries.  In  February, 
1415,  the  Council  had  made  provision  for  the  safe- 
guarding of  the  coasts  and  the  garrisoning  of  Wales, 
the  Scottish  March,  and  Calais,  during  the  King's 
absence.  After  the  failure  of  the  embassy  to  France 
was  reported,  a  great  Council  was  summoned  to 
Westminster  on  i6th  April,  when  Henry  declared 
his  firm  intention  to  make  a  voyage  in  his  own 
person  for  the  recovery  of  his  inheritance.  Next  day 
Bedford  was  named  Lieutenant  in  his  brother's 
absence,  and  his  Council  appointed.  It  was  also  de- 
cided what  payments  were  to  be  made  to  those  who 
went  on  the  voyage,  *  and  many  of  the  great  nobles 
who  were  present  concluded  their  agreements  with 
the  King.  Among  the  first  was  Thomas  of  Clarence, 
who  covenanted  to  serve  with  240  rrjen-at-arms  and 
720  horse-archers.  This  was  an  unusual  number; 
even  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  promised  only  40  men-at- 
arms  and  80  horse-archers  ;  and  Thomas,  the  Baron 
of  Carew,  12  men-at-arms  and  24  foot-archers.  On 
the  29th  May,  the  commissions  of  array  went  out 
to  every  county  to  muster  hoblers,f  archers,  and 
men-at-arms.  All  were  summoned  to  be  at  South- 
ampton by  the  beginning  of  July.  For  a  year  past 

*  See  below,  page  198.  f  Light  horsemen. 


I2O  Henry  V.  [1413- 

the  King  had  never  been  far  from  the  capital ;  but  as 
the  time  for  departure  drew  nigh  his  presence  was 
needed  elsewhere.  On  i8th  June,  he  rode  through 
London  to  make  his  offering  at  St.  Paul's,  and  when 
the  Mayor  and  citizens  had  bidden  him  God-speed, 
started  for  Winchester. 

Meanwhile  the  negotiations  with  the  French  still 
dragged  their  course.  On  7th  April,  Henry  had 
sent  Dorset  Herald  to  Paris,  declaring  his  continued 
desire  for  peace  and  his  surprise  at  the  dallying  of 
the  intended  embassy.  The  French  King  had  ap- 
pointed his  representatives  a  few  days  later,  and  the 
truce  had  been  prolonged  to  give  time  for  negotia- 
tion. But  it  was  only  on  i/th  June  that  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Bourges  and  his  colleagues  crossed  over 
to  Dover.  They  proceeded  by  easy  stages  to  Win- 
chester, where  they  arrived  on  3Oth  June.  Henry 
received  them  in  the  hall  of  the  Bishop's  palace, 
reclining  on  a  dais  and  clad  in  a  long  robe  of  cloth 
of  gold.  On  his  right  hand  were  standing  his  three 
brothers,  the  Duke  of  York,  and  other  nobles ;  on  his 
left,  the  Bishops  of  Winchester,  Durham,  and  Nor- 
wich. The  ambassadors  with  a  humble  obeisance 
presented  their  letters  of  credence,  which  the  King 
kissed  and  handed  to  his  Chancellor.  Wine  and 
spices  were  then  served,  and  the  audience  concluded 
with  an  invitation  to  dinner  next  day. 

On  1st  July,  after  mass,  the  King  received  the  am- 
bassadors in  public.  The  Archbishop  of  Bourges 
delivered  an  address  on  the  text,  "  Peace  be  unto 
thee  and  to  thine  house."  Henry  Beaufort  replied 
that  his  master  had  heard  the  Archbishop's  eloquent 


1415]  Threatenings  of  War  121 

speech  with  much  pleasure,  and  desired  to  make 
good  speed  with  the  negotiations.  A  state  banquet 
followed,  and  at  its  close  the  King  spoke  very 
graciously  to  the  French  envoys,  but  no  business 
was  done. 

On  the  third  day  the  representatives  of  the  two 
nations  at  last  got  to  work.  The  French  offered  the 
same  territory  as  before,  with  a  dower  of  800,000 
francs,  which  after  much  argument  they  raised  to 
900,000.  The  same  subject  was  discussed  on  3rd 
July,  the  English  demanding  that  the  dower  should 
be  900,000  crowns ;  the  French  were  willing  to  in- 
crease their  first  offer  from  francs  to  crowns,  but  on 
this  point  they  could  come  to  no  terms.  On  the 
fifth  day  the  King  was  present  in  person  to  hear  what 
the  French  would  offer  in  the  way  of  justice.  The 
Archbishop  of  Bourges  proposed  some  further  terri- 
torial concessions  in  the  Limousin,  and  an  increase 
of  the  dower  to  850,000  crowns.  This  seemed  to 
please  the  King,  who  said  that  he  would  consider  it. 
At  the  next  session  Henry  expressed  his  readiness  to 
accept  the  proposed  terms,  if  coupled  with  a  definite 
truce  for  fifty  years.  He  offered  to  send  his  secre- 
tary to  France  to  obtain  a  decision,  if  the  ambassadors 
would  in  the  meantime  remain  in  England.  Such 
an  unexpected  complacency  rather  disconcerted  the 
envoys,  who  at  once  began  to  raise  difficulties  as  to 
the  fulfilment  of  the  compact.  Henry  then  closed 
the  audience  in  manifest  displeasure.  Next  day  the 
Chancellor  delivered  to  the  ambassadors  his  master's 
final  reply.  The  King,  he  said,  had  been  anxious  to 
find  in  the  marriage  an  honourable  way  for  peace. 


122  Henry  V.  [1413- 

Now  after  protracted  delay  the  French  offered  a 
considerable  territory  and  a  dowry  of  8 50,000  crowns, 
but  they  could  not  or  would  not  furnish  any  assurance 
as  to  the  completion  of  the  undertaking.  It  was 
clear  that  his  cousin  of  France  had  no  intention  to 
labour  sincerely  and  truly  for  peace.  "  Therefore  my 
master  relying  upon  the  divine  assistance  must  have 
recourse  to  other  remedies.  God,  the  angels  and 
mankind,  heaven  and  earth  and  all  that  are  therein, 
are  his  witnesses,  that  he  is  driven  hereto  by  the  de- 
nial of  justice  that  he  has  met  with  at  the  hands  of 
his  said  cousin." 

With  this  the  negotiations  were  broken  off;  the 
ambassadors  took  their  leave  of  the  King,  and  re- 
turned in  haste  to  their  own  country.*  Both  sides  had 
now  abandoned  all  idea  of  peace  ;  and  though  on  28th 
July  Henry  sent  his  principal  herald  to  Paris,  with  a 
message  couched  in  the  loftiest  terms  of  self-right- 
eousness but  offering  to  forego  50,000  crowns  of  the 
dowry,  the  mission  was  no  doubt  intended  as  a  formal 
defiance  to  war,  and  as  such  the  French  accepted  it. 

After  the  departure  of  the  ambassadors,  Henry 
paid  a  brief  visit  to  London.  He  was  back  at  South- 
ampton on  2Oth  July,  when  he  issued  orders  for  the 
final  muster  with  a  view  to  the  immediate  sailing  of 
the  host.  But  at  the  very  moment  when  all  seemed 
to  be  in  fair  progress  there  came  a  thunderbolt  from 
an  unexpected  quarter. 

The  Earl  of  March  sought  an  audience  with  the 
King,  and  revealed  a  plot  that  was  on  the  point  of 
execution.  He  had  been  long  worked  on  by  his 

*  Chron,  St.  Denys,  v.,  512-526. 


1415]  Threatenings  of  War  123 

confessors  to  claim  what  they  told  him  were  his 
rights ;  and  lately  he  had  been  approached  by  his 
brother-in-law,  the  Earl  of  Cambridge,  with  a  pro- 
posal t!iat  he  should  flee  into  Wales  and  issue  a 
proclamation  asserting  his  title  to  the  Crown.  Cam- 
bridge in  his  confession  declared  that  March  had 
himself  assented  to  the  plot.  The  leaders  in  the  con- 
spiracy, besides  Cambridge,  were  Henry  le  Scrope 
of  Masham  and  Sir  Thomas  Grey  of  Heton,  a  knight 
of  the  North  Country.  The  intention  was  to  bring 
in  the  pretended  Richard  from  Scotland  ;  or,  if  this, 
as  was  likely,  failed,  to  proclaim  the  Earl  of  March 
King.  The  scheme  also  included  projects  for  recall- 
ing the  heir  of  Percy  from  Scotland,  and  rekindling 
the  rebellion  in  Wales.  It  was  in  effect  a  revival  of 
the  old  alliance  of  Percy,  Mortimer  and  Glendower. 
Grey  no  doubt  represented  the  Percy  element,  and 
Cambridge  the  claims  of  Mortimer.  Scrope's  com- 
plicity was  more  amazing ;  he  had  been  Treasurer 
in  1411,  and  enjoyed  Henry's  peculiar  favour  and 
friendship  ;  he  had  even  shared  the  King's  bed,  and 
in  the  most  confidential  negotiations  with  France  he 
had  been  an  indispensable  agent.  An  explanation  of 
his  treachery  has  been  sought  in  his  marriage  to 
Johanna  Holland,  the  Duchess  Dowager  of  York  and 
step-mother  of  Cambridge.  Popular  rumour  alleged 
that  the  conspirators  were  bribed  with  French  gold  ; 
if  there  is  any  truth  in  this  story  it  is  perhaps  pos- 
sible that  Scrope  was  the  go-between,  and  the  mer- 
cenary author  of  the  whole  conspiracy.* 

*  Walsingham  (Hist,  Angl.,  ii.,  305-306)  seems  to  support  such  a 


124  Henry  V.  [1413- 

It  was  on  2Oth  July  that  March  revealed  the  plot 
to  the  King.  Next  day  a  commission  of  enquiry 
was  appointed  and  the  three  chief  conspirators  at 
once  arrested.  On  2nd  August  they  were  brought 
before  a  jury  of  the  county  at  Southampton.  Cam- 
bridge and  Grey  confessed  their  guilt  and  threw 
themselves  on  the  King's  mercy,  but  Scrope  claimed 
that  he  should  be  tried  by  his  peers.  The  jury 
found  them  all  guilty,  and  Grey  as  a  commoner  was 
beheaded  forthwith.  The  final  decision  in  the  cases 
of  Cambridge  and  Scrope  was  referred  to  a  court  of 
peers  summoned  specially  under  the  presidency  of 
the  Duke  of  Clarence.  This  Court  confirmed  the 
finding  of  the  jury,  and  on  5th  August  both  Scrope 
and  Cambridge  were  beheaded. 

Henry's  justice,  as  on  all  such  occasions,  was  swift 
and  severe  ;  but  he  was  not  vindictive  nor  suspicious, 
and  showed  the  same  friendship  as  before  to  the 
young  Earl  of  March  and  to  Cambridge's  brother, 
Edward  of  York.  The  danger  was  sufficiently  serious 
to  have  justified  the  most  extreme  measures,  since 
had  the  conspirators  succeeded  in  their  intentions 
the  King's  departure  for  France  would  have  been 
followed  by  a  general  rising.  The  Lollards  were,  it 
would  seem,  privy  to  the  conspiracy  ;  and  on  a  false 
report  that  the  King  had  sailed,  Oldcastle  had 
emerged  from  his  hiding-place.  But,  after  the  news 
of  what  had  befallen  the  traitors  at  Southampton, 
the  movement  collapsed  ;  and  Oldcastle  disappeared 
as  mysteriously  as  before. 

There  were  not  wanting  advisers  who  urged  that, 
in  view  of  so  manifold  a  tissue  of  treasons,  the  King 


14151 


Tkreatenings  of  War 


125 


should  defer  his  expedition  till  a  more  favourable 
time.  But  though  he  took  such  precautions  for  the 
future  as  prudence  dictated,  Henry  was  firm  in  his 
purpose  to  go.  Any  suggestion  of  panic  or  timidity 
would  indeed  have  been  impolitic.  The  season  re- 
quired a  bold  and  fearless  ruler  ;  it  was  Henry's  con- 
fidence in  himself  and  his  destinies  that  was  the 
secret  of  his  strength.  \ 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  FIRST  INVASION  OF  FRANCE 
AUG.-OCT.,    1415 

ON  Wednesday,  7th  August,  Henry  embarked 
on  a  small  vessel  at  Porchester  Castle,  and 
was  taken  out  to  his  ship,  The  Trinity,  then 
lying  in  Southampton  Water.  As  soon  as  he  had 
gone  on  board,  the  sail-yard  was  hoisted  half-mast 
high  as  a  signal  to  make  ready  for  sea.  It  took  three 
days  for  the  vast  fleet  of  1500  ships  to  assemble 
from  Southampton  and  the  adjoining  harbours. 
Numerous  as  the  ships  were,  they  did  not  suffice  to 
carry  all  the  troops  who  had  been  brought  together. 
The  actual  number  of  fighting  men  who  left  Eng- 
land may  have  been  in  round  numbers  2000  men- 
at-arms,  with  upwards  of  6000  archers,  more  than 
half  the  latter  being  mounted.  Besides  these  there 
were  in  the  King's  own  retinue  120  miners  and  75 
gunners.  The  total  can  hardly  have  been  so  great 
as  9000  effective  troops ;  but  in  addition  there  were 
a  large  number  of  pages  and  serving-men.  Henry's 
own  retinue,  exclusive  of  the  miners  and  gunners, 
consisted  of  750  persons,  armourers,  yeomen  of  the 
pavilions,  bowyers,  saddlers,  smiths,  carpenters,  and 

126 


1415]          The  First  Invasion  of  France          127 

other  labourers,  not  to  mention  physicians,  surgeons, 
and  chaplains.*  Three  dukes,  eight  earls,  and  nearly 
twenty  barons,  besides  a  great  number  of  knights 
and  other  gentlemen  took  part  in  the  expedition, 
which  thus  included  almost  the  whole  chivalry  of 
England.f 

At  last  on  Sunday,  I  ith  August,  all  was  ready,  and 
favoured  by  a  gentle  breeze  the  great  fleet  set  sail. 
As  the  cliffs  of  the  Isle  of  Wight  faded  in  the  dis- 
tance, a  number  of  swans  were  observed  swimming 
fearlessly  between  the  ships,  a  circumstance  which 
the  beholders  interpreted  as  a  happy  omen.  On  the 
Tuesday  evening  about  five  o'clock,  the  English  navy 
entered  the  Seine  and  dropped  anchor  off  the  Chef 
de  Caux,  three  miles  below  Harfleur.  The  "  Banner 
of  Council "  was  flown  on  The  Trinity,  and  the  cap- 
tains of  the  host  at  once  went  on  board  to  receive  their 
orders  from  the  King.  Early  next  morning  before 
daybreak  a  small  party  was  landed  to  reconnoitre, 


*  The  Roll  compiled  by  Nicolas  (Battle  of  Agincourt,  pp. 
373-389)  gives  2536  men-at-arms,  4128  horse-archers,  3771  foot- 
archers,  and  98  crossbowmen  ;  in  all  10,533.  But  this  includes 
double  entries  and  some  who  are  known  not  to  have  gone  ;  on  the 
other  hand  there  are  some  omissions;  see  Gesta,  p.  9,  note  I. 
Henry's  chaplain  (Gesta,  pp.  35-36)  says  300  lances  and  900  archers 
were  left  at  Harfleur,  about  5000  sent  home  sick,  leaving  not  more 
than  900  lances  and  5000  archers  to  go  to  Agincourt ;  after  an  allow- 
ance for  those  who  died  before  Harfleur  we  have  a  total  of  well  over 
]  2,000.  But  the  two  items  of  5000  are  round  numbers  and  probably 
excessive.  See  further,  pp.  135,  136. 

f  Only  three  Earls  were  absent,  viz.:  Westmoreland,  who  was  on 
the  Scottish  March  ;  Warwick,  who  was  Captain  of  Calais  ;  and 
Devonshire,  who  was  too  old.  Stafford  and  Somerset  as  boys  do  not 
count.  The  whole  peerage  did  not  number  much  over  forty. 


128  Henry  V.  [1415 

under  the  command  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon, 
Sir  Gilbert  Umfraville,  and  other  knights.  Their 
report  proving  favourable,  the  general  disembark- 
ment  began  between  the  hours  of  six  and  seven 
o'clock.  Henry  himself  was  one  of  the  first  to  land  ; 
hardly  had  his  feet  touched  the  shore,  when  he  fell 
on  his  knees  with  a  prayer  that  he  might  do  nothing 
in  his  warfare  which  would  not  redound  to  the  honour 
of  God  and  fulfilment  of  justice.  The  royal  tents 
were  at  once  pitched  on  a  hill  over  against  Harfleur, 
in  the  midst  of  enclosures  and  orchards  that  afforded 
a  pleasant  resting-place  till  the  landing  of  the  host 
was  complete.  This  business,  which  occupied  four 
whole  days,  was  accomplished  without  opposition, 
though  the  nature  of  the  ground  should  have  made 
resistance  easy. 

The  negligence  of  the  French  is  the  more  unac- 
countable since  the  destination  of  the  expedition, 
which  was  long  kept  secret,  had  been  for  some  weeks 
well  known.  Though  the  Dauphin's  advisers  were 
fully  informed  of  the  English  plans,  they  had 
taken  no  effective  measures  beyond  summoning  the 
feudal  forces  for  service  in  the  field.  The  French 
Government  was  indeed  crippled  for  want  of  money, 
and  in  its  endeavour  to  find  a  remedy  by  fresh 
imposts  created  only  a  new  evil.  The  demands  of 
the  royal  tax-gatherers  were  so  burdensome  that  the 
country-folk  fled  from  before  them ;  the  French 
peasants  felt  that  they  could  not  suffer  more  from  a 
foreign  foe  than  they  were  threatened  with  by  the 
officers  of  their  own  sovereign.  Whilst  the  rulers 
of  France  were  at  once  so  weak  and  hateful,  it  is  no 


1415]          The  First  Invasion  of  France          129 

wonder  that  the  English  on  their  landing  found  their 
enemies  but  half  prepared.  At  Harfleur  itself  some- 
thing had  been  done.  The  town  lies  in  a  valley 
where  the  river  Lezarde  joins  the  Seine.  It  was 
only  a  small  place,  but  from  its  position  was  the  key 
of  Normandy,  and  both  town  and  harbour  were  well 
fortified  after  the  science  of  the  day.  The  gates 
had  been  recently  defended  by  outworks  of  earth 
and  timber,  and  the  entrance  to  the  harbour  secured 
by  chains  and  sharp-pointed  stakes.  Deep  dykes 
had  been  dug  and  huge  earthworks  thrown  up  on 
the  western  side  of  the  town,  towards  the  spot  where 
it  was  known  that  Henry  would  attempt  to  land. 
On  the  north,  the  Lezarde  had  been  dammed  by 
breaking  down  the  bridges,  so  that  the  whole  valley 
lay  under  water.  With  all  these  precautions,  even  a 
small  force  should  have  made  it  difficult  if  not  im- 
possible for  an  enemy  to  land  ;  but  as  things  were,  the 
very  garrison  of  Harfleur  itself  was  incomplete,  and 
the  English  were  allowed  to  establish  themselves  un- 
opposed. 

On  Saturday,  i/th  August,  Henry  moved  his 
forces  up  towards  the  town,  and  began  his  prepara- 
tions for  a  formal  siege.  But  the  damming  of  the 
Lezarde,  which  cut  off  the  English  from  the  eastern 
side,  prevented  an  effectual  investment.  So  on  the 
Sunday  the  Sire  de  Gaucourt  was  able  to  make  his 
way  into  Harfleur  with  a  welcome  reinforcement  of 
three  hundred  men-at-arms.  That  same  evening 
Henry  sent  off  the  Duke  of  Clarence  in  haste  to 
march  some  nine  or  ten  miles  round  up  the  valley  of 
the  Lezarde.  On  his  way,  Clarence  fell  in  with  a 


130  Henry  V.  [1415 

strong  convoy  which  was  bringing  guns,  gunpowder, 
arrows,  and  crossbows  in  great  abundance  for  the 
defence  of  Harfleur.  The  French  in  the  town  sallied 
out  to  the  rescue,  but  after  a  sharp  skirmish  near 
Montivilliers  were  driven  back.  So  the  convoy  with 
all  its  stores  was  captured,  and  the  valley  of  the 
Lezarde  successfully  crossed.  As  soon  as  Clarence 
had  established  himself  on  the  eastern  ridge  above 
Harfleur,  the  investment  was  made  complete.  The 
fleet  cut  off  all  communication  by  sea ;  whilst  boats 
were  launched  on  the  Lezarde  to  guard  that  side, 
and  to  keep  the  two  divisions  of  the  besieging  force 
in  touch. 

After  a  formal  summons  to  surrender,  the  English 
guns  and  engines  were  put  in  position.  Day  and 
night  the  bombardment  continued,  and  the  ballad- 
makers  tell  gleefully  how  King  Henry  played  tennis 
at  Harfleur  with  his  hard  gun-stones.  "  Fifteen  be- 
fore," said  London.*  "  Thirty  is  mine,"  said  Mes- 
senger. The  King's  Daughter  said,  "  There  they 
play,  five  and  forty  that  is  no  nay."  The  artillery 
was  worked  so  vigorously  that  within  a  few  days 
not  only  a  great  part  of  the  walls  and  towers,  but 
many  of  the  buildings  in  the  heart  of  the  town  were 
reduced  to  ruins.  Guns  of  such  power  were  still 
uncommon,  and  the  novelty  of  the  bombardment 
added  greatly  to  its  terrors.  The  Chronicler  of  St. 
Denys  relates  that  the  English  guns  were  of  a  mon- 
strous greatness,  belching  forth  whole  millstones 
with  foul  smoke  and  horrible  din  as  though  from 

*Every  great  gun  had  its  name,  like  the  stone-casters  of  an  earlier 
age,  and  the  "  Long  Toms"  and  "  Long  Cecils"  of  our  own. 


MICHAEL,  EARL  OF  SUFFOLK. 


14151         The  First  Invasion  of  France          131 

the  very  jaws  of  hell.  But  the  garrison  on  their 
side  fought  manfully  ;  and  as  fast  as  any  part  of  their 
walls  was  shattered,  made  it  good  at  night  with  a 
barricade  of  faggots  and  earthworks.  So  also,  when 
by  Henry's  direction  mines  were  dug  on  the  eastern 
side  of  the  town,  the  French  made  a  countermine 
and  thrice  defeated  the  besiegers ;  for  from  the  na- 
ture of  the  ground  these  works  had  to  be  made  in 
the  open,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  "  Master  Giles  " 
in  his  book  on  the  military  art.*  The  English,  it 
seems,  were  from  long  disuse  not  well  practised  in 
siege  operations ;  but  after  many  fierce  encounters 
they  pushed  their  lines  close  up  to  the  town. 
Throughout  the  siege  Henry  was  indefatigable ; 
every  night  he  would  make  the  rounds  in  person, 
praising  what  was  done  well,  noting  what  was  amiss, 
and  devising  better  methods  for  future  use. 

The  toils  of  war  and  the  evils  natural  to  the  con- 
centration of  a  large  army  in  a  narrow  space  were 
aggravated  by  the  unusual  heat  of  the  autumn, 
which  was  so  excessive  that  the  knights  could 
scarcely  endure  to  wear  their  armour.  It  was  thus 
no  wonder  that  sickness  raged  in  the  English  camp, 
and  caused  many  deaths  from  dysentery  and  fever. 
Amongst  others,  there  died  Henry's  old  friend 
Richard  Courtenay,  Bishop  of  Norwich,  and  Michael 
de  la  Pole,  Earl  of  Suffolk.  A  French  chronicler 
says  that  the  English  suffered  from  lack  of  whole- 
some food,  since  the  supplies  they  had  brought  with 

*y£gidius  Romanus  (Guido  di  Colonna),  De  Re  Militari.  This 
work,  which  was  translated  into  English  by  Hoccleve,  is  often  quoted 
by  the  author  of  the  Gesta  Henrici. 


132  Henry  V.  [H15 

them  had  been  spoilt  by  the  sea.  An  English 
writer,  on  the  other  hand,  denies  that  there  was  any 
great  scarcity,  though  he  speaks  of  much  imprudence 
in  diet.* 

The  French  in  Harfleur  also  suffered  much  from 
sickness,  so  that  by  mid-September  the  greater  part 
of  the  garrison  were  too  ill  to  fight.  Still  in  spite  of 
all  their  hardships  and  short  rations,  they  proudly 
refused  a  second  summons  to  surrender  on  i/th  Sep- 
tember. When,  however,  Henry  ordered  the  bom- 
bardment to  be  renewed  in  preparation  for  an 
assault  on  the  morrow,  the  French  in  despair  offered 
to  yield  up  the  town  on  the  following  Sunday,  if  no 
rescue  came  in  the  meantime.f  The  chief  citizens 
delivered  themselves  as  hostages,  whilst  de  Gaucourt 
went  to  Rouen,  where  the  Dauphin  now  lay  with 
his  army.  But  the  French  captains  declared  they 
were  not  ready,  and  gave  de  Gaucourt  only  fine 
words ;  so  he  came  again  to  Harfleur  and  sent 
message  to  Henry  that  he  would  surrender  at  the 
appointed  time. 

On  the  Sunday  (22nd  Sept.)  Henry  had  his  pavil- 
ions pitched  on  the  hill  before  the  town.  Then  he 
took  his  seat  in  "  state  as  royal  as  did  ever  any  king, 
and  there  was  never  Christian  king  so  royal  nor  so 
lordly  sat  in  his  seat  as  did  he."  \  His  nobles 
stood  about  him  in  gay  apparel ;  on  his  right  hand 
was  Gilbert  Umfraville,  bearing  the  coroneted  helm 
on  a  halberd-staff.  Certain  knights  and  lords  were 


*  St.  Remy,  i.,  226  ;  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  44. 

f  Delpit,  p.  217  ;  Letter  from  Henry  to  the  Mayor  of  London. 

\  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Cleop.  C.  iv.,  f.  24. 


1415]         The  First  Invasion  of  France          133 

appointed  to  receive  the  French  captains,  whom 
they  brought  through  one  tent  after  another  till  they 
reached  the  royal  presence.  There  the  Frenchmen 
knelt  before  the  King,  and  delivered  up  the  keys  of 
Harfleur  to  the  Earl  Marshal.  Henry  told  them 
that  though  their  submission  was  tardy,  yet  they 
should  not  fail  of  his  grace  ;  and  gave  orders  that 
they  should  be  honourably  entertained  and  treated. 

The  banner  of  St.  George  and  the  royal  standard 
were  at  once  hoisted  above  the  gates  of  the  town, 
and  the  Earl  of  Dorset  was  named  Captain  of  Har- 
fleur. Henry  himself  did  not  make  his  entry  till 
the  Monday.  When  he  reached  the  gate,  he  dis- 
mounted from  his  horse,  and  walking  barefoot 
through  the  streets  to  the  Church  of  St.  Martin, 
there  returned  thanks  for  his  victory.  As  soon  as 
this  duty  had  been  performed,  steps  were  taken  for 
the  good  ordering  of  the  town.  The  chief  citizens 
were  held  to  ransom,  and  sent  prisoners  to  England. 
The  Sire  de  Gaucourt  and  other  nobles  were  dis- 
missed on  their  parole  to  surrender  at  Calais  on  nth 
November  next.  The  poorer  citizens,  who  would 
not  swear  fealty,  were  compelled  to  leave  the  town, 
but  permitted  to  take  so  much  of  their  goods  as  they 
could  carry  with  them. 

Henry's  treatment  of  Harfleur  formed  an  essential 
part  of  his  policy.  One  of  his  first  acts  after  the  sur- 
render of  the  town  was  to  cause  proclamation  to  be 
made  throughout  England,  that  whoever  would  come 
and  abide  in  Harfleur  should  have  house  and  house- 
hold to  him  and  his  heirs  for  evermore.  *  The 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  3'°. 


134  Henry  V.  [t4i5 

intention  was  not  to  create  merely  a  second  Calais ; 
we  must  accept  the  scheme  as  evidence  that  Henry 
contemplated  a  permanent  and  extended  conquest. 
Harfleur  was  the  key  of  Normandy,  and  as  such  it 
was  necessary  that  its  possession  should  be  made 
secure  as  the  base  and  starting-point  for  future  en- 
terprise. 

Henry  no  doubt  had  some  such  purpose  in  view 
when  he  departed  from  the  traditions  of  his  great- 
grandfather's wars,  and  began  his  campaign  with  a 
set  siege.  A  plundering  raid,  such  as  the  expedi- 
tions of  Sir  Robert  Knolles,  in  1370,  and  of  Thomas 
of  Woodstock,  in  1380,  might  inflict  great  damage 
on  the  enemy,  but  would  have  been  worse  than 
useless  as  the  commencement  of  conquest.  Still  the 
capture  of  a  single  seaport  lacked  dramatic  effect  as 
the  sole  fruit  of  a  great  expedition.  In  spite,  there- 
fore, of  the  lateness  of  the  season,  and  of  the  advice 
of  his  Council,  Henry  resolved  to  march  with  the 
greater  part  of  his  host  by  land  to  Calais.  He  was 
anxious,  he  said,  to  view  the  territories  that  were  his 
inheritance  ;  victory  did  not  always  rest  with  the  big 
battalions,  and  if  he  were  now  to  retire  oversea  men 
might  charge  him  justly  with  cowardice.  "  We  will 
go,  if  it  please  God,  without  harm  or  danger;  but 
if  they  disturb  our  journey  we  will  win  victory 
and  fame  everlasting."  *  Henry  was  probably  en- 
couraged in  his  resolve  by  the  inaction  of  the 
French  generals.  He  may  even  have  counted  on 
help  from  Burgundy,  who  had  sullenly  held  aloof 
from  the  Parisian  Government.  The  plan  was  bold 

*  Gfsta,  p.  36  ;  Livius,  p.  12, 


1415]          The  First  Invasion  of  France          135 

to  the  verge  of  rashness,  but  it  was  well  calculated  to 
impress  the  popular  imagination  both  in  France  and 
England. 

Before  he  left  Harfleur,  Henry  in  his  fine  fashion 
sent  a  message  to  the  Dauphin,  challenging  him  to 
decide  their  quarrel  in  single  combat.  For  this 
purpose  he  would  await  the  prince  at  Harfleur  during 
eight  days.*  The  challenge  was  probably  no  more 
than  one  of  the  courtesies  of  mediaeval  warfare,  and 
gave  a  convenient  excuse  for  needful  delay.  Disease 
had  played  such  havoc  in  the  English  host  that 
many  were  unfit  for  further  service  and  must  per- 
force go  home  by  sea.  To  the  command  of  this  por- 
tion and  of  the  fleet,  the  Duke  of  Clarence,  who  had 
himself  suffered  from  sickness,  was  appointed.  The 
Earl  of  Dorset,  as  Captain  of  Harfleur,  was  given 
three  hundred  men-at-arms  and  nine  hundred  archers 
as  a  garrison  for  the  town.f  The  remainder,  who,  ac- 
cording to  the  best  English  account,  did  not  number 
above  nine  hundred  lances  and  five  thousand  archers, 
were  to  accompany  the  King  on  his  march.  \ 

*  Fcedera,  ix.,  313  ;  dated  i6th  September.  But  there  is  some  rea- 
son to  suppose  that  the  real  date  was  later. 

\  Gesfa,  p.  35  ;  this  is  confirmed  by  an  order  for  the  payment  of 
the  garrison  on  25th  November,  1415  (Proc.  Privy  Council,  ii., 
184-185).  Monstrelet  (p.  371)  says  500  men-at-arms  and  1500  ar- 
chers ;  but  the  French  figures  are  generally  excessive. 

\  Gesta,  p.  36  ;  the  writer  probably  had  access  to  official  informa- 
tion. His  estimate  of  the  men-at-arms  seems  approximately  accurate, 
that  of  the  archers  is  perhaps  excessive.  The  Roll  of  Agin- 
court,  compiled  in  1416  by  Sir  Robert  Babthorp,  gives  812  men-at- 
arms  and  3074  archers.  (Nicolas,  Battle  of  Agincourt,  p.  363  ;  I 
make  the  details  given  on  the  previous  pages  sum  up  to  876  men-at- 
arms  and  only  2717  archers.)  Babthorp's  return  of  archers  was  perhaps 


136  Henry  V.  [His 

The  distance  from  Harfleur  to  Calais  was  reckoned 
at  a  hundred  miles,*  and  was  expected  to  be  cov- 
ered in  eight  marches.  The  army  was  to  move  rap- 
idly, and  the  artillery  and  heavy  baggage  were 
therefore  left  behind  at  Harfleur,  or  sent  by  sea  to 
England.  Such  a  journey  through  a  hostile  country 
required  some  forethought,  and  strict  orders  were 
issued  for  the  governance  of  the  army.  All  burning 
and  pillage  were  forbidden  on  pain  of  death  ;  though, 
if  they  met  with  resistance,  the  soldiers  might  help 
themselves  to  such  food  and  other  supplies  as  were 
necessary.  The  army  was  to  march  in  three  divis- 
ions. Sir  John  Cornwall  and  Sir  Gilbert  Umfraville 
led  the  van.  Henry  himself,  with  his  brother 
Humphrey  and  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  commanded 
in  the  centre.  The  rear-guard  was  entrusted  to  the 
Duke  of  York  and  the  Earl  of  Oxford. 

On  Tuesday,  8th  October,  Henry  marched  out 
from  Harfleur  past  Montivilliers  to  theneighbourhood 
of  Fecamp.  Before  both  towns  his  troops  had  skir- 
mishes with  the  French  garrisons.  There  was,  how- 
ever, no  serious  opposition  till  about  midday  on  the 
Friday,  when,  as  the  English  army  approached 
Arques,  near  Dieppe,  the  French  in  the  castle  fired 


imperfect ;  but,  having  regard  to  the  width  of  the  battle-field,  600 
to  700  would  seem  a  fair  allowance  for  each  of  the  six  "  herses  "  at 
Agincourt ;  say  a  total  at  most  of  4000.  St.  Remy  (i.,  245),  who  was 
with  the  English  army,  says  the  numbers  were  about  goo  to  1000 
men-at-arms  and  10,000  archers  ;  the  latter  figure  is  clearly  a  guess. 
The  French  estimates  are  again  too  high  ;  Des  Ursins  (p.  518),  gives 
22,000.  No  English  estimate  much  exceeds  that  of  the  Gesta  ; 
Hardyng,  the  highest,  gives  9000  fighting  men. 
*  It  is  more  nearly  150. 


1415]          The  First  Invasion  of  France          137 

a  volley  from  their  cannon  ;  but  after  some  parley- 
ing the  governor  granted  a  free  passage  and  a  small 
quantity  of  bread  and  wine.  Next  day  there  was  a 
sharp  fight  outside  Eu,  but  on  the  following  morn- 
ing the  inhabitants  purchased  protection  for  the 
neighbouring  villages  by  a  supply  of  food.  On  the 
Sunday  Henry  hoped  by  a  long  march  to  cross  the 
Somme  at  the  ford  of  Blanche-Taque,  as  his  great- 
grandfather had  done  nearly  seventy  years  before  on 
the  way  to  Crecy.  But  when  within  five  miles  of 
the  river  the  vanguard  took  prisoner  a  Gascon  gen- 
tleman, who  reported  that  the  ford  was  held  by  a 
strong  body  of  six  thousand  troops.  The  French 
chronicler*  is  at  a  loss  how  to  condemn  the  Gas- 
con enough  ;  for,  as  he  alleges,  there  were  no  troops 
at  the  ford  ;  so  that  had  not  this  story  been  invented, 
Henry  might  have  marched  in  peace  to  Calais,  and 
France  would  have  been  spared  the  unhappy  day  of 
Agincourt. 

There  were  various  opinions  in  the  English  army 
as  to  whether  the  French  would  offer  battle.  Some 
thought  that  the  discords  and  jealousies  of  the 
French  princes  would  prevent  them  from  taking  the 
field ;  but  the  better  opinion  seemed  to  be  that 
French  chivalry  would  never  suffer  the  disgrace  of 
letting  an  English  army  march  unopposed  through 
their  country.  There  had  indeed  been  long  discus- 
sions among  the  French  princes  and  commanders 
assembled  at  Rouen.  Charles  d'Albret  the  Con- 
stable and  the  Marshal  Boucicault  advocated  a  Fab- 
ian policy ;  the  French  had  nothing  to  gain  from 

*  St.  Remy,  i.,  232-233. 


138  Henry  V.  [1415 

fighting,  and  a  purely  defensive  attitude  was  the 
best  for  them  to  adopt.  But  such  a  course  did  not 
commend  itself  to  the  fiery  Armagnac  nobles,  under 
whose  advice  the  King  and  the  Dauphin  gave  orders 
for  their  forces  to  take  the  field.*  A  portion  of  the 
French  army  was  already  concentrated  under 
d'Albret  and  Boucicault  behind  the  Somme.  On 
1 3th  October  they  were  at  Abbeville,  but  on  the 
approach  of  the  English  fell  back  by  way  of  Corbie 
and  Peronne  to  Bapaume.  These  movements  had 
been  carried  out  before  d'Albret  was  overruled  by  the 
Council  at  Rouen.  After  the  Council  had  made  its 
decision,  the  French  princes  hastened  to  join  the  army 
at  Bapaume ;  thither  came  all  the  chief  Armagnac 
nobles,  the  King  of  Sicily,  the  Dukes  of  Orleans, 
Bourbon,  and  Bar.  The  Duke  of  Alengon  and  Arthur 
de  Richemont,  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Brittany,  had 
been  with  the  Marshal  and  Constable  at  Abbeville. 
The  Dauphin  himself  was  anxious  to  take  his  part 
in  the  war,  but  the  princes,  remembering  Poitiers, 
forbade  it :  "  Better  lose  the  battle  than  lose  both 
battle  and  King."  But  for  all  their  warlike  spirit 
the  French  princes  could  not  lay  aside  their  personal 
enmities.  The  Armagnacs  were  jealous  of  Burgundy 
and  wished  that  he  should  have  no  share  in  the 
glory.  Burgundy  in  return  did  what  he  could  to 
prevent  his  party  from  rendering  the  King  any  assist- 
ance ;  nevertheless  his  brother,  the  Count  of  Nevers, 
and  many  gentlemen  of  Artois  and  Picardy,  joined 
the  royal  host ;  even  his  son  Philip,  Count  of  Charo- 

*  Monstrelet,  pp.  371-372  ;  he  gives  the   date  of  the   Council  at 
Rouen  as  2Oth  October,  but  clearly  it  should  be  some  days  earlier. 


THE  CAP  WHERE  THE  FRENCH  APPEARED  ON   THE   24-rf  OF  OCTOBER 
B  "•-    :B    THE   POSITION  WHERE  THE  EN6L/SH  HALTED  <wr^£  MORNING  OF  £ST."OF  OCT. 
X  X     AT  THESE  PO/MTS  THERE  ARE  NOW  INCLOSUftES,  WHICH  APPARENTLY 
DID  NOT  EXIST   IN   THE   FIFTEENTH  CENTURY 
1        I   ENGLISH  MEN-AT-ARMS/^  ENGLISH  H£RSES  OF ARCH£RS] 

° • -J*    SCALE'/}-  ENGLISH  MILE 


PLAN  OF  AQINCOURT. 

25TH  OCTOBER,   1416. 


1415]         The  First  Invasion  of  France         139 

lois,  desired  with  all  his  heart  to  fight  the  English, 
and  many  years  afterwards  regretted  that  he  had  not 
the  good  fortune  to  have  been  at  Agincourt,  whether 
for  life  or  death.* 

After  his  disappointment  at  Blanche-Taque,  Henry 
of  necessity  marched  southwards  along  the  left  bank 
of  the  Somme.  The  same  evening  he  reached 
Abbeville,  but  only  to  learn  from  his  scouts  that  the 
bridges  were  all  broken  down  and  the  French  in  force 
on  the  other  side.  "  So  we  turned  our  steps  along 
the  river,  thinking  we  had  no  choice  but  to  march  to  its 
source  full  sixty  miles  into  the  heart  of  France  ;  and 
thus,  when  our  eight  days'  store  of  food  was  spent, 
and  the  countryside  laid  waste  before  us,  our  little 
band  grown  weak  and  weary  with  long  marches  and 
short  rations  would  be  overwhelmed  by  the  great 
host  of  the  enemy."  f  On  the  I4th  October,  the 
English  marched  past  Pont  St.  R6my  to  Hangest, 
and  on  the  Tuesday  by  another  long  march  reached 
Boves,  leaving  Amiens  a  league  on  their  left.  Every- 
where the  bridges  and  causeways  were  broken  down, 
and  the  right  bank  guarded  by  the  French.  The 
tactics  of  d'Albret  and  Boucicault  were  being  justi- 
fied, and  the  hearts  of  many  in  the  English  host 
were  sorrowful  with  thoughts  of  coming  disaster. 

The  English  had  now  made  eight  long  marches, 
and  on  Wednesday,  the  i6th,  they  rested  at  Boves. 
There  they  obtained  a  welcome  supply  of  bread ; 
there  was  also  abundance  of  wine,  to  which  the 
soldiers  helped  themselves  too  liberally.  Henry  was 
very  wroth  ;  and  when  some  pleaded  excuses,  replied 

*  St.  Remy,  i. ,  239-240.  f  Gesta,  pp.  39-40. 


140  Henry  V.  [His 

that  he  would  not  have  minded  their  filling  their  bot- 
tles had  not  most  of  them  made  bottles  of  their  bellies. 
On  Thursday  the  army  marched  as  far  as  Corbie ; 
the  enemy  held  the  town  on  the  far  side  of  the  river 
in  force,  and  there  was  a  very  smart  skirmish,  in  the 
course  of  which  the  French  captured  the  standard 
of  Guienne.  Whereupon  John  Bromley,  a  groom  of 
the  King's  chamber,  "  ran  eagerly  upon  the  French, 
and  with  his  soldiers  did  so  fiercely  set  upon  them 
that  they  were  beaten  back."  Bromley  himself 
"  cutting  through  the  thickest,  strake  down  the 
champion  that  bore  the  standard  and  so  gloriously 
recovered  it  again."  *  It  was  whilst  the  English  lay 
before  Corbie  that  a  plunderer  was  by  Henry's 
orders  hanged  for  stealing  the  pyx  from  a  church,  a 
piece  of  sacrilege  which  Shakespeare  has  put  to  the 
credit  of  his  drunken  Bardolph. 

From  some  prisoners  who  were  taken  at  Corbie, 
Henry  learned  that  the  French  commanders  pur- 
posed to  give  him  battle  and  ride  down  the  English 
archers  by  the  weight  of  their  cavalry.  So  he 
ordered  the  archers  to  provide  themselves  with 
stakes,  six  feet  in  length  and  sharp  at  both  ends, 
which  when  pitched  in  the  ground  before  them 
would  form  an  effective  palisade.  On  Friday,  iSth 
October,  a  long  march  brought  the  English  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Nesle.  There  they  learned  that 
two  practicable  fords  had  been  found  near  Bethen- 
court.  But  the  approaches  passed  for  nearly  a  mile 
through  marshy  ground  over  narrow  causeways 
which  the  French  had  broken  down.  Though  the 

*  Holinshed,  iii.,  75. 


1415]          The  First  Invasion  of  France          141 

horsemen  could  scarcely  pick  their  way  in  single 
file,  Cornwall  and  Umfraville  hastily  crossed  over; 
and  with  a  small  company  of  men-at-arms  and 
archers  seized  a  position  from  which  they  could 
cover  the  passage.  The  French,  who  were  sup- 
posed to  be  on  guard,  were  taken  by  surprise,  and 
finding  themselves  outnumbered,  beat  a  retreat. 
Meantime,  Henry  had  the  causeways  repaired  with 
brushwood  and  timber  taken  from  the  neighbouring 
houses,  and  by  nightfall  on  the  iQth  October  the 
whole  army  had  safely  crossed  the  Somme. 

This  success  roused  the  spirits  of  the  English, 
who  now  hoped  they  might  march  north  to  Calais 
unopposed.  Before  halting  for  the  night,  Henry 
went  on  through  the  darkness  some  five  miles 
to  Athies  and  Mouchy  La  Cache.  On  the  follow- 
ing morning  there  arrived  three  heralds  from  the 
Dukes  of  Orleans  and  Bourbon,  who  announced 
that  the  French  princes  would  offer  battle  on  the 
road  to  Calais.  "  Let  it  be  as  the  Lord  wills,"  re- 
plied Henry.  And  when  they  asked  him  by  what 
road  he  would  go,  he  answered :  "  Our  path  lies 
straight  to  Calais ;  and  if  our  adversaries  think  to 
bar  us  of  our  way,  let  them  see  to  it  at  their  peril. 
We  shall  not  seek  them  out,  nor  shall  we  for  fear 
of  them  either  hasten  or  delay." 

On  the  Monday  Henry  resumed  his  march  in 
full  order  for  battle,  the  Duke  of  York  at  his  own 
request  taking  command  of  the  van.  As  they 
marched  past  Peronne,  the  state  of  the  roads  gave 
the  English  warning  of  the  mighty  host  that  had 
gone  before  them,  but  they  reached  Encre,  or  Albert, 


142  Henry  V. 


unmolested.  Two  long  marches  on  the  Tuesday 
and  Wednesday  brought  the  King  by  way  of  Force- 
ville  to  Bonnieres,  the  Duke  of  York  resting  on 
the  second  night  at  Frevent,  about  a  league  ahead. 
During  these  two  days  the  English  had  been  ex- 
posed to  a  flank  attack  from  the  enemy  at  Bapaume. 
But  the  French  feared  to  take  the  offensive,  and 
pushed  on  by  a  parallel  route  to  find  some  strong 
position  where  they  might  have  the  advantage.  On 
the  Thursday,  as  the  English  army  was  descend- 
ing across  the  valley  of  the  Ternoise  near  Blangy, 
the  enemy  at  last  appeared  in  force  on  the  right. 
In  serried  lines  battalion  after  battalion  of  French 
troops  came  down  and  halted  in  a  broad  space 
about  half  a  mile  distant.  Henry,  expecting  an 
immediate  engagement,  promptly  wheeled  round  his 
column  into  line.  As  he  rode  before  his  troops  to 
mark  the  foe,  his  chaplain  heard  Sir  Walter  Hunger- 
ford  say  to  the  King  that  he  would  they  had  with 
them  10,000  stout  archers  from  England.*  "  You 
speak  as  a  fool  "  :  answered  the  King.  "  By  the  God 
of  heaven,  I  would  not,  if  I  could,  have  a  man 
more  than  I  have.  For  this  people  which  I  have 
is  God's  people,  whom  He  hath  thought  it  meet 
for  me  to  have  at  this  present.  Wot  you  not  that 
the  Almighty  with  these  humble  few  can  overcome 
yonder  proud  Frenchmen,  who  so  boast  themselves 
of  their  numbers  and  strength?  " 

However,  after  a  little  the  French  army  moved 
off,  and  passing  behind  some  thick  woods,  presently 

*  Shakespeare  puts  this  speech  in  the  mouth  of  the  Earl  of  West- 
moreland, who  was,  of  course,  on  the  Scottish  border. 


1415]          The  First  Invasion  of  France          143 

took  up  a  position  right  across  the  road  to  Calais 
near  the  village  of  Agincourt.  Henry  followed  the 
French  movements  till  it  was  certain  there  would 
be  no  fighting  that  day,  and  when  it  was  dark 
turned  aside  to  Maisoncelles. 


CHAPTER  X 

AGINCOURT 
OCT.  25,  1415 

IN  the  darkness  of  the  short  autumn  day  the 
English  stumbled  almost  unawares  into  Maison- 
celles.  Though  the  village  was  small,  its  houses 
and  enclosures  afforded  them  better  lodging  than 
they  had  enjoyed  for  some  time  previously.  Disci- 
pline in  Henry's  camp  was  strict ;  and  no  sound  was 
heard  save  the  low  whispers  of  the  men  as  they 
went  about  their  business,  or  of  the  priests  as  they 
passed  up  and  down  hearing  confessions.  All  were 
employed  soberly  in  preparation  for  battle ;  the 
men-at-arms  testing  their  mail,  the  archers  looking 
to  their  bows  and  fitting  new  strings  for  use  on  the 
morrow.  Perfect  order  reigned  ;  and  so  marked 
was  the  silence  that  the  French  thought  Henry  must 
have  slipped  away  under  cover  of  night.  The  two 
armies  lay  so  close  together  that  the  English  could 
plainly  see  the  great  fires  burning,  and  hear  the 
revelry  and  disorderly  shouting  in  their  enemies' 
camp. 

In  the  French  army  there  was  no  one  who  exer- 
144 


1415]  Agincourt  145 

cised  supreme  authority ;  and  the  vast  host  that 
had  been  so  hastily  assembled  was  without  proper 
organisation  or  equipment.  Each  company  biv- 
ouacked, just  where  they  chanced  to  be,  in  the  cold 
open  fields ;  whilst  the  captains  sent  their  pages  and 
varlets  to  scour  the  country  in  search  of  forage  and 
food.  Everywhere  there  was  turmoil  and  the  con- 
stant din  of  men  and  horses  tramping  to  and  fro. 
The  nobles  gathered  round  the  watch-fires,  and 
whiled  away  the  night  carousing  and  gambling  at 
dice  for  the  prisoners  they  made  sure  to  take  on  the 
morrow.  Even  amongst  the  commanders  there  was 
the  same  boastful  confidence  and  the  same  lack  of 
order.  When  they  met  in  council,  there  was  no  one 
who  could  assert  authority,  and  much  of  their  time 
was  occupied  with  absurd  wrangling  for  precedence. 
D'Albret  and  Boucicault,  with  others  of  proved 
experience,  would  even  now  have  held  their  hand  ; 
the  French  had  only  to  remain  on  the  defensive,  and 
within  a  few  days  the  English  would  be  starved  into 
surrender.  But  the  fiery  young  princes  would  listen 
to  no  arguments.  They  were  persuaded  that  the 
very  sight  of  such  a  host  would  fill  the  enemy  with 
panic,  and  that  one  resolute  charge  would  decide  the 
day.  The  only  question  which  they  would  discuss 
seriously  was,  who  should  have  the  honour  of  fighting 
in  the  front  line ;  over  this  they  quarrelled  without 
thought  of  expediency. 

The  night  before  the  battle  was  cold  and  stormy, 
and  for  hours  the  rain  poured  down  in  torrents  ;  but 
toward  morning  the  moon  came  out  and  enabled  the 
English  to  reconnoitre  the  field  of  battle.  At  day- 


146  Henry  V.  [His 

break  Henry  was  astir,  and  except  for  his  helmet 
was  already  clad  in  full  armour  with  his  surcoat  of 
the  lions  and  lilies.  After  hearing  mass,  he  put  on 
his  helmet  with  its  richly  jewelled  coronet  * ;  and 
mounting  a  small  grey  horse,  saw  to  the  ordering  of 
his  host  in  person.  The  little  army  was  drawn  up 
in  line  four  deep.  The  vanguard,  under  York,  took 
the  right,  the  King  himself  held  the  centre,  and 
Lord  Camoys  was  on  the  left.  Each  division  had 
its  battalion  of  men-at-arms,  with  archers  on  either 
wing  in  the  wedge-shaped  formation  known  as  en 
herse.  f  Thus  there  would  be  six  wedges  of  arch- 
ers in  all,  though  some  authorities  seem  to  imply 
that  the  whole  of  the  archers  were  placed  in  two 
masses  on  the  extreme  right  and  left  of  the  line. 
The  wedges  were  formed  with  the  apex  in  front ; 
and  the  archers,  being  somewhat  in  advance  of 
the  men-at-arms,  could  use  their  weapon  to  the 
best  effect.  All  the  men-at-arms  and  even  the 
nobles,  not  excepting  the  King  himself,  were  to 
fight  on  foot.  Few  of  the  archers  had  any  armour  ; 
most  wore  their  doublets  with  their  long  hose  tucked 
up  and  their  feet  bare  so  that  they  might  stand  more 
firmly  on  the  soft  ground.  Some  of  them  wore 
leather  hoods,  and  others  wicker  basnets  with  a 
crosspiece  of  iron ;  all  had  some  weapon  in  their 
belt,  whether  sword  or  axe  or  mace.  The  baggage 

*  Amongst  Henry's  jewels  we  find  "  The  Crown  of  Gold  for  the 
Basnet,"  garnished  with  rubies,  sapphires  and  pearls,  and  valued  at 
^679.5.0. — Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  215. 

f  The  "  herse"  of  archers  was  perhaps  so  called  from  the  resem- 
blance of  the  formation  to  the  triangular  French  harrow  ;  see  further 
below,  pp.  199,  200. 


1415]  Agincourt  147 

with  the  horses  was  parked  in  the  rear  of  the  army, 
and  a  small  guard  told  off  for  its  protection.* 

When  the  marshalling  of  the  host  was  completed, 
Henry  turned  to  those  about  him  and  asked  what 
hour  it  was.  They  told  him  :  "  Prime.  "  "  Now  is 
good  time,"  he  said,  "  for  all  England  prayeth  for  us  ; 
let  us  therefore  be  of  good  cheer  and  go  to  our 
journey.  "  f 

"  And  whilst  all  this  was  being  done,  and  so  long 
as  the  battle  lasted,"  says  Henry's  chaplain,  "  I  who 
write  these  words  sat  upon  my  horse  amid  the  baggage 
in  the  rear,  and  with  the  other  priests  humbled  my 
soul  before  God,  saying  in  my  heart  :  Be  mindful  of 
us,  O  Lord  !  For  our  enemies  are  gathered  together 
and  boast  themselves  in  their  strength.  Break  down 
their  power,  and  scatter  them,  that  they  may  know 
there  is  none  other  that  fighteth  for  us  but  only  Thou, 
O  God."  J 

The  French,  who  at  the  lowest  estimate  were 
three  times  as  numerous  as  the  English  and  possibly 
numbered  not  less  than  50,0x30  men,§  were  drawn 
up  on  some  rising  ground  about  a  mile  away.  Their 
position  was  in  itself  a  fairly  strong  one,  and  gave 

*  Some  accounts  ( as  Des  Ursins,  p.  520)  allege  that  Henry  placed 
archers  in  ambuscade  in  the  woods.  But  St.  Remy  (i.,  251 )  states 
expressly  that  he  had  satisfied  himself  there  was  no  truth  in  the  story. 
Probably  the  idea  was  due  to  the  archers  on  the  extreme  flanks  wheel- 
ing round  through  the  woods  to  come  into  action. 

f  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  3vo. 

\  Gesta,  p.  51. 

\  These  estimates  are  given  by  St.  Remy  ;  the  lower  is  the  more 
likely.  The  ordinary  English  accounts  give  100,000  to  150,000  ; 
the  Gesta  more  moderately  60,000.  Perhaps  20,000  would  be  a  fair 
figure. 


148  Henry  V. 


them  more  room  than  they  could  have  had  lower 
down,  where  the  woods  of  Agincourt  and  Trame- 
court  come  close  together.  But  on  the  other  hand, 
unless  they  remained  on  the  defensive,  the  narrow 
space  in  front  put  them  at  a  disadvantage.  The 
choice  of  position,  like  many  other  things,  shows 
how  the  French  suffered  from  divided  or  ill-con- 
sidered counsels.  Even  as  it  was  the  place  was  too 
narrow  for  them,  and  they  were  compelled  to  form 
up  in  three  dense  masses  one  behind  the  other. 
The  front  division  was  commanded  by  d'Albret  and 
Boucicault  with  the  Dukes  of  Orleans  and  Bourbon, 
the  Count  of  Eu  and  Arthur  de  Richemont.  The 
second  division  was  under  the  Dukes  of  Bar  and 
Alenc.cn  and  the  Counts  of  Nevers  and  Vaudemont; 
the  third  under  the  Counts  of  Marie,  Dammartin, 
and  Fauquemberg.  In  the  first  division,  and  per- 
haps in  the  second  also,  the  men-at-arms  were  dis- 
mounted and  fought  on  foot.  The  first  division 
included  a  good  number  of  crossbowmen,  who  should 
on  all  sound  principles  have  held  the  foremost  place  ; 
but  the  men-at-arms  would  not  give  way  to  them, 
saying  that  they  did  not  need  their  help,  so  that  they 
were  stationed  a  little  in  the  rear,  where  they  could 
be  of  no  use  whatever.  The  men-at-arms  themselves 
were  crowded  so  close  together  that  they  could  not 
handle  their  pikes  without  shortening  them;  and 
their  long  coats  of  mail,  plate-armour,  and  greaves 
were  so  heavy  that  they  could  not  march  without 
difficulty.  On  either  wing  there  was  posted  a  force 
of  cavalry,  intended  to  attack  the  English  in  flank. 
On  one  wing  also  there  were  some  small  field  guns, 


1415]  Agincourt  149 

but  these,  like  the  archers,  were  placed  so  badly  that 
they  were  of  little  service. 

After  the  English  army  was  marshalled,  Henry 
rode  down  the  lines  and  addressed  his  men.  He  had 
come  into  France  to  recover  his  right  heritage,  for 
the  which  to  do  he  had  good  and  just  cause  and 
quarrel.  Let  them  remember  that  they  were  born 
of  the  kingdom  of  England,  where  they  had  left 
their  fathers  and  mothers,  their  wives  and  little  ones. 
It  was  theirs  that  day  to  guard  his  person  and  the 
honour  of  the  crown  of  England.  For  himself,  as 
he  was  a  true  king  and  knight,  England  should  never 
pay  ransom  for  him,  since  he  would  rather  be  dead 
that  day  on  the  field  than  taken  of  his  enemies.  So 
with  a  meek  heart  and  a  good  spirit  he  besought 
God  of  His  help  and  succour ;  and  bade  them  all  be 
of  good  cheer,  for  they  should  have  a  fair  day  and  a 
gracious  victory.*  And  when  the  Englishmen  heard 
his  words  they  answered  with  a  shout :  "  Sire !  we 
pray  God  grant  you  a  good  life  and  victory  over  our 
enemies." 

Then  Henry  led  his  men  forward  till  they  were  a 
little  more  than  half  a  mile  from  the  enemy,  the 
baggage  train  following  close  behind.  There  he 
halted  in  a  favourable  position,  whilst  his  soldiers 
refreshed  themselves.  Marking  how  strong  the 
French  were,  he  still  hesitated  to  attack.  So  he  sent 
messengers  to  propose  terms  for  a  free  passage  to 
Calais.  If  this  was  granted,  he  would  be  ready  to 
surrender  Harfleur  and  all  his  prisoners.  The  French 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  3vo  ;  St. 
Remy,  i.,  245-246,  251. 


150  Henry  V.  [His 

princes  demanded  that  he  should  further  renounce  all 
title  to  the  crown  of  France  and  content  himself 
with  those  territories  which  the  English  held  already 
in  Guienne  and  Picardy.*  So  far  as  this  Henry 
would  not  go,  and  he  determined  at  all  hazards  to 
force  on  an  engagement.  Delay  would  favour  the 
French  and  was  discouraging  to  the  high-strung 
spirits  of  his  own  men. 

It  was  nearly  ten  o'clock  when  Henry  with  a  loud 
voice  gave  the  command  :  "  In  the  name  of  Almighty 
God  and  of  Saint  George,  Avaunt  Banner  in  the 
best  time  of  the  year,  and  Saint  George  this  day  be 
thine  help."  Old  Sir  Thomas  Erpingham,  Steward 
of  the  King's  Household,  threw  his  warder  into  the 
air  as  the  signal  to  advance.  Every  man  stooped  to 
kiss  the  earth  in  token  of  his  reconciliation  to  God. 
With  a  ringing  cheer  they  rose,  and  the  whole  army 
marched  steadily  forward  in  good  order.  When 
they  came  within  bowshot  of  the  enemy,  where  the 
woods  on  either  side  gave  them  most  protection, 
Henry  bade  his  men  halt.  The  archers  planted  their 
stakes  in  front,  the  clarions  sounded,  and  the 
English  cheered  again  so  lustily,  "  Hurrah!  hurrah  ! 
Saint  George  and  Merry  England ! "  that  the 
Frenchmen  marvelled.f 

When  the  French  cavalry  on  the  wings  saw  the 
English  archers  were  making  ready,  they  came  prick- 
ing down  to  override  them.  But  the  space  was  so  nar- 
row that  they  could  not  charge  with  any  effect.  Only 
a  few  reached  the  English  lines,  where  they  stumbled 

*  St.  Remy,  i.,  251-252;  Chron.  St.  Denys,  v.,  554. 
}  St.  Remy,  i.,  253;  Des  Ursins,  p.  520. 


Agincourt  1  5  1 


among  the  stakes  and  were  slain.  The  greater 
part  of  them  turned  before  the  deadly  hail  of  arrows, 
and  falling  back  in  confusion,  spread  disorder  among 
their  friends.  Meantime  the  French  main  line, 
whether  galled  by  the  English  volleys  or  from  lack 
of  discipline,  had,  contrary  to  the  intention  of 
d'Albret,  begun  to  advance.  They  had  to  cross  a 
newly  ploughed  field,  which  was  sodden  with  the 
rain  and  churned  into  a  quagmire  by  the  constant 
trampling  of  the  previous  night.  The  heavy  men- 
at-arms  sank  ankle-deep  in  the  soft  earth,  and  could 
scarcely  drag  one  foot  after  another,  as  they  toiled 
painfully  down  the  hill.  When  they  approached  the 
English  line,  they  broke  into  three  columns,  so  as  to 
charge  Henry's  little  battalions  with  greater  force. 
The  power  of  men  in  armour  thirty  deep  should 
have  been  irresistible,  but  at  Agincourt  the  forma- 
tion exposed  each  column  to  a  pitiless  storm  of 
arrows  on  either  flank.  The  English  archers  poured 
in  volley  after  volley,  and  never  an  arrow  went  amiss  ; 
for  they  shot  that  day  as  though  for  a  wager.  Still 
the  French  pressed  on,  and  by  the  mere  weight  of 
their  impact  forced  our  men-at-arms  back  as  it  were 
a  spear-length.  But  the  columns  were  now  packed 
so  tight  that  even  in  the  front  rank  the  men  could 
scarcely  wield  their  weapons.  The  very  numbers 
of  the  French  turned  to  their  own  destruction. 
For  those  in  front  fell  fast  beneath  the  English 
arrows,  whilst  those  behind,  pushing  helplessly  on- 
wards, stumbled  over  them  until  living  and  wounded 
and  dead  were  piled  up  in  great  heaps  as  high  as 
a  man  could  reach.  Then  our  archers  slung  their 


152  Henry  V. 


bows  behind  them,  drew  their  swords  and  axes,  or 
the  still  more  deadly  mace,  and  leapt  out  from 
behind  their  palisade.  With  Henry  at  their  head, 
the  whole  English  army  fell  so  fiercely  on  the 
French,  and  laid  about  them  right  and  left  so 
stoutly  that  they  pierced  right  through  to  the 
second  battle.  It  was  in  vain  that  the  French 
nobles  endeavoured  to  rally  their  men.  The  Duke 
of  Brabant,  Burgundy's  brother,  who  had  just 
reached  the  field,  with  his  head  thrust  through  a 
pennon  for  want  of  a  coat-of-arms,  charged  the 
English  with  reckless  valour.  The  Duke  of  Alenc.on 
with  a  few  followers  by  a  furious  onslaught  broke 
the  English  centre  and  struck  down  Humphrey  of 
Gloucester  with  his  own  hand.  Henry,  thoughtless 
of  himself,  rushed  forward  to  protect  his  brother, 
and  received  such  a  blow  on  his  helmet  as  brought 
him  to  his  knees.  But  the  English  rallied  round 
their  King,  and  Alen^on  was  slain  before  Henry 
could  interfere  to  save  him.* 

When  the  French  rear-guard  saw  how  badly  the 
two  front  divisions  were  faring,  the  greater  part  of 
them  took  to  flight  without  striking  a  blow.  The 
English  were  too  busy  for  any  thought  of  pursuit, 
and  could  scarcely  deal  with  the  disorderly  crowd 
which  they  had  already  vanquished.  Many  French- 
men yielded  themselves  prisoners  that  day  ten 
times  over;  but  none  had  leisure  to  take  them,  so 
great  was  the  stress.f  Whilst  Henry  and  his  men 
were  thus  occupied  with  the  few  who  still  resisted, 

*  Monstrelet,  p.  379  ;  Elmham,   Vita,  p.  67. 
f  Gesta,  p.  55. 


MEN-AT-ARMS  FIGHTING. 

FROM  A  FIFTEENTH-CENTURY   MANUSCRIPT. 


1415]  Agincourt  153 

and  the  many  who  sought  safety  in  surrender,  there 
came  news  that  the  French  camp-followers  were 
plundering  the  English  baggage,  and  that  a  por- 
tion of  the  rearguard  was  preparing  to  renew  the 
battle.  The  first  thing  was  a  small  matter,  though 
the  royal  jewel-chest  *  was  pillaged  and  the  King's 
seal  carried  off.  But  the  other  danger  was  serious ; 
and  Henry,  fearing  that  his  men  might  be  over- 
come whilst  intent  on  plunder,  ordered  all  prisoners 
to  be  slain.  The  butchery  had  actually  com- 
menced, when  the  French,  being  warned  by  a  herald 
of  the  consequences  of  their  action,  withdrew  with- 
out further  fighting. 

Thus  after  a  battle  which,  for  all  its  fierceness, 
had  not  lasted  more  than  two  or  three  hours,  the 
English  won  a  victory  of  amazing  completeness. 
They  had  utterly  routed  an  army  many  times  more 
numerous  than  their  own,  had  slain  of  the  enemy,  f 
at  the  lowest  estimates,  not  less  than  four  thousand, 
and  taken  prisoner  sixteen  hundred  besides.  Pro- 
digious as  these  numbers  seem,  they  are  still  more 
inconceivable  when  contrasted  with  the  trifling  losses 
of  the  English.  The  only  men  of  note  who  fell 
on  our  side  were  the  Duke  of  York,  the  young 
Earl  of  Suffolk,  Sir  Richard  Kyghley,  and  David 
Gam,  the  King's  Welsh  squire,  who  was  slain  when 
defending  his  master.  Of  the  others  there  fell 
about  a  hundred,  of  whom  not  more  than  nine  or 

*  The  value  of  the  jewels  and  plate  that  were  stolen  was  over 
;£86. — Fcedera,  ix.,  357. 

f  There  were  3  Dukes,  5  Counts,  90  Barons  or  bannerets,  and  1500 
knights. — Gesta,  57-58.  Several  authorities  put  the  total  French  loss 
at  over  10,000  ;  about  double  the  whole  number  of  Englishmen! 


154  Henry  V.  [1415 

ten  were  men-at-arms.*  Amongst  the  slain  on  the 
French  side  were  d'Albret  the  Constable,  Dam- 
pierre  the  Admiral,  the  Dukes  of  Brabant,  Alen^on, 
and  Bar,  and  the  Counts  of  Nevers,  Marie,  Vaude- 
mont,  Blamont,  Grandprd,  Roussy,  and  Fauquem- 
berg.  The  chief  prisoners  were  the  Duke  of  Orleans 
(who  was  dragged  out  from  a  heap  of  slain),  the  Duke 
of  Bourbon,  the  Marshal  Boucicault,  the  Counts  of 
Eu  and  Vendome,  and  Arthur  de  Richemont. 

When  the  battle  was  over,  Henry  called  to  him 
the  French  herald  Mountjoye,  and  asked  him  the 
name  of  the  castle,  which  overlooked  the  field. 
Learning  that  it  was  Agincourt,  he  said  :  "  Forasmuch 
as  all  battles  should  bear  the  name  of  the  nearest 
fortress,  this  battle  shall  now  and  forever  be  called  : 
'THE  BATTLE  OF  AGTNCOURT.' "  f  And  since  this 
victory  was  vouchsafed  him  on  the  feast  of  Saints 
Crispin  and  Crispinian,  he  ordered  that  they  should 
be  commemorated  daily  at  one  of  the  masses  in  his 
chapel.  \ 

"  This  story  shall  the  good  man  teach  his  son  ; 
And  Crispin  Crispian  shall  ne'er  go  by, 
From  this  day  to  the  ending  of  the  world, 
But  we  in  it  shall  be  remembered." 

Towards  evening  the  rain  came  on  again,  and 
Henry  went  back  to  lodge  at  Maisoncelles,  where 
his  French  captives  waited  on  him  at  supper.  The 

*  Gesta,  p.  58  ;  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  69.  St.  Remy,  i.,  258,  says  the 
total  English  loss  was  1600,  but  this  is  a  palpable  exaggeration  ;  see 
p.  260,  where  he  says  the  English  loss  was  not  great. 

\  St.  Remy,  i.,  259. 

\  Elmham,   Vita,  p.  68, 


1415]  Agincourt  155 

archers,  who  had  been  busy  spoiling  the  dead, 
brought  back  such  a  quantity  of  armour  to  the  camp 
that  the  King  forbade  any  man  to  take  more  than 
he  could  use  ;  for  they  were  not  yet  quit  of  their  dan- 
ger. Out  of  the  rest  of  the  spoil  there  was  made  a 
funeral  pyre  for  the  English  who  had  fallen  in  the 
battle.  Only  the  bodies  of  York  and  Suffolk  were  pre- 
served and  taken  home  for  burial.  On  the  day  after 
the  battle  the  English  renewed  their  march,  and  three 
days  later,  on  2Qth  October,  reached  Calais.  The 
English  army  was  in  great  straits  for  food,  and  many 
had  to  sell  their  booty  and  prisoners.  When  Henry 
heard  of  their  necessity  he  ordered  ships  to  be  col- 
lected, and  sent  all  the  men-at-arms  and  archers  with 
their  captives  to  England.  The  chief  prisoners  he 
kept  with  him  at  Calais,  where  he  desired  to  await 
de  Gaucourt  and  his  companions  who  had  been  re- 
leased on  parole  at  Harfleur. 

Immediately  after  the  battle,  Henry  had  sent  a 
messenger  to  England.  The  news  came  to  London 
early  on  the  morning  of  2Qth  October,  whilst  men 
were  yet  in  their  beds.  All  the  churches  in  the  city 
set  their  bells  a-ringing,  and  the  priests  and  lettered 
men  sang  a  "Te  Deum  "  for  the  victory.  At  nine 
o'clock,  it  was  Lord  Mayor's  Day,  the  Mayor  and  his 
Aldermen  -with  the  craftsmen  went  in  procession 
from  St.  Paul's  to  Westminster.  And  when  the 
Mayor  had  taken  his  charge,  every  man  came  riding 
home  from  Westminster  on  horseback ;  and  they 
were  joyful  and  glad  for  the  good  tidings  they  had 
of  their  King.  * 

*  Chron.  London,  pp.  101-102. 


156  Henry  V.  H415 

On  Saturday,  i6th  November,  after  de  Gaucourt 
and  his  companions  had  surrendered,  Henry  set  sail 
from  Calais.  The  crossing  was  so  rough  and  stormy 
that  the  French  nobles  found  it  not  at  all  to  their 
liking,  and  they  wondered  greatly  at  the  cheerful 
and  untroubled  bearing  of  the  English  King.  The 
fleet  reached  Dover  the  same  evening.  When  the 
King's  ship  touched  the  strand,  the  townsmen  in  their 
joyous  excitement  dashed  through  the  waves  and 
bore  Henry  on  their  shoulders  to  the  shore.*  Af- 
ter resting  for  Sunday  at  Dover,  Henry  rode  on  to 
Canterbury,  where  he  made  his  offering  at  the  shrine 
of  St.  Thomas.  On  the  Friday  he  came  to  Eltham, 
and  next  day  entered  London  in  triumph. 

On  Saturday  morning  at  ten  o'clock  the  Mayor 
and  Aldermen  in  their  scarlet  robes,  and  the  lesser 
citizens  in  red  cloaks  and  red  and  white  hoods,  "went 
forth  to  fetch  their  conquering  Caesar  in."  After 
they  had  made  their  congratulations,  they  turned 
about  and  rode  before  Henry  in  procession  from 
Blackheath  to  London.  For  days  past  the  citizens 
had  been  busy  decorating  the  streets  and  preparing 
pageants  in  honour  of  their  victorious  sovereign.  On 
the  Surrey  side  of  London  Bridge,  where  the  City 
was  entered,  was  an  arch  bearing  the  figures  of  two 
giants  f  as  warders  of  the  city,  and  the  inscription 
"  CIVITAS  REGIS  JUSTICLE."  At  the  other  end  of 
the  bridge,  on  either  side  of  the  roadway,  stood 


*  Elmham,   Vita,  pp.  70-71. 

f  One  was  a  figure  of  a  man  with  the  keys,  the  other  a  female. 
No  doubt  they  are  the  mediceval  ancestors  of  the  modern  Gog  and 
Magog. 


1415]  Agincourt  157 

two  columns  decorated  with  white  and  green,  and 
crowned  with  the  lion  and  antelope,  the  supporters 
of  the  royal  arms.  Across  the  road  was  another 
arch  with  a  figure  of  St.  George  triumphant,  under 
a  pavilion,  and  displaying  on  a  scroll  the  inscription  : 
SOLI  DEO  HONOR  ET  GLORIA.  All  around  were 
grouped  boys  in  white  and  gold,  who  represented 
the  hierarchy  of  angels  and  sang  in  English  to  wel- 
come their  King.*  At  the  conduit  in  Cornhill  was 
another  tower,  and  a  canopy  of  red  cloth  adorned 
with  the  banners  of  St.  George,  St.  Edward,  St.  Ed- 
mund and  England, and  the  inscription  :  "Because the 
King  putteth  his  trust  in  the  Lord  and  in  the  mercy  of 
the  Most  Highest  he  shall  not  miscarry."  Under  the 
canopy  stood  a  company  of  prophets  in  purple  and 
gold.  As  Henry  approached,  the  prophets  let  loose 
many  little  birds  which  fluttered  round  the  King  and 
perched  on  his  shoulders.  Then  bowing  before  him, 
they  thundered  out  the  psalm:  "O  sing  unto  the 
Lord  a  new  song  ;  for  He  hath  done  marvellous  things. 
With  His  own  right  hand,  and  with  His  holy  arm 
hath  He  gotten  Himself  the  victory." 

At  the  entry  into  Cheapside   was   a   tower   and 


*  One  of  the  songs  supposed  to  have   been   composed  for  this  oc- 
casion is  preserved,  beginning: 

"  Deo  gratias  Anglia  redde  pro  Victoria  ! 
Owre  kynge  went  forth  to  Normandy, 
With  grace  and  myght  of  chivalry; 
The  God  for  hym  wrought  marvelously, 
Wherefore  Englonde  may  calle  and  cry — 

Deo  gratias,  etc. 

For  the  full  words  and  music  see   Nicolas,  Agincourt,  Appendix, 
pp.  67,  68. 


158  Henry  V.  [His 

pageant  of  green  decked  with  the  arms  of  the  city. 
Underneath  there  stood  twelve  old  men  to  repre- 
sent the  Apostles,  and  twelve  to  represent  the  Kings, 
Martyrs,  and  Confessors  of  England,  who  scattered 
silver  comfits  before  the  King,  whilst  the  pipes  of  the 
conduit  ran  with  wine  ;  and  this  was  in  remembrance 
of  how  Melchisedec  met  Abraham  on  his  return 
from  victory.  Farther  on  Chepe  Cross  was  com- 
pletely hidden  under  a  splendid  castle,  and  the 
roadway  on  either  side  was  spanned  by  arches  all 
decked  in  red  and  white  and  green.  From  the 
castle  there  came  out  a  company  of  maidens,  who 
with  their  timbrels  danced  before  the  new  David, 
singing  in  English:  "Welcome,  Henry  the  Fifte, 
Kynge  of  Englond  and  of  Fraunce."  On  stages  all 
up  both  castle  and  arches  were  bands  of  boys  with 
white  apparel  and  shining  wings  to  represent  the 
heavenly  host ;  as  Henry  passed  below  they  scattered 
wreaths  of  laurel  and  besants  of  gold,  and  sang  with 
sweet  accord  the  angels'  hymn,  "  Te  Deum."  From 
Cheapside  the  procession  passed  on  to  St.  Paul's  be- 
neath a  glorious  canopy  of  blue,  where  virgins  stand- 
ing on  either  hand  sent  a  shower  of  golden  tinsel 
over  the  King,  and  greeted  him  with  cries  of  "  Noel ! 
Noel !"  And  on  this  last  tower  as  the  conclusion  of 
praise,  were  the  words,  "  DEO  GRATIAS."  * 

All  along  the  way  by  which  the  procession  passed 
were  crowds  of  people  in  the  streets,  and  the 
windows  and  balconies  were  thronged  with  citizens 


*  Gesfa,  pp.  60-67  !  Lydgate's  poem,  ap.  Nicolas,  Battle  of  Agin- 
court,  pp.  327-329;  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A. 
viii.,  f.  4V0. 


1415]  Agincourt  159 

and  lords  and  ladies  in  gay  attire.  Many  houses 
were  wreathed  with  laurel,  or  with  titles  of  praise. 
Others  were  hung  with  rich  tapestry  depicting  the 
stories  of  conquerors  of  old,  and  of  former  Kings  of 
England.  Never  had  there  been  seen  so  great  a 
gathering  or  so  splendid  a  spectacle  in  London.  Yet 
amidst  all  this  magnificence  Henry  was  distinguished 
by  his  grave  and  modest  bearing.  Clad  in  a  purple 
gown,  he  rode  soberly  with  a  small  retinue  of  his  per- 
sonal friends ;  whilst  the  princes  who  were  his  prison- 
ers came  behind  in  state  with  a  guard  of  soldiers. 
He  would  not  permit  any  songs  to  be  made  in  his 
own  praise.  Nor  would  he  suffer  "  his  bruised 
helmet  and  his  bended  sword,"  which  he  had  worn 
at  Agincourt,  to  be  borne  before  him,  as  the  nobles 
wished  ;  lest  at  the  sight  of  them  his  people  should 
forget  the  glory  which  was  due  to  God  alone.  At 
St.  Paul's  he  dismounted,  and  fourteen  bishops  all 
"  revessed  *  and  mitred  "  met  him  and  sang  a  "  Te 
Deum  "  for  his  victory. 

After  the  King  had  made  his  offering,  the  pro- 
cession re-formed,  and  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen 
escorted  him  out  of  the  City.  And  so  Henry  came  to 
Westminster,  where  he  gave  thanks  again  at  the 
shrine  of  St.  Edward  in  the  Abbey,  and  that  night 
held  a  feast  in  the  Hall.f 

The   rapture   of    the   people    was    not    for   their 

*  /.  e.  in  their  festal  vestments. 

f  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  72;  Liber  Metricus,  pp.  125-129  ;  Gesta,  p. 
68  ;  Chron.  Land.,  p.  103  :  "  On  the  morwe  the  maire  and  alle  the 
aldermen,  with  too  hundred  of  the  best  comoners  of  London,  wente 
to  Westminster  to  the  Kyng  and  present  him  with  a  thousand  pound, 
in  two  basins  of  gold  worth  five  hundred  pound.  " 


i6o 


Henry  V. 


[1415 


glorious  victory  alone,  but  was  a  sign  of  how  the 
nation's  heart  had  gone  out  to  its  King.  There  was 
no  memory  of  any  Prince,  who  had  ruled  his  people 
in  war  with  more  personal  labour,  kindliness,  or 
courage,  or  who  had  borne  himself  more  manfully  in 
the  field.  Neither  was  there  record  in  the  Chronicles 
and  Annals  of  old  that  any  King  of  England  had 
gone  forth  and  performed  so  much  in  so  short  a 
time,  and  returned  again  to  his  own  with  so  great 
and  so  glorious  a  triumph.* 


*  Gesta,  p.  60. 


CHAPTER  XI 

HENRY   V.   AND   SIGISMUND 
1415-1416 

IF  Henry's  triumph  had  given  him  a  firm  hold  on 
the  affections  of  his  subjects,  it  had  also  made 
him  in  a  sense  the  arbiter  of  Western  Europe. 
After  so  striking  a  victory  it  might  seem  at  first  sight 
as  though  he  had  no  more  to  do  than  forthwith  to 
prosecute  the  war  to  a  successful  conclusion.  But  the 
patience  with  which  Henry  now  devoted  himself  to 
eighteen  months  of  diplomacy  and  preparation  ena- 
bles us  to  realise  both  the  far-reaching  aims  of  his  pol- 
icy and  his  own  constructive  genius.  The  campaign 
of  the  previous  summer  had  been  necessary  to  estab- 
lish his  position  at  home  and  abroad.  It  had,  however, 
taxed  severely  the  resources  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  a 
further  period  of  preparation  was  required  before  such 
a  war  of  conquest,  as  Henry  intended,  could  be  re- 
newed with  a  fair  prospect  of  success.  No  doubt  also 
Henry  understood  that  the  first  step  to  the  conquest 
of  France  was  to  establish  the  naval  supremacy  of 
England  in  the  Channel;  for  this  reason  alone  he  must 
in  any  case  have  deferred  his  second  invasion  over  the 

161 


1 62  Henry  V.  [1415- 

coming  year.*  But  it  was  still  more  important  so  far 
as  possible  to  isolate  the  French  Government,  and  to 
secure  his  own  position  by  a  network  of  alliances. 

At  home  Henry's  personal  popularity  made  the  task 
of  government  easy,  and  he  was  able  to  carry  still 
further  his  policy  of  reconciliation.  The  young  Earls 
of  March  and  Huntingdon  were  rewarded  for  their 
services  in  the  war  by  their  final  restitution  to  their 
honours  and  estates.  The  heir  of  Hotspur,  who  had 
long  been  a  prisoner  in  Scotland,  regained  his  free- 
dom in  December,  1415,  by  an  exchange  for  Murdach, 
son  of  the  Regent  Albany,  and  was  soon  afterwards 
restored  to  his  grandfather's  earldom  and  the  King's 
favour.  Henry  would  gladly  have  extended  his 
agreement  with  Albany  to  cover  the  restoration  of 
the  young  King  James,  and  so  secure  a  friendly 
neighbour  on  the  Northern  Marches ;  but  his  motions 
for  that  purpose,  though  steadily  pursued,  were  for 
the  time  of  no  effect.  On  the  Welsh  border  affairs 
were  now  so  peaceable  that  Gilbert  Talbot  was  once 
more  commissioned  to  offer  terms  to  Glendower  and 
his  last  adherents.  Oldcastle,  on  the  other  hand, 
was  still  in  hiding,  and  intriguing,  when  opportunity 
offered,  with  the  enemies  of  the  King's  peace.  But  no 
serious  danger  was  now  to  be  apprehended  from  that 
quarter.  The  feeling  of  the  nation  as  represented 
in  Parliament  was  on  the  King's  side,  and  no  note 
of  discord  broke  the  general  harmony.  When  the 

*  Cf.  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.   MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  5  vo, 
and  Libel  of  English  Policy^  ap.  Pol.  Songs,  ii.,  200. 
"Of  see  kepynge,  entendynge  victorie, 

****** 
No  better  was  prince  of  strenuite." 


1416]  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  163 

Chancellor  Beaufort  opened  the  Parliament  of  Novem- 
ber, 141 5,  he  took  for  his  text,  "  As  he  hath  done  unto 
us  so  also  let  us  do  unto  him,"  and  dwelling  on  the 
King's  continual  labours  for  the  preservation  of  law 
and  justice  and  the  peace  of  the  land,  appealed  for  a 
generous  support  of  his  master's  foreign  policy.*  The 
Commons  responded  by  voting  supplies  with  reason- 
able liberality,  and  granted  the  King  the  Customs  for 
life.  The  speech  of  the  Chancellor  in  the  subsequent 
Parliament  of  March,  1416,  was  pitched  in  the  same 
warlike  strain  and  seems  to  have  met  with  full 
approval.  There  was  little  mention  of  domestic  legis- 
lation in  either  assembly  ;  a  firm  and  orderly  govern- 
ment at  home  and  a  spirited  foreign  policy  satisfied 
the  interests  and  ambitions  of  the  nation. 

In  France  Burgundy  hoped  to  turn  the  disaster  of 
Agincourt  to  his  own  advantage.  The  death  of  his 
two  brothers  had  stirred  him  for  the  moment  to 
wrath  against  the  English  King.  On  the  other  hand 
he  thought,  through  the  heavier  losses  of  the  rival 
faction,  to  secure  for  himself  undisputed  authority. 
But  his  plans  were  defeated  by  the  energy  of  Ber- 
nard, Count  of  Armagnac,  who  brought  up  his  Gas- 
con followers  from  the  South  and  obtained  from  the 
King  the  baton  of  Constable.  Louis  the  Dauphin 
died  in  December,  1415,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  brother  John,  who  had  been  educated  at  Bur- 
gundy's Court  and  was  betrothed  to  the  Duke's 
niece  Jacqueline,  daughter  of  William  of  Holland. 
Nevertheless  the  Armagnacs  retained  control  of  the 
government  in  the  King's  name,  though  with  some- 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  62. 


164  Henry  V.  [1415- 

what  divided  counsels.  The  more  moderate  party 
led  by  the  Duke  of  Berri  might  have  been  inclined 
to  seek  peace;  but  they  were  dependent  on  the  sup- 
port of  Count  Bernard,  who  advocated  with  consist- 
ent vigour  a  policy  of  revenge. 

The  domestic  quarrels  of  the  French  were,  how- 
ever, for  the  time  of  less  importance.  The  most 
interesting  figure  in  the  history  of  the  next  twelve- 
month was  Sigismund,  the  Emperor-elect.  Sigis- 
mund  of  Luxemburg,  the  second  son  of  the 
Emperor  Charles  IV.,  at  his  father's  death  in  1378  be- 
came Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  and  in  1387  through 
his  marriage  to  Mary  of  Anjou  secured  the  crown  of 
Hungary.  In  1411  he  replaced  his  brother  Wenzel 
as  King  of  the  Romans,  and  from  that  date  endeav- 
oured to  pursue  such  a  truly  international  policy  as 
became  the  civil  head  and  guardian  of  Christendom. 
In  spite  of  many  weaknesses,  he  was  capable  of  lofty 
ideals,  and  laboured  with  sincere  devotion  to  end 
the  Great  Schism,  and  secure  such  a  reformation  of 
the  Church  in  its  head  and  members  as  the  opinion 
of  moderate  men  required.  The  ecclesiastical  policy 
which  he  thus  set  before  him  was,  however,  compli- 
cated by  the  network  of  secular  interests  in  which 
the  Papacy  was  entangled.  France,  England,  Ger- 
many, the  Italian  princes  and  the  Kings  of  the  Span- 
ish peninsula  had  separate  interests  which  Sigismund 
must  appease  or  reconcile  before  he  could  achieve 
his  object.  On  the  other  hand,  fortune  favoured 
him  in  many  things.  Pope  John  XXIII. ,  through 
fear  of  the  King  of  Naples,  was  forced  to  throw 
himself  into  the  Emperor's  arms.  The  traditional 


1416]  Henry  V.  and  Sigistmind  165 

alliance  between  the  imperial  line  of  Luxemburg 
and  the  royal  House  of  France,  and  the  aspirations 
of  Gallican  churchmen  for  some  moderate  measure 
of  reform  helped  him  at  Paris.  Henry  of  England 
had  not  only  a  sincere  sympathy  for  Sigismund's 
plans,  but  was,  for  political  reasons,  also  anxious 
to  secure  his  friendship.  Still,  with  all  these  advant- 
ages it  was  no  small  triumph  for  Sigismund  when 
he  assembled  the  representatives  of  Christendom  at 
Constance  in  November,  1414.  The  diversity  of  in- 
terests that  were  there  brought  together,  and  the 
necessity  of  maintaining  at  least  the  show  of  har- 
mony, explain,  if  they  do  not  justify,  the  tortuous 
diplomacy  which  the  Emperor  pursued. 

The  primary  object  of  the  Council  of  Constance 
was  to  restore  unity  to  the  Church  by  ending  the 
Great  Schism.  The  first  step  in  this  direction  was 
the  deposition  of  Pope  John  in  the  early  summer  of 
1415.  At  the  beginning  of  July  Gregory  XII.,  one 
of  the  two  schismatical  Popes,  resigned  his  office. 
A  little  later  Sigismund  left  Constance  for  Perpignan 
to  obtain,  if  possible,  the  submission  of  the  remain- 
ing pretender,  Benedict  XIII.  This  journey  was 
undertaken  at  the  very  time  of  Henry's  invasion  of 
France ;  but  before  its  purpose  was  in  some  degree 
accomplished  the  victory  of  Agincourt  had  imposed 
a  fresh  task  of  mediation  on  the  imperial  diplomatist. 

We  must  now  turn  back  to  trace  the  course  of 
negotiations  between  Sigismund  and  Henry  of 
England.  On  26th  February,  1411,  at  the  time 
when  Henry  as  Prince  of  Wales  ruled  England  in 
his  father's  name,  he  had  sent  Dr.  John  Stokes  and 


1 66  Henry  V.  [1415- 

Sir  Hartank  van  Clux  to  treat  with  Sigismund  for 
a  regular  alliance.*  Viewed  in  the  light  of  subse- 
quent events,  it  is  tempting  to  regard  this  embassy 
as  a  deliberate  step  in  the  foreign  policy  of  the 
Prince  and  his  advisers.  If  so,  it  was  a  return  to 
the  policy  of  Edward  III.,  and  an  attempt  to  detach 
Sigismund  from  the  traditional  alliance  of  his  family 
with  France.  At  the  time  the  embassy  bore  little 
fruit ;  but  Hartank  remained  as  a  sort  of  Eng- 
lish agent  at  the  Court  of  Sigismund,  and  it  was 
through  his  advice  that  in  July,  1414,  a  second 
embassy  was  sent  to  the  Emperor  under  Sir  Walter 
Hungerford.f  What  actually  passed  on  this  occasion 
we  can  only  guess,  but  it  is  probable  that  Hunger- 
ford's  mission  paved  the  way  for  the  more  impor- 
tant negotiations  which  were  entrusted  to  the 
English  envoys  who  went  to  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance in  the  following  October.:}:  At  the  head  of 
this  latter  mission  were  the  Earl  of  Warwick  and 
the  three  Bishops  of  Bath,  Salisbury,  and  St.  David's, 
who  were  directed  to  treat  with  Sigismund  for  a 
league  and  alliance.  The  English  ambassadors  made 
a  splendid  show,  both  when  Sigismund  was  crowned 
at  Aachen,  and  when  the  Council  met  at  Constance. 
But  whatever  progress  may  have  been  made  in 
private,  no  public  result  was  achieved,  and  Sigis- 
mund himself  was  at  this  very  time  renewing  his  old 

*  Feeder -a,  viii.,  674.  Stokes  was  afterwards  an  English  repre- 
sentative at  the  Council  of  Constance.  Hartank  van  Clux  was  a 
Silesian  knight  who  had  been  in  the  English  service  since  1400. 

f  Fadera,  ix.,  155-6. 

\id.,  ix.,  167-8.  The  bishops  were  Nicholas  Bubwith,  Robert 
Hallam,  and  John  Catrik. 


ROBERT  HALLAM  AND  THE  EARL  OF  WARWICK. 

SENT  AS  AMBASSADORS  TO  CONSTANCE. 


14161  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  167 

alliance  with  France.  It  is  impossible  to  acquit  the 
Emperor  of  a  certain  duplicity  in  his  diplomacy. 
For  the  moment  the  pressure  of  ecclesiastical 
politics  was  overpowering,  and  hence,  on  25th  June, 
1414,  he  had  been  forced  to  make  an  alliance  with 
his  Orleanist  cousins  who  held  power  at  Paris.  On 
the  other  hand,  imperial  policy  and  perhaps  his  own 
inclinations  urged  him  to  keep  the  door  open  for 
an  agreement  with  England;  but  what  he  did  with 
this  intention  was  of  necessity  secret.  The  progress 
that  was  made  at  Constance  in  the  summer  of  1415 
and  Henry's  victory  at  Agincourt  produced  a  ma- 
terial change  in  the  situation. 

In  January,  1416,  when  Sigismund  was  at  Lyons 
on  his  way  back  from  Perpignan,  he  received  an  in- 
vitation to  visit  Paris.  The  French  princes  probably 
relied  on  their  old  friendship  to  secure  his  assistance 
in  obtaining  favourable  terms  from  England.  Sigis- 
mund on  his  part  was,  in  the  interests  of  the  Coun- 
cil, anxious  for  peace,*  and,  as  it  would  appear, 
accepted  the  role  of  mediator  in  all  sincerity. 
There  is  no  ground  for  supposing  that  he  foresaw 
the  position  into  which  the  events  of  the  next  few 
months  would  lead  him. 

It  was  on  1st  March  that  Sigismund  entered 
Paris.  He  was  received  with  the  greatest  honour 
by  the  Duke  of  Berri  and  the  other  princes.  But  he 
must  have  recognised  soon  that  his  efforts  in  the 
French  capital  were  not  likely  to  be  attended  with 
much  success.  The  Count  of  Armagnac  somewhat 

*  Even  before  Agincourt  he  had  advocated  a  peaceful  agreement. 
Caro,  A  us  der  Kanzlei,  p.  in. 


1 68  Henry  V.  [1415- 

ostcntatiously  left  Paris  and  renewed  his  warfare 
with  the  English  before  Harfleur.  Armagnac's  atti- 
tude and  the  divisions  of  the  French  princes  were 
probably  the  starting-point  for  a  change  in  Sigis- 
mund's  policy.  At  all  events,  they  determined  him 
to  visit  England,  which  was  not  apparently  part  of 
his  original  intentions.  * 

Sigismund's  decision  to  transfer  the  negotiations 
to  London  was  arrived  at  about  the  end  of  March. 
On  8th  April  he  left  Paris,  accompanied  by  a  French 
embassy  under  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims.  Three 
weeks  later  he  reached  Calais,  where  the  Earl  of 
Warwick  received  him  with  such  magnificence  as  to 
earn  for  himself  the  name  of  the  "  Father  of 
Courtesy."  On  Thursday,  3oth  April,  Sigismund, 
who  was  accompanied  by  a  retinue  of  over  a  thou- 
sand persons,  crossed  over  to  Dover. f  Henry  had 
prepared  to  receive  his  imperial  guest  with  the  utmost 
distinction.  But,  if  we  could  trust  a  late  legend,  Sig- 
ismund was  not  permitted  to  land  till  Humphrey  of 
Gloucester  had  ridden  into  the  water  with  drawn 
sword,  and  received  from  him  a  promise  that  he  had 
not  come  as  Emperor  and  made  no  pretence  to  exercise 
imperial  authority  in  England.;}:  On  the  following 

*  Cf .  Fa'dera,  ix.,  333.  Safe-conduct  for  Scots  envoys  to  go  to 
Sigismund  at  Paris,  dated  26th  March. 

f  Wendeckeap.  Lenz.,  p.  89.  The  whole  retinue  did  not  cross  till 
3rd  May.  The  English  Chronicle,  (Cotton.  MS.,  Cleop.,  C.  iv.,  f. 
28VO)  says  Sigismund  was  at  Calais  till  4th  May. 

\  The  story  first  appears  in  Redmayne  and  Hall,  but  only  takes  its 
final  shape  in  Holinshed.  It  is  possibly  a  sixteenth-century  inven- 
tion, though  the  historians  of  that  time  seem  to  have  used  some 
traditional  information  which  has  not  survived  elsewhere.  The 


THE  EARL  OF  WARWICK  AND  THE  EMPEROR  SIQISMUND. 


1416]  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  169 

Tuesday  Sigismund  was  met  by  Bedford  at  Roches- 
ter, and  on  the  Wednesday  by  Clarence  at  Dartford. 
On  Thursday,  the  7th  May,  he  made  his  entry  into 
London.  By  Henry's  orders  the  Mayor  and  citizens 
went  out  to  greet  him  at  Blackheath,  the  King 
himself,  with  his  great  lords,  awaiting  him  at  St. 
Thomas  Wateryng.  When  the  two  monarchs  had 
kissed  and  embraced  each  other,  Henry  took  the 
Emperor  by  the  hand,  and  so  they  came  riding 
through  the  City  of  London  to  St.  Paul's,  where 
they  made  their  offering.  Then  they  took  horse 
again  and  rode  to  Westminster,  where  the  Emperor 
was  lodged  in  the  royal  palace,  whilst  the  King  him- 
self lay  at  Lambeth.* 

Sigismund,  for  all  his  fitful  earnestness,  was  fond 
of  state  and  pleasure,  so  that  the  royal  magnificence 
of  his  reception  was  much  to  his  liking.  The 
Parliament,  which  had  been  adjourned  before  Easter 
that  it  might  still  be  in  session  at  the  time  of  the 
Emperor's  visit,  reassembled  on  nth  May.  If,  as 
seems  likely,  Sigismund  witnessed  the  opening  cere- 
mony, he  enjoys  the  distinction  of  being  the  only 
Emperor  who  was  ever  present  on  such  an  occasion. 


notion  that  the  King  of  England  was  "  Emperor  of  his  own  "  was  not 
unfamiliar  in  the  reign  of  Henry  V.     See  Page,  Siege  of  Rouen,  p.  24: 
"  He  ys  Kyng  excellent 

And  unto  none  othyr  obedyent, 

That  levythe  here  in  erthe  be  ryghte, 

But  only  unto  God  almyght, 

With-yn  hys  owne  Emperoure 

And  also  Kyng  and  conqueroure." 

*  English    Chronicles,    Cotton.   MSS.,    Claudius,  A.  viii,  f.  4VO, 
and  Cleopatra,  C.  iv.,  f.  29 vo. 


170  Henry  V. 


[1415- 


It  soon  became  evident  that  the  course  of  negotia- 
tions would  be  protracted,  and  Parliament  accord- 
ingly dispersed,  whilst  the  King  devoted  his 
attention  to  the  entertainment  of  his  pleasure-loving 
guest.  The  Feast  of  S.  George,  which  had  been  pur- 
posely postponed,  was  celebrated  with  unusual  state 
at  Windsor  on  24th  May,  Henry  yielding  the  chief 
place  at  the  table  and  in  the  chapel  to  the  Emperor. 
Sigismund  was  then  invested  with  the  Garter,  an 
honour  which  he  so  much  esteemed  that  he  ever 
thereafter  wore  the  collar  of  that  order  in  all 
assemblies. 

On  28th  May,  at  Sigismund's  request  William  of 
Holland  came  to  England  to  assist  in  the  negotia- 
tions, which  were  now  begun  in  good  earnest.  As  a 
basis  for  peace  it  was  proposed  that  Harfleur  should 
be  put  in  the  hands  of  Duke  William  and  the 
Emperor,  to  hold  for  a  term  of  three  years  pending 
a  final  conclusion.  For  this  arrangement  the  assent 
of  the  French  princes,  then  prisoners  in  England, 
was  sought,  but  was  not  forthcoming  ;  probably  they 
were  offered  their  liberty  at  the  price  of  recognising 
Henry's  claims  to  the  French  throne.*  Their  re- 
fusal and  their  false  machinations  were  the  reasons 
which  Henry  alleged  in  public  for  the  failure  of  his 
negotiations,  f  But,  apart  from  this,  the  scheme  did 
not  commend  itself  to  popular  opinion,  and  the 
mere  rumour  of  what  was  afoot  caused  much  mur- 


*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  427-30  ;  Cousinot,  Gestcs  dcs  Nobles,  pp.  135-6.  Sig- 
ismund says  expressly  that  the  French  princes  took  part  in  the  negoti- 
ations. Cf.  A  us  der  Kanzlei,  p.  113. 

\F<xdera,  ix.,  362. 


1416]  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  171 

muring.*  Still  more  serious  for  the  cause  of  peace 
was  the  conduct  of  the  French ;  not  only  was  Ar- 
magnac  besieging  Harfleur,  but  his  Genoese  allies 
were  actually  threatening  the  English  shores. 
Henry  at  once  determined  to  take  the  sea  in  person  ; 
whilst  William  of  Holland,  finding  his  position  un- 
tenable, went  back  somewhat  abruptly  to  his  own 
country.  To  Sigismund  it  was  clear  that  his  efforts 
for  peace  must  fail,  unless  he  could  obtain  a  definite 
assurance  from  the  French  Government.  With  this 
purpose  he  sent  an  embassy  to  Paris  on  the  2 1st 
June,  to  propose  a  basis  for  further  negotiation  on 
his  own  and  Henry' s  behalf ;  William  of  Holland 
was  still  in  name  associated  in  their  proposals. 
With  the  imperial  ambassadors  went  the  Sire  de 
Gaucourt,  who  had  on  a  previous  occasion  acted  as 
a  go-between  for  Henry  in  French  affairs ;  at  the 
same  time  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims  and  his 
colleagues  also  returned  to  Paris. 

The  proposals,  which  the  imperial  ambassadors  were 
commissioned  to  make,  consisted  in  the  first  place  of 
a  general  truce  with  a  view  to  a  meeting  between  the 
Kings  of  France  and  England.  If  this  was  accepted, 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Cleopatra,  C.  iv.,  £.  29 vo. 
"  In  ye  firste  weke  of  Joyn  next  suying  ye  kyng  hade  suche  covnceile 
yl  he  schulde  have  gove  ye  kepynge  of  the  tovne  of  harflew  to  ye 
Emperower  and  to  the  duke  of  holonde  as  hit  was  sayde  for  a  certayn 
tyme  ;  ff or  ye  whiche  covnceils  and  graunte  ye  commones  were  ful 
sore  and  draddyn  of  strong  treson  yl  myzt  fall  to  ye  reme,  and  gro- 
chedede  w<  hole  herte,  wherof  owre  kyng  had  wityng.  And  yan 
oure  Kynge  examenyd  better  this  mater  of  ye  ffrensshmen  y'  were 
prisoners  here,  and  yan  was  it  wel  knowen  to  owre  Kyng  and  Em- 
perowre  and  to  the  duke  of  holonde  y'  hit  was  hyz  falsnesse  and 
treson  unto  owre  lond  yl  y6  ffrensshmen  ment." 


172  Henry  V.  [H15- 

the  Archbishop  of  Rheims  and  the  Sire  de  Gaucourt 
were  to  notify  Sigismund  within  three  weeks  of  their 
departure  from  London,  and  the  place  for  the  inter- 
view was  to  be  fixed  within  a  further  period  of  ten 
days. 

These  proposals  were  discussed  at  length  by  the 
French  princes.  The  moderate  party,  whose  weight 
the  recent  death  of  the  Duke  of  Berri  had  weakened, 
would  have  accepted  them  without  demur.  But 
Armagnac  met  them  with  a  warlike  and  eloquent 
harangue:  Henry  and  his  allies  were  not  to  be 
trusted  ;  they  sought  peace  only  that  they  might  pre- 
pare fresh  war;  it  was  French  policy  to  pursue  the 
advantages  they  had  lately  gained  before  Harfleur. 
Eventually  a  compromise  was  arranged.  De  Gau- 
court *  was  to  take  back  such  an  answer  as 
would  prolong  the  negotiations  for  peace,  whilst 
Armagnac  and  his  Genoese  allies  were  to  be  at 
liberty  to  continue  the  war.  A  temporising  message 
was  sent  accordingly,  and  arrangements  made  for  a 
conference  with  English  representatives  at  Beauvais 
towards  the  middle  of  July,  f  So  short-sighted 
and  hypocritical  a  policy  was  worthless  against  an 
adversary  so  wary  and  energetic  as  Henry. 

At  the  end  of  June  Henry  had  gone  to  South- 
ampton to  prepare  for  his  intended  expedition, 
whilst  Sigismund  found  a  pleasant  resting-place  at 
Leeds  in  Kent.  On  the  receipt  of  de  Gaucourt's 
illusory  report  Henry  hastily  rejoined  the  Emperor. 

*  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  l8-22  ;  Aus  der  Kanzlei  Sigismund,  pp. 
99-100. 

f  id.,  p.  101,  date  ?th  July  ;  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  22-6. 


14161  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  1 73 

The  news  that  a  Genoese  fleet  was  threatening  the 
Isle  of  Wight  followed  quickly;  a  few  days  later 
came  a  report  that  the  English  envoys  had  been 
received  with  very  scant  courtesy  at  Beauvais,  and 
that  the  French  had  found  a  pretext  not  to  conclude 
the  truce  as  agreed  upon.*  Such  a  revelation  of 
French  policy  brought  matters  to  a  crisis.  Henry 
ordered  his  intended  expedition  to  be  pushed  on 
with  renewed  vigour,  though  he  resigned  the  com- 
mand to  his  brother  Bedford.  Sigismund  on  his 
part  abandoned  the  task  of  mediation  and  threw  him- 
self fully  into  Henry's  plans.  On  I5th  August  a 
formal  treaty  of  alliance  between  the  Emperor  and 
English  King  was  concluded  at  Canterbury.  In  the 
preamble  Sigismund  declared  that  during  six  months 
he  had  laboured  sincerely  for  peace  and  the  unity  of 
the  Church,  but  had  met  with  nothing  but  snares  and 
delusions.  His  imperial  rights  and  Henry's  just 
demands  had  been  alike  disregarded.  Therefore  he 
now  made  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with 
the  English  King,  in  which  the  two  parties  pledged 
themselves  to  mutual  support  for  the  recovery  of 
their  claims  against  France,  f  This  treaty  shows 
that  Henry  and  Sigismund  no  longer  entertained  any 
hopes  of  a  peaceful  settlement.  But  they  did  not 
draw  back  from  the  conference  which  had  in  the 
meantime  been  arranged  to  take  place  at  Calais,  and 
at  which  it  was  expected  that  the  Duke  of  Burgundy 
would  be  present. 

*  A  us  der  Kanzki,  pp.  103,  107. 

\Fcederat  ix.,  377-81  ;  cf.  Aus  der  Kanzlei,  pp.  105-7,  and  109- 
23,  a  letter  to  Charles  VI.,  giving  the  Emperor's  account  of  the 
negotiations  of  the  last  six  months. 


174  Henry  V.  ti4is- 

On  24th  August  Sigismund  crossed  over  to  Calais, 
where  ten  days  later  Henry  rejoined  him.  On  7th 
September  the  Archbishop  of  Rheims  arrived,  as  had 
been  arranged  at  Beauvais.  But  there  was  hardly 
any  pretence  at  treating  for  a  genuine  peace.  The 
French  envoys  made  a  proposal  almost  humorous  in 
its  audacity  ;  let  Sigismund  purchase  peace  from 
Henry  by  a  donation  out  of  the  ancient  lands  of  the 
Empire,  and  the  gratitude  of  their  master  would 
know  no  bounds.  What  this  meant  was  that  Henry 
should  obtain  compensation  at  the  expense  of  Bur- 
gundy ;  an  arrangement  which,  however  gratifying 
to  the  Armagnac  Government  at  Paris,  can  scarcely 
have  been  seriously  intended.  But  neither  side 
desired  immediate  hostilities,  and  the  negotiations 
ended  naturally  in  a  general  truce  to  last  from  9th 
October  till  2nd  February,  1417.*  The  French 
ambassadors  left  Calais  on  3rd  October,  and  three 
days  later  Burgundy  arrived. 

The  negotiations  with  Burgundy  were  in  reality 
the  chief  purpose  of  the  conference  at  Calais.  With 
that  double-dealing  prince  Henry  had  found  it  exped- 
ient to  maintain  continued  relations.  John  the 
Fearless  deserved  no  trust,  and  Henry  cannot  have 
trusted  him.  But  his  aid  could  be  purchased,  and 
this  no  doubt  was  Henry's  intention.  Burgundian 
envoys  had  been  present  in  England  almost  the 
whole  of  the  year.  The  truce  with  Flanders  had 
been  prolonged  for  a  twelvemonth  in  June,  and  in 
August  Bishop  Catrik,  when  on  his  way  back  to  Con- 
stance, was  instructed  to  visit  the  Burgundian  Court 

*  Feeder -a,  ix.,  387,  397-401. 


1416]  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  \  75 

and  arrange  for  the  conference  at  Calais.*  John  was 
himself  too  treacherous  by  nature  to  put  any  con- 
fidence in  others.  He  would  not  appear  at  Calais 
until  Humphrey  of  Gloucester  became  a  hostage  for 
his  safety.  The  princes  met  at  the  ford  of  the  Aa  at 
Gravelines  and  passed  each  other  in  midstream.  At 
Calais  Burgundy  spent  a  whole  week,  and  had  many 
long  and  secret  interviews  with  the  Emperor  and 
English  King.  Henry  was  apparently  so  confident 
of  his  power  to  secure  the  support  of  John,  that  he 
had  documents  ready  drafted  for  signature,  in  which 
the  Duke  was  to  pledge  himself  to  further  the  Eng- 
lish cause  in  F  ranee,  f  What  passed  at  the  inter- 
views did  not  transpire,  but  probably  the  popular 
opinion  which  ascribed  their  failure  to  Burgundy's 
manifest  duplicity  was  not  far  wrong.  The  Duke  left 
Calais  on  I3th  October  and  at  once  busied  himself 
with  a  new  intrigue  for  his  own  aggrandisement.  On 
1 2th  November  he  met  the  Dauphin  and  his  father-in- 
law,  William  of  Holland,  at  Valenciennes,  where  they 
concluded  a  league  against  the  Armagnacs.  But  the 
death  of  the  Dauphin  early  in  the  following  year  put 
an  end  to  this  scheme,  and  Burgundy  fell  back  on  his 
old  plan  for  an  agreement  with  England. 

The  conference  at  Calais  broke  up  immediately 
after  Burgundy's  departure.  Sigismund  went  back 
to  Germany  by  way  of  Dordrecht,  mightily  pleased 
with  his  new  alliance.  Henry's  kingdom,  as  he  told 
the  English  envoys  at  Constance,  was  Paradise  in 
comparison  to  any  place  he  had  ever  visited  ;  "  from 
the  highest  unto  the  lowest  he  commended  your 

*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  328,   352-4,  374.  f  id.,  ix.,  394-6. 


176  Henry  V.  [1415- 

glorious  and  gracious  person,  your  realm  and  your 
good  governance."  * 

Henry  himself  crossed  over  to  England  on  i6th 
October,  just  in  time  for  the  meeting  of  a  new  Parlia- 
ment. The  Treaty  of  Canterbury  was  laid  before 
the  Commons  and  solemnly  ratified  and  confirmed,  f 
Such  a  proceeding  was  no  doubt  only  a  formality; 
still,  it  has  its  significance  both  as  showing  how 
Henry  took  his  people  into  his  confidence  and  how 
fully  he  had  identified  them  with  his  policy.  The 
policy  was  entirely  his  own  ;  his  was  the  energy  that 
had  frustrated  the  duplicity  of  the  French  princes  ; 
his  was  the  skill  and  magnetic  influence  that  had  won 
over  Sigismund  from  the  traditional  alliance  of  his 
family.  How  completely  Henry  was  his  own  foreign 
minister  appears  also  from  a  document,  wherein  he 
records  for  the  Emperor's  information  the  secret 
negotiations  which  he  had  personally  conducted  with 
the  French  princes  in  England.  \ 

The  Treaty  of  Canterbury  was  in  itself  a  diplo- 
matic victory  of  the  first  importance.  Yet  it  was  only 

*  Fader  a,  ix.,  435. 

f  fiolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  96. 

\  FceJera,  ix.,  427-30.  As  this  document  is  avowedly  Henry's 
own  composition,  it  is  worth  quoting  the  opening  and  ending  words  : 
"  Tiptoft.  I  charge  yow,  by  the  Feith  that  ye  owe  to  me,  that  ye 
kepe  this  Matere,  her  after  Writen,  from  al  Men  secre  save  from  my 
Brother  Th'  Emperor  owne  Persone  ;  that  never  Creature  have 
Wittyng  thereof,  withowt  myn  especial  Commandement,  of  myn 
owne  Mouthe,  or  els  Writen  with  myn  owne  Hand,  and  Seelyd  with 

my  Signet  : And,  for  the  secreness  of  this  Matere,  I  have 

writen  this  Instruction  wyth  myn  owne  Hande,  And  seled  hit  with 
my  Signet  of  th'  Egle,  the  25  Day  of  Januar,  that  is  the  Day  of 
Conversion  of  St.  Paule." 


1416]  Henry  V.  and  Sigismund  177 

the  pivot  on  which  a  wider  scheme  revolved.  The 
minor  negotiations  of  the  year  were  of  necessity  left 
to  agents ;  but  Henry's  was  the  far-seeing  genius 
which  contrived  them  all  as  parts  of  a  general  plan. 
A  treaty  of  alliance  was  concluded  with  the  Arch- 
bishop of  Cologne,  whose  support  was  secured  by  the 
promise  of  an  annual  pension.  Negotiations  were 
opened  with  the  Hanse  and  the  chief  princes  of  Ger- 
many. The  friendship  of  Venice  was  confirmed  by 
the  concession  of  commercial  privileges.  Steady 
efforts  were  made  to  withdraw  the  Genoese  from 
their  alliance  with  the  French  Government,  and 
Sigismund's  influence  was  especially  enlisted  on  this 
behalf.  More  than  one  embassy  was  despatched  to 
the  princes  of  the  Spanish  peninsula  ;  a  treaty  was 
made  with  the  King  of  Aragon  ;  ambassadors  were 
directed  if  possible  to  conclude  an  alliance  with 
Castile,  or  at  all  events  to  obtain  a  truce  between 
that  kingdom  and  Portugal,  the  ancient  ally  of  Eng- 
land, and  if  it  might  be  to  detach  Castile  from  its 
friendship  for  France.  All  these  seemingly  separate 
negotiations  had  one  end  in  view ;  so  to  isolate  the 
French  Government  that  the  English  King  might  be 
free  to  prosecute  his  schemes  of  conquest  without 
fear  of  complication. 

Henry's  diplomacy  was  not  entirely  successful. 
Neither  the  Republic  of  Genoa,  nor  the  King  of 
Castile  would  consent  to  abandon  their  old  tra- 
ditions. Burgundy  could  not  be  induced  to  commit 
himself  to  support  the  English  cause  in  France. 
But  the  general  results  were  sufficiently  striking. 
The  French  Government  at  Paris  had  been 


I78 


Henry  V. 


[1415-1416] 


unmasked,  and  the  duplicity  with  which  it  devised  war 
whilst  it  talked  of  peace  exposed.  Henry  could, 
with  some  show  of  justice,  claim  to  be  the  injured 
party  who  had  laboured  in  all  sincerity  for  peace. 
He  stood  next  to  Sigismund  as  a  champion  of  ortho- 
doxy, and  as  a  political  power  even  Sigismund  him- 
self had  to  yield  him  the  first  place.  His  diplomatic 
victory  was  not  less  important  than  the  triumph  at 
Agincourt,  of  which  it  was  indeed  the  first  fruit  and 
the  complement. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE    COMMAND   OF   THE    SEA 
1416-1417 

IN  the  last  chapter,  reference  has  been  made  inci- 
dentally to  the  warfare  which  from  time  to  time 
frustrated  the  endeavours  of  Sigismund  to  ar- 
range terms  of  peace.  With  the  personal  history  of 
Henry  V.  that  warfare  has  no  direct  concern,  yet 
some  account  of  it  is  necessary,  as  well  to  illustrate 
the  negotiations  of  1416  as  the  naval  policy  of  the 
King.  Though  there  were  skirmishes  between  the 
French  and  English  in  the  neighbourhood  both  of 
Bordeaux  and  Calais,  the  main  interest  centres  round 
Harfleur.  The  English  garrison  under  Dorset  held 
nothing  but  the  town ;  their  military  operations 
were  therefore  of  subsidiary  importance.  The  real 
struggle  was  for  the  command  of  the  Channel,  and 
the  events  of  the  year  afford  an  interesting  illustra- 
tion of  the  importance  of  sea-power  in  war. 

Dorset  had,  as  captain  of  Harfleur,  a  force  of  three 
hundred  men-at-arms  and  nine  hundred  archers. 
Soon  after  his  return  to  England,  in  November, 
1415,  Henry  had  sent  over  store  of  provisions  and 

179 


180  Henry  V.  [1416- 

money.  But  the  maintenance  of  an  isolated  garrison 
in  a  hostile  country  was  no  easy  matter,  and  Dorset 
found  himself  hard  pressed  for  supplies.  He  was 
thus  compelled  to  make  constant  raids  into  the 
country,  during  one  of  which,  so  early  as  i8th 
November,  1415,  he  advanced  to  within  a  few  miles 
of  Rouen.  On  that  occasion,  and  again  a  few  days 
before  Christmas,  the  English  forays  were  highly 
successful.*  But  early  in  the  spring  the  Constable 
Armagnac  came  to  Normandy  with  the  intention  to 
press  the  war  vigorously,  and  if  possible  to  achieve 
some  result  that  should  frustrate  the  peace-seeking 
policy  of  his  political  rivals  at  Paris.  During  the 
second  week  in  March,  Dorset,  who  was  still  in  sore 
need  of  victuals,  made  a  foraging  raid  beyond 
Fecamp  as  far  as  Cany  towards  Dieppe.  His  expe- 
dition had  been  successful,  and  he  was  on  his  way 
back  to  Harfleur  when  Armagnac  suddenly  came 
upon  him  near  Valmont. 

Dorset  had  not  much  over  a  thousand  men,  whilst 
the  French  were  more  than  three  times  as  numerous. 
However,  he  prepared  for  battle  in  the  traditional 
English  way,  with  his  baggage  in  the  rear,  his  men- 
at-arms  on  foot  in  the  centre,  and  the  archers  en 
Jicrsc  on  either  wing.  Hardly  was  his  line  formed 
when  Armagnac's  heavy  cavalry  came  charging 
down.  The  English  archers  were  powerless  to  check 
their  onslaught.  The  French  swept  victoriously 
through  the  little  company  of  men-at-arms  in  the 
centre,  and  fell  to  plundering  the  baggage  train  and 
massacring  the  valets  who  were  holding  their  mas- 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Cleopatra  C.,  iv. ,  ff.  27-28. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  181 

ters'  horses  in  the  rear.  Dorset,  though  badly 
wounded,  rallied  his  men  and  drew  them  off  to  the 
shelter  of  an  orchard  hard  by.  To  the  herald  who 
was  sent  to  offer  terms  he  answered  haughtily : 
"  Go  tell  your  master,  that  Englishmen  never  sur- 
render." His  position  was  nevertheless  precarious  ; 
he  had  few  horses  and  the  enemy  held  the  direct 
road  to  Harfleur.  There  was  nothing  for  it  but  to 
march  home  by  the  longer  way  round  the  coast. 
Under  cover  of  night  the  English  contrived  to  steal 
off  unobserved,  though  Armagnac  had  ordered  the 
Marechal  de  Longny  to  watch  their  movements. 
At  daybreak  they  had  reached  the  Chef  de  Caux, 
and  thought  to  get  back  to  Harfleur  without  further 
fighting.  But  Longny  had  followed  them  and  now 
once  more  barred  the  road.  Thus  brought  to  bay, 
the  English,  though  hungry  and  weary,  charged 
desperately  up'  the  hill  on  which  the  French  were 
posted.  Longny's  detachment  was  overwhelmed 
before  Armagnac  could  come  to  the  rescue,  and  so 
Dorset,  in  spite  of  heavy  losses,  returned  to  Har- 
fleur. Both  sides  claimed  the  victory,  but  whilst  the 
English  had  the  best  of  it  in  the  actual  fighting,  the 
practical  results  rested  with  the  French.  Armagnac 
held  the  country  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Harfleur, 
and  Dorset  had  to  send  an  urgent  message  for  rein- 
forcements to  England.*  This  fighting  took  place 
on  Wednesday  and  Thursday,  the  nth  and  I2th 
March,  whilst  Sigismund  was  at  Paris  ;  and  it  was 

*  Chron.  St.  Denys,  v.,  750-760  ;  Gesta,  pp.  69-72 ;  Chron.  Norm., 
pp.  173-174;  Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  314-315;  English  Chron. , 
Cotton.  MS.,  Cleop.  C.,  iv.,  f.  28. 


1 82  Henry  V.  [1416- 

probably  the  news  of  Armagnac's  success  that  deter- 
mined the  Emperor  to  transfer  his  negotiations  to 
England. 

The  French  Government  realised  that  their  surest 
means  of  defence  was  to  hold  the  command  by  sea.* 
They  had  negotiated  accordingly  with  the  Genoese, 
who  were  the  most  skilful  mariners  of  the  day,  and 
obtained  a  fleet  of  nine  great  carracks,  three  hun- 
dred transports  and  galleys,  and  a  large  number  of 
smaller  vessels.  Five  thousand  crossbowmen  were 
also  hired  in  Spain  and  embarked  on  board  the  fleet, 
which  reached  the  Seine  about  the  end  of  April. 
Harfleur  was  now  closely  besieged  by  land  and  sea, 
and  the  French  hoped  to  starve  the  garrison  into 
surrender.  Henry  was,  however,  fully  alive  to  the 
danger,  and  early  in  May  ordered  an  ample  supply  of 
arms  and  provisions  to  be  despatched.!  By  a  simple 
stratagem  the  ship  that  carried  this  relief  managed 
to  get  into  Harfleur.  She  sailed  through  the  block- 
ading lines  flying  the  white  cross  of  France  at  her 
prow,  and  when  the  zone  of  danger  was  passed  ran 
up  the  red  cross  in  its  place  and  safely  entered  the 
harbour.;}: 

During  May,  the  stringency  of  the  siege  was  some- 
what relaxed,  for  Armagnac  was  called  away  to  Paris, 
and  therefore  concluded  an  armistice  for  one  month. 
The  truce  was,  however,  confined  to  Harfleur,  so 
that  the  main  part  of  the  Genoese  fleet  was  free  to 


*  Des  Ursins,  p.  333. 

f  The   arms   included    1000   bows,    2000    trusses  of   arrows,   IOO 
gross  of  bowstrings.     Cf.  Add.   MS.  4601,  f.  49. 
\  Chron.   St.  Denys,  vi.,   12-14. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  183 

harry  the  English  coast  and  commerce  in  the  Chan- 
nel. To  meet  the  danger  thus  threatened,  the  Earl 
of  Huntingdon  was  on  I2th  May  ordered  to  equip 
a  fleet,  and  after  relieving  Harfleur  to  keep  the  sea 
and  not  put  into  port  except  under  stress  of  weather. 
Commissions  of  array  were  also  ordered  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  Isle  of  Wight  and  the  western  coun- 
ties, and  beacons  were  to  be  provided  to  give  timely 
warning  of  the  enemy's  approach.*  But  before 
Huntingdon  was  able  to  take  the  sea,  the  Genoese 
fleet  appeared  off  the  English  coast  and  laid  waste 
the  Isle  of  Portland.  At  other  points  the  enemy 
were  repulsed  with  severe  loss,  and  an  attempt  to 
fire  the  fleet  in  Southampton  Water  was  also  unsuc- 
cessful. These  events  happened  early  in  June,  at  a 
critical  moment  for  the  peace  negotiations  then  pro- 
ceeding in  London,  to  the  failure  of  which  they  con- 
tributed materially. 

Henry  was  now  more  than  ever  determined  on 
vigorous  action.  Not  only  must  the  blockade  of 
Harfleur  be  raised,  but  the  Channel  must  also  be 
cleared  of  the  hostile  fleet  that  preyed  on  English 
commerce  and  threatened  to  make  any  further  in- 
vasion of  France  impossible.  With  this  view,  the 
King  went  down  to  Southampton  on  3<Dth  June,  to 
superintend  the  preparations  in  person.  He  had 
been  there  ten  days,  when  the  Sire  de  Gaucourt 
arrived  in  England  with  a  message  which  seemed  to 
show  that  the  French  were  inclined  towards  peace. 
Henry,  thinking  that  there  was  no  further  danger  of 
war,  at  once  joined  Sigismund  at  Leeds.  But 

*Fcedera,  ix.,  344~345,  35°. 


1 84  Henry  V.  [1416- 

within  two  days  there  followed  the  news  that  the  ene- 
my's fleet  was  blockading  Portsmouth  and  plundering 
the  Isle  of  Wight.  By  Sigismund's  advice  Henry 
consented  to  leave  the  command  of  the  fleet  to 
Bedford,  since  the  diplomatic  situation  more  urgently 
required  his  personal  attention. 

The  fleet  was  ready  to  sail  early  in  August.  Part 
of  it  lay  in  Southampton  Water  and  part  of  it  in 
the  Camber  off  Rye.  Contrary  winds  for  some  days 
delayed  their  departure.  But  at  last  the  two  squad- 
rons met  together  off  Beachy  Head,  and  with  a  fa- 
vourable breeze  stood  across  the  Channel.  On  the 
evening  of  I4th  August,  the  English  fleet  entered 
the  Seine.  As  soon  as  his  ship  had  dropped  anchor, 
Bedford  showed  a  light  at  the  masthead  for  the 
guidance  of  the  other  vessels.  Under  cover  of  night 
he  then  sent  some  small  rowing  boats  to  reconnoitre 
the  hostile  fleet,  and  when  he  had  discovered  its 
position  gave  orders  for  a  general  attack  on  the  mor- 
row. At  dawn  the  two  fleets  lay  face  to  face  in  the 
Seine,  and  without  more  manoeuvring  met  in  mid- 
stream. The  great  Italian  carracks,  with  their  tall 
sea-castles  at  poop  and  fore,  towered  spear-high 
above  the  decks  of  the  English.  But  our  sailors, 
nothing  daunted,  laid  their  ships  alongside,  and 
grappled  them  fast  to  those  of  the  enemy.  Hand 
to  hand  they  fought  with  lance  and  sword  from  the 
decks,  or  rained  down  arrows  and  other  missiles  from 
the  fighting-tops.  For  five  hours  the  battle  was  stub- 
bornly contested.  In  the  end  some  of  the  enemy's 
ships  were  boarded,  whilst  the  others  sought  safety 
in  the  shoals  near  Honfleur.  Three  great  carracks 


A  FIGHT  AT  SEA. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  185 

and  many  smaller  vessels  were  taken,  and  one  car- 
rack,  the  Mountnegrie,  which  had  been  badly 
crippled  in  the  fight,  ran  upon  a  sand-bank  and 
foundered.  The  battle  over,  Bedford  sailed  tri- 
umphantly into  Harfleur,  and  when  he  had  victualled 
the  town  returned  with  his  prizes  to  England. 

Bedford's  victory  was  so  far  complete  that  the 
siege  of  Harfleur  was  raised,  and  the  remnant  of 
the  French  and  Genoese  fleet  withdrew  to  Brest. 
But  the  Channel  was  not  yet  secure.  Whilst  the 
negotiations  were  proceeding  at  Calais  in  September, 
a  great  carrack  was  sighted  in  the  offing  under  full 
sail  to  Sluys.  The  Ead  of  Warwick,  Sir  Gilbert 
Umfraville,  and  other  knights  hastily  manned  six 
balingers  and  pinnaces  and  put  out  to  sea.  On  the 
following  morning  they  came  up  with  the  enemy. 
All  day  the  little  English  vessels  fought  with  their 
great  opponent  till,  when  night  drew  on  and  their 
ammunition  was  spent,  they  were  compelled  to 
abandon  the  unequal  contest.  But  about  the  same 
time  the  men  of  Dartmouth  were  more  fortunate; 
for  a  great  carrack  of  Genoa  was  driven  on  shore  by 
the  weather,  and  captured  with  all  her  rich  cargo  of 
merchandise. 

In  the  summer  of  1417  the  Genoese  and  French 
fleets  were  still  in  sufficient  force  to  be  a  serious  dan- 
ger to  the  intended  expedition.  So  in  June  the  Earl 
of  Huntingdon  was  put  in  command  of  a  fleet  to 
cruise  in  the  Channel.  On  the  2Qth,  he  fell  in  with 
the  enemy  off  La  Hogue.  The  whole  long  summer 
day  the  two  fleets  fought  together,  charging  with 
such  violence  that  some  ships  had  their  tall  castles 


186  Henry  V.  [H16- 

carried  away  by  the  force  of  the  collision.  At  last 
the  English  had  the  victory.  Four  great  carracks 
were  captured,  and  the  Bastard  of  Bourbon,  who  com- 
manded the  French  fleet,  was  taken  prisoner.  The 
remainder  of  the  Genoese  ships  fled  to  the  harbours 
of  Brittany,  and  did  not  venture  any  more  to  take 
the  sea.  However,  when  the  expedition  of  1417  had 
landed  in  Normandy,  Henry  still  thought  it  prudent 
to  order  the  Earl  of  March,  after  escorting  the  trans- 
ports home,  to  "  skim  "  *  the  sea  lest  any  enemies 
should  "  defoule  his  navy,  enter  his  land,  or  distrouble 
his  voyage/'f  But  the  only  danger  that  March  encoun- 
tered was  a  storm,  in  which  he  lost  two  carracks 
and  two  balingers  with  all  their  crews  and  merchan- 
dise, whilst  another  carrack  "  drove  before  South- 
ampton and  threw  her  mast  over  the  town  walls." 

We  do  not  hear  any  more  of  serious  fighting  in  the 
Channel  during  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  The  Geno- 
ese fleet  had  been  driven  out  of  the  narrow  seas,  and 
the  Republic  was  before  long  glad  to  treat  with  the 
English  King  for  peace.  In  1419  some  danger  was 
feared  from  an  intended  Spanish  Armada,  and  dur- 
ing that  same  year  the  western  counties  had  orders 
to  equip  vessels  to  prevent  the  Scots  from  sending 
help  to  France. \  But  these  incidents  were  of  minor 
importance.  The  command  of  the  sea  had  been 
fully  secured  and  was  carefully  maintained.  Henry 
could  henceforth  pursue  his  warfare  by  land  without 
fear  of  danger  to  his  communications  by  sea. 

*  To  "skim  the  sea"  means  to  cruise:  a  "scummer"  was  a 
"  rover." 

f  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  ff.  5VO,  6T0. 
\Fadera,  ix.,  702,  783,  791,  793. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  187 

We  cannot  justly  claim  for  Henry,  as  some  have 
done,  the  title  of  founder  of  the  Royal  Navy.  The 
organisation  of  the  Admiralty  is  of  much  older  date, 
and  there  had  not  for  a  long  while  past  been  any 
time  at  which  the  King's  ships  did  not  form  the 
nucleus  of  the  national  force.  But  for  more  than  a 
generation  the  needs  of  the  navy  had  been  neglected, 
and  the  French  and  Spaniards  had  been  permitted  to 
gain  the  upper  hand.  Henry  V.  saw  the  folly  of 
such  a  policy,  and  deserves  the  credit  of  being  one  of 
the  first  to  realise  the  importance  to  England  of  the 
command  of  the  sea.  Early  in  his  reign  the  protec- 
tion of  English  maritime  interests  had  received  atten- 
tion, and  later  on  the  position  of  affairs  at  Harfleur 
brought  home  to  him  the  necessity  of  establishing 
the  national  force  on  a  more  permanent  footing.  If 
he  was  not  actually  the  founder,  he  was  at  all  events 
the  restorer  of  the  Royal  Navy.  Henceforth,  how- 
ever negligent  might  be  the  practice,  it  was  in  theory 
the  aim  of  every  English  Government : 

"  That  wee  be  maysters  of  the  narowe  see."  * 

The  national  necessity  in  time  of  war  had  been  met 
commonly  by  the  impressment  of  ships  from  the 
mercantile  marine.  It  was  by  such  means  that  the 
fleet  which  cruised  in  the  Channel  under  Thomas  of 
Lancaster,  in  1405,  had  been  assembled.  Though 
some  of  the  King's  ships  had  served  on  that  occasion, 
such  protection  as  English  commerce  received  during 


*Libe  I  of  English  Policy,  ap.  Pol.  Songs,  ii.,  158.   Cf.  id.,  ii.,  2O2. 
"  Kepe  than  the  see,  that  is  the  walle  of  Englond, 
And  than  is  Englond  kepte  by  Goddes  sonde." 


1 88  Henry  V.  M416- 

the  reign  of  Henry  IV.  had  depended  rather 
upon  the  exertions  of  privateers  like  the  notable 
Harry  Pay  of  Poole.  But  the  growth  of  privateering 
as  a  way  of  resisting  the  Spanish  or  French  pirates 
had  proved  to  be  an  aggravation  rather  than  a  remedy 
for  the  evil.  The  necessity  for  the  better  keeping  of 
peace  at  sea,  which  was  impressed  upon  Henry  by 
his  Parliament,  must  have  supplied  the  first  motive 
for  an  increase  in  the  Royal  Navy.  An  additional 
reason  was  found  when  the  French  Government 
brought  into  the  Channel  a  hired  fleet  from  Genoa. 
Ships  were  building  for  the  King  at  Ratcliffe  below 
Tower  in  141 1,  and  during  the  early  years  of  the  fol- 
lowing reign  the  naval  programme  was  further  ex- 
tended. Henry  V.  not  only  added  to  the  numbers 
of  the  royal  ships,  but  the  vessels  which  he  built 
were  themselves  more  powerful  than  any  which  his 
predecessors  had  possessed : 

"  Henry  the  Fifte,  what  was  hys  purposynge, 
Whan  at  Hampton  he  made  the  grete  dromons, 
Which  passed  other  grete  ships  of  all  the  Commons, 
The  '  Trinitie,'  the  '  Grace  Dieu,'  the  '  Holy  Ghost," 
And  other  moo  whiche  as  now  be  lost."  * 

The  three  great  ships  here  mentioned  apparently 
replaced  smaller  vessels  of  the  same  names  that  had 
been  worn  out.f  The  Trinity  was  Henry's  flag-ship 
in  the  expedition  of  Agincourt,  and  like  the  Holy 

*  Libel  of  English  Policy,  ap.  Pol.  Songs,  ii.,  199. 

f  We  hear  of  royal  ships  called  La  TriniU  de  la  Tour,  La  Code- 
grace,  and  Le  Holy  Cost,  in  1406.  Cf.  Wylie,  ii.,  101,  409.  The 
two  latter  were  balingers. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  189 

Ghost  was  built  early  in  the  reign.*  The  Grace  Dieu 
was  built  in  1417,  the  Bishop  of  Bangor  receiving 
five  pounds  for  his  expenses  in  going  to  Southamp- 
ton for  her  benediction,  f  In  1419  a  great  ship  was 
building  for  the  King  at  Bayonne.  She  was  to  be 
1 86  feet  long ;  but  the  work  had  been  so  much  de- 
layed that  she  was  not  likely  to  be  finished  for  four 
or  five  years.  Sometimes  ships  were  obtained  from 
foreign  building  yards,  and  this  same  year  Henry  re- 
ceived a  report  on  ten  or  twelve  galleys  that  might 
be  purchased  at  Barcelona,  where  also  two  new  car- 
racks  were  then  building. :{;  In  February,  1417,  a  re- 
port to  the  Council  of  the  "  names  of  the  King's 
ships  and  vessels  "  gives  three  ships,  the  Trinity,  the 
Holy  Ghost,  and  the  Nicholas,  three  carracks,  nine 
barges,  and  ten  balingers.  Six  months  later  we  have 
another  list,  in  which  there  appear  three  great  ships, 
the  Jesus,  the  Trinitt  Roiale,  and  the  Holy  Ghost, 
besides  eight  carracks  and  sixteen  smaller  vessels. 
Probably  neither  list  is  complete  ;  but  the  increased 
number  of  carracks  is  accounted  for  in  part  by  the 
four  prizes  captured  from  the  French  by  the  Earl  of 
Huntingdon.  § 
Of  the  different  kinds  of  vessels  the  "  great  ships  " 

*  Devon,  Issues  of  the  Exchequer,  pp.  338,  339. 

\  Id.,  pp.  349,  351.  A  payment  of  ^500  was  made  towards  the 
cost  on  the  I4th  March,  1417. 

\  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Ser.,  i.,  69-72.  In  1411  Henry  IV. 
was  treating  for  a  Spanish  ship  at  San  Sebastian.  Cf.  Wylie,  iii., 
286. 

§  These  were  the  Peter,  the  Paul,  the  Christopher,  and  the  An- 
drew. They  are  the  first  four  in  the  list  of  August,  1417.  Cf.  Gesta, 
p.  87,  note.  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  3rd  Ser.,  i.,  72,  73. 


190  Henry  V.  [1416- 

and  carracks  were  about  500  tons  burthen  and  had 
two  masts.  These  were  the  only  ones  which  could 
at  all  compete  with  the  Spanish  and  Genoese  vessels 
in  point  of  size.  The  lesser  ships,  "  barges  "  and 
"  balingers,"  in  the  royal  service  were  usually  from 
one  to  two  hundred  tons  burthen.  Other  ships  were 
called  "  cogs,"  a  term  which  is  applied  less  frequently 
to  warships  in  the  fifteenth  than  in  the  previous  cent- 
ury, and  "  crayers,"  which  were  seldom  over  sixty 
tons  burthen.  When  merchant  vessels  were  im- 
pressed for  the  royal  service,  all  above  twenty  tons 
were  included.  The  fleet  in  1415  is  said  to  have 
numbered  1500  vessels,  and  that  of  1417  was 
probably  even  more  numerous.  A  list  giving  238 
of  the  vessels  employed  on  the  latter  occasion  has 
been  preserved  ;  one  hundred  and  seventeen  of  these 
were  hired  from  Holland,  ninety-four  beings  cogs ; 
the  other  hundred  and  twenty-one  were  English, 
and  were  smaller  vessels,  including  fifty-four  crayers.* 
The  crew  of  a  great  ship  like  the  Trinity  might  be 
eighty  men,  that  of  a  barge  or  balinger  would  be 
from  twenty  to  forty,  f  In  addition,  of  course,  each 
vessel  carried  a  number  of  fighting  men.  When  Sir 
Thomas  Carew  equipped  a  squadron  of  eleven  ships, 
in  February,  1417,  he  had  323  men-at-arms  and  655 
archers.  \  His  largest  ship  had  75  men-at-arms  and 

*  Hardy,  Roluli  Normannia,  pp.  320-329. 

f  In  May,  1418,  a  fleet  of  3  carracks,  2  great  ships,  4  barges,  and 
6  balingers,  had  crews  numbering  in  all  979  men  and  boys.  Their 
pay  for  six  months  was  ^794.  13.  i. — Devon,  Issues  of  the  Exchequer, 
P-  555- 

\  He  was  assigned  616  men-at-arms  and  1232  archers ;  but,  as 
often  happened,  the  full  number  did  not  assemble. 


A  SHIP  OF  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  191 

148  archers;  a  small  barge  had  only  four  lances  and 
eight  archers.  Ships  of  war  had  their  high  castles 
at  poop  and  forward,  and  also  carried  fighting- 
tops  for  archers  and  crossbowmen.  In  most  of  the 
naval  battles  the  hostile  fleets  grappled  at  close 
quarters,  and  the  victory  was  decided  by  a  hand-to- 
hand  conflict  of  boarders.  But  guns  were  also  used 
on  shipboard,  as  they  had  been  to  some  extent  for 
nearly  seventy  years  past.  The  Trinitt  de  la  Tour, 
in  1401,  carried  two  large  and  one  small  cannon  ;  and 
cannon  were  used  in  Bedford's  fight  at  Harfleur, 
when  the  Mountnegrie  was  "  rent  and  bored  in  the 
sides."  * 

Ships  of  war  were  as  a  rule  splendidly  decorated. 
They  were  often  painted  red  and  ornamented  with 
the  royal  devices  or  arms.  The  Holy  Ghost  bore 
figures  of  the  swan  and  antelope,  both  royal  badges, 
and  the  Cog  John  had  a  crowned  lion  at  the  mast- 
head. The  sails  also  were  generally  emblazoned 
with  various  devices  ;  that  of  the  Katherine  of  the 
Towre  showed  an  "  antelope  climbing  up  a  bea- 
con," f  and  the  vessel  which  was  the  "  King's  Hall,"  $ 
in  1417,  had  her  sails  worked  with  golden  stars  and 
painted  with  ostrich  feathers. 

With  the  development  of  the  naval  force  under 
Henry  V.  there  came  also  more  elaborate  provisions 
for  its  good  governance.  If  it  is  not  certain  that  the 


*  Wylie,  iv.,  232  ;  Elmham,   Vita,  p.  81  ;   Chron.  Davies,  p.  43. 

f  A  beacon  or  cresset  was  one  of  the  badges  of  Henry  V.  See 
plate,  30. 

\  I.  e,,  the  ship  which  carried  the  royal  household.  Elmham,  Vita, 
p.  96  ;  Livius,  p.  33. 


192  Henry  V.  [1416- 

ordinances  for  the  office  and  duties  of  Admirals  con- 
tained in  the  "  Black  Book  of  the  Admiralty  "  were 
drawn  up  in  their  present  form  during  Henry's 
reign,*  yet  we  cannot  doubt  that  his  military  legis- 
lation had  its  naval  counterpart.  The  ordinances  in 
the  Black  Book  are  certainly  those  which  were  ob- 
served at  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century. 
The  Admiral  was  to  bear  a  lanthorn  at  his  masthead, 
as  did  Bedford  at  Harfleur,  for  the  guidance  of  the 
fleet.  The  "  banner  of  council  "  was  to  be  the  signal 
for  the  assembly  of  the  captains  on  the  Admiral's 
vessel,  and  the  hoisting  of  the  sail-yard  half-mast 
high  gave  a  fleet  the  order  to  prepare  for  departure.f 
The  treatment  of  neutral  vessels,  the  adjudgment  of 
prizes  taken  from  the  enemy,  whether  by  the  King's 
ships  or  by  privateers,  the  conduct  and  government 
of  a  fleet  when  at  sea  or  off  a  hostile  coast  were  all 
carefully  provided  for  in  detail.  The  stringent  pro- 
hibitions against  sacrilege  and  the  molestation  of 
women  illustrate  two  points  on  which  Henry  laid 
special  stress  in  his  warfare.  Similar  clauses  hold 
the  first  place  in  the  military  ordinances  made  in 
1419  at  Mantes,  and  both  the  military  and  naval 
ordinances  have  corresponding  clauses  to  restrain 
unlicensed  fighting  and  plundering.  When  the 
fleet  was  before  a  fortress  or  city  none  were  to  make 
an  assault  without  the  ordinance  of  the  Admiral ; 
when  foraging  parties  were  landed  good  order  was 

*  In  part  at  least  they  are  older.  But  the  most  important  MS. 
(Cotton.  Vesp.,  B.  xxii.)  was  written  in  the  reign  of  Henry  V.,  prob- 
ably for  the  use  of  Thomas  Beaufort. 

f  See  above,  pp.  126,  127,  184. 


1417]  The  Command  of  the  Sea  193 

to  be  preserved,  none  were  to  cause  any  damage  if 
not  by  the  commandment  of  the  Admiral,  and  all 
masters  of  ships  were  held  responsible  for  the  good 
behaviour  of  mariners  whom  they  allowed  to  go 
ashore. 

The  emphasis  which,  in  these  Ordinances  for  the 
Fleet,  is  laid  upon  good  order  and  discipline  is  emin- 
ently characteristic  of  Henry's  administration  in 
war.  From  the  very  circumstances  of  the  case  we 
cannot  follow  the  workings  of  that  administration  so 
closely  in  naval  as  in  military  affairs.  But  Henry's 
success  at  sea,  no  less  than  on  land,  was  due  to  his 
practical  grasp  of  what  was  needed  and  to  the  skill 
with  which  he  adapted  his  forces  to  the  end  that  he 
had  in  view.  His  naval  victories  will  not  bear  com- 
parison with  the  two  great  battles  of  Sluys  and  Les 
Espagnols-sur-Mer,  which  rivalled  the  fame  of  Crecy 
and  Poitiers.  He  was,  however,  fully  alive  to  the 
importance  of  the  command  of  the  sea.  So  it  was 
with  just  pride  that  a  later  generation  looked  back 
to  the  naval  as  well  as  to  the  military  prowess  of 
Henry  V.,  and  to  the  "  great  intent "  with  which 

"  He  caste  to  be 
Lorde  rounde  aboute  enviroun  of  the  see."  * 


*  Libel  of  English  Policy,  ap.  Pol.  Songs,  ii.,  199. 
13 


CHAPTER  XIII 

MILITARY   PREPARATIONS 
1417 

HENRY  returned  from  the  Conference  of  Calais 
with  the  knowledge  that  a  renewal  of  the  war 
was  inevitable  in  the  following  spring.  The 
intervening  months  would  be  occupied  fully  with 
the  necessary  work  of  preparation.  The  experience 
of  the  campaign  of  Agincourt  had  proved  that  the 
new  enterprise  would  tax  the  resources  of  England 
to  the  utmost.  There  was,  however,  good  reason  to 
hope  that  effectual  support  would  be  received  from 
other  quarters.  Sir  John  Tiptoft,  who  accompanied 
the  Emperor  to  Germany,  had  obtained  from  Sigis- 
mund  a  definite  promise  to  take  the  field  in  May.* 
Henry  himself  had  renewed  his  negotiations  with 
his  French  prisoners,  and  believed  that  he  would  be 
able  still  to  turn  the  dissensions  of  his  opponents  to 
his  own  advantage.  The  Duke  of  Orleans,  who  first 
answered  in  the  name  of  them  all,  declared  that  they 
neither  might  nor  could  know  the  King  of  England 
as  their  sovereign  lord.  But  Bourbon,  speaking  for 

*  Aus  dcr  Kanzki  Sigismunds,  p.  128. 
194 


1417]  Military  Preparations  195 

himself,  was  more  complaisant :  and,  on  learning 
that  Henry  would  "  for  the  good  of  Peace  renounce 
the  right  that  he  had  now  in  the  Crown  of  France  " 
in  return  for  certain  lands  and  lordships,  agreed,  if 
he  might  have  leave  to  go  homewards,  to  use  his  in- 
fluence in  the  English  cause.  *  This  plan  was  re- 
vealed in  strict  secrecy  to  Sigismund  on  25th  January, 
1417,  but  does  not  seem  to  have  led  to  any  practical 
result.  Probably  its  success  depended  on  the  hos- 
tility of  the  Armagnacs  to  the  Dauphin  John,  who 
was  allied  by  marriage  to  Burgundy.  But  the  death 
of  the  young  prince  on  5th  April,  1417,  changed  the 
position  of  French  parties,  and  Burgundy  reverted 
to  his  old  policy  of  an  English  intrigue.  Henry  was 
quite  ready  to  make  terms  with  either  faction,  and 
in  the  interests  of  English  commerce  had  always 
been  the  more  inclined  to  treat  with  the  overlord  of 
Flanders.  The  negotiations,  which  were  thus  re- 
opened, resulted  in  an  extension  of  the  existing 
Truce  for  Merchants,  Fishers,  and  Pilgrims.f  Bur- 
gundy was  concerned  only  to  secure  immunity  for 
his  own  dominions,  whilst  Henry  was  content  with 
the  knowledge  that  he  need  not  fear  any  active 
hostility  from  the  Duke. 

To  Sigismund  Henry  had  declared  that  he  would 
assent  to  nothing  that  was  intended  "  but  for  delay 
of  his  voyage."  Since  the  time  of  his  return  from 
Calais  the  task  of  preparing  for  a  new  campaign 
had  occupied  his  attention.  In  January,  1417,  letters 

*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  427-430. 

\  Id.,  ix.,  449-479.  The  first  instructions  to  the  English  envoys 
were  dated  24th  April. 


196  Henry  V.  H417 

of  privy  seal  were  issued  calling  for  a  return  of  men- 
at-arms  and  archers  ready  to  serve  in  the  war,  and 
in  February  the  sheriffs  of  the  several  counties  had 
orders  to  complete  the  necessary  indentures.*  All 
were  summoned  to  be  present  at  Southampton  by 
Whitsuntide,  at  the  beginning  of  June.  On  St. 
Mark's  Day — 25th  April — the  King  rode  in  state 
from  Westminster  to  make  his  offering  at  St.  Paul's, 
and  take  his  formal  leave  of  the  Mayor  and  citizens,  f 
Immediately  afterwards  he  went  down  to  Southamp- 
ton in  order  to  superintend  in  person  the  assembly 
and  equipment  of  his  host.  The  intended  departure 
of  the  expedition  was  delayed  by  the  necessity  of 
dispersing  the  Genoese  fleet  with  which  the  French 
held  the  Channel,  and  July  was  well  advanced  before 
the  actual  embarkation  commenced. 

The  army  which  accompanied  Henry  on  his  second 
expedition  to  France  was  in  numbers  somewhat 
greater  than  that  with  which  he  had  besieged  Har- 
fleur  two  years  previously,  and  in  its  purpose  it  was 
much  more  ambitious.  It  was  perhaps  the  largest 
and  certainly  the  most  elaborately  equipped  army 
that  any  English  King  had  yet  assembled.  Con- 
temporary historians  put  the  number  of  those  who 
sailed  from  Southampton  in  1417  at  16,400  fighting 
men.  Livius  gives  a  list  which,  in  conjunction  with 
the  Muster-Rolls  preserved  in  the  Record  Office,  en- 
ables us  to  fix  the  men-at-arms  and  archers  at  about 
2300  and  7400  respectively.  \  The  King's  own  re- 


*  /</.,  ix.,  433. 

f  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  5. 

\  Livius,    p.   31,    gives    2256  lances,    and    6810  archers.      The 


[417]  Military  Preparations  197 

tinue  of  a  thousand  persons  included  miners  and 
gunners;  and  many  of  the  pages  and  serving-men 
were  available  as  light  cavalry  for  scouting  and  forag- 
ing. But  with  all  allowances  we  can  hardly  believe 
that  the  effective  force  reached  nearly  16,000  men, 
though  that  estimate  may  not  be  excessive  as  repre- 
senting the  whole  number  of  those  who  landed  in 
France.  If  to  this  we  add  the  seamen  who  were 
required  to  man  the  huge  fleet  of  fighting  ships  and 
transports,  the  total  will  have  required  an  extraor- 
dinary effort  on  the  part  of  a  population  of  under 
three  millions. 

The  army  was  no  hastily  assembled  militia,  but  a 
carefully  organised  force  with  a  commissariat  and 
other  services  adapted  to  the  needs  of  the  time.  The 
great  nobles  and  simple  knights  each  contracted  in 
their  degree  to  find  so  many  lances  and  so  many 
archers  for  the  war.  Equipment  and  pay  were  both 
in  the  first  instance  provided  by  the  commander, 
who  was  to  be  recouped  on  a  fixed  scale  from  the 
royal  treasury.  Though  claims  were  often  left  to 
run  unpaid  for  years,  the  terms  were  so  liberal  that 
prudent  men  like  Sir  John  Fastolf  were  able  to  amass 
large  fortunes  by  their  trade  in  war.  The  King 


Muster-Roils  give  about  1800  lances  and  6000  archers  ;  the  num- 
bers are  differently  computed  by  Williams  (ap.  Gesta,  p.  265)  and 
Ramsay,  i.  251.  Neither  list  is  complete  ;  Livius  omits  the  contin- 
gents of  the  Earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmoreland  ;  the  Mus- 
ter-Roils those  of  the  Duke  of  Clarence  and  the  Lords  Talbot  and 
Ferrers  of  Chartley.  Others  like  Sir  Robert  Babthorp  do  not  appear 
in  either  list.  However,  in  any  case  it  is  not  probable  that  the  totals 
much  exceeded  the  numbers  given  in  the  text,  which  are  those  sug- 
gested by  Sir.  J.  Ramsay  from  a  comparison  of  the  two  lists. 


198  Henry  V.  M417 

bargained  to  provide  shipping  for  men  and  horses 
without  charge.  *  In  theory  there  was  one  man-at- 
arms  for  every  three  archers,  and  this  rule  was  usu- 
ally observed  in  the  indentures  for  service.  But  in 
practice  the  proportion  was  generally  exceeded  ;  in 
the  Welsh  campaigns  f  we  find  four  or  five  bows  to 
every  spear,  and  at  Agincourt  there  may  have  been 
as  many. 

The  practice  of  arms  was  so  common  that  the 
nobles  and  knights  would  have  had  little  difficulty 
in  raising  their  contingents.  Moreover,  though  there 
can  have  been  few  survivors  of  the  earlier  French 
wars  amongst  those  who  fought  at  Agincourt,  there 
must  have  been  many  who  had  served  a  long  ap- 
prenticeship in  Wales  and  on  the  Scottish  March. 
Thus  if  Henry's  army  was  not  drilled  in  the  modern 
sense,  it  was  accustomed  to  strict  discipline,  and 
could  march  and  manoeuvre  steadily  in  the  face  of 
the  enemy.  On  the  eve  of  Agincourt  the  long 
column  wheeled  into  line  and  formed  up  in  order  of 
battle,  when  the  French  appeared  on  their  right 
flank.  In  the  same  manner  they  marched  out  next 
day  from  Maisoncelles  and  drew  up  in  the  field  ; 


*The  daily  wage  was  for  a  Duke  13^.  4</.,  for  an  Earl  6j.  8</.,  fora 
Baron  4J. ,  for  a  Knight  zs.,  for  a  Squire  or  man-at-arms  u.,  and  for 
an  archer  bd. ;  the  daily  wage  of  a  skilled  artisan  at  this  time  was  5</., 
and  of  a  labourer  $d.  The  shipping  was  to  be  at  the  rate  of  50  horses 
for  a  Duke,  24  for  an  Earl,  16  for  a  Baron,  6  for  a  Knight,  4  for  a 
Squire,  and  for  a  horse-archer  one  only.  At  this  rate  there  would 
have  been  15,000  horses  transported  for  the  campaign  of  Agincourt. 
The  number  of  serving-men  must  also,  it  is  clear,  have  been  much 
greater  than  of  lances. 

t  cf-  Wylie,  i.,  342;  ii.,  18;  iv.,  243. 


1417]  Military  Preparations  199 

York,  who  led  the  van,  taking  as  naturally  the  right 
wing  as  on  the  evening  before  he  must  have  held  the 
left.  At  Valmont,  the  only  other  pitched  battle  of 
Henry's  campaigns,  *  the  English  line,  when  broken 
by  the  charge  of  the  French  cavalry,  rallied  without 
panic,  and  by  skilful  marching  and  hard  fighting 
retrieved  its  position. 

English  tactics  in  battle  were  still  those  established 
by  the  tradition  of  Crecy.  The  knights  and  squires 
fought  on  foot,  whilst  their  valets  and  pages  held 
their  horses  in  the  rear.  Where  the  force  was  suffi- 
ciently numerous,  as  at  Agincourt,  the  men-at-arms 
were  marshalled  in  three  battalions,  each  with  a  body 
of  archers  on  either  wing.  The  archers  were  drawn 
up  in  the  triangular  wedge-shaped  formation  known 
as  the  "  herse  "  or  harrow,  so  that  they  might  be  able 
to  use  their  weapon  to  full  advantage. 

"  The  ancient  order  of  reducing  archers  into  form  by 
our  most  skilful  and  warlike  ancestors  was  into  hearses 
— that  is,  broad  in  front  and  narrow  in  flank,  as  for  ex- 
ample, if  there  were  twenty-five,  thirty,  thirty-five  or 
more  or  fewer  archers  in  front,  the  flanks  did  consist  of 
seven  or  eight  ranks  at  most.  And  the  reason  was  this: 
that  if  they  had  placed  any  more  ranks  than  seven  or 
eight,  the  hinder  ranks  should  have  lost  a  great  deal  of 
ground  in  the  volleys  of  their  arrows  at  their  enemies."  f 

*  Except  perhaps  for  the  affair  near  Le  Mans  in  March,  1420,  about 
which  we  possess  no  particulars. 

f  Sir  John  Smythe,  Discourse  concerning  the  Forms  and  Effects  of 
Divers  Sorts  of  Weapons,  written  in  1590.  The  exact  meaning  and 
character  of  the  "  hearse  "has  been  the  subject  of  controversy,  but 
its  practical  use  seems  clear.  See  English  Historical  Review,  x.,  538, 

733- 


2OO  Henry  V.  [H17 

This  description  makes  it  clear  that  the  archers  were 
drawn  up  in  open  order  so  that  the  rear  ranks  might 
have  free  play.  As,  moreover,  the  "hearses"  were 
at  an  angle  to  the  line  of  men-at-arms,  they  could 
shoot  from  a  wider  front  and  enfilade  the  attacking 
force  of  the  enemy. 

At  Agincourt  the  position  was  an  ideal  one  for  the 
English  tactics,  since  the  flanks  were  well  protected 
by  villages  and  woods.  The  French  repeated  the 
same  mistakes  as  they  made  at  Poitiers,  allowing 
themselves  to  be  forced  to  fight  in  a  cramped  posi- 
tion, where  the  cavalry  were  ineffective,  and  the 
heavy  men-at-arms  charging  on  foot  were  at  a  hope- 
less disadvantage.  At  Valmont  Armagnac  used 
different  tactics,  thanks  to  his  overwhelming  num- 
bers, with  success ;  but  he  lost  the  fruits  of  his  vic- 
tory through  lack  of  discipline.  However,  after 
Agincourt  the  French  during  Henry's  lifetime  never 
ventured  to  give  the  English  battle  on  any  import- 
ant occasion.  In  the  later  campaigns  siege  followed 
siege  with  monotonous  regularity. 

The  epoch  of  the  Hundred  Years  War  was  in  mili- 
tary matters,  as  in  so  many  other  respects,  a  time  of 
transition.  Its  earlier  stage  witnessed  the  triumph  of 
infantry  armed  with  weapons  of  precision  over  the 
heavy  feudal  cavalry.  During  the  campaigns  of 
Henry  V.  gunpowder  and  cannon  began  to  win 
the  mastery  over  stone  walls  and  castles.  In  both 
cases  it  was  the  victory  of  the  offensive  weapon  over 
the  defensive,  of  the  arrow  over  armour,  and  of 
artillery  over  fortifications. 

The  longbow  gave  the  English  archers  a  suprem- 


14171  Military  Preparations  201 

acy  in  the  field  as  complete  as  that  secured  in  re- 
cent times  by  the  rifle.  With  their  national  weapon 
our  men  could  shoot  faster  and  farther  than  the 
mercenary  crossbowmen  in  the  French  service,  and 
could  disable  an  armoured  knight  or  his  horse  at  a 
distance  of  three  or  four  hundred  yards.  The  vic- 
tories of  the  English  infantry  in  the  Hundred  Years 
War  had,  however,  more  than  a  military  significance. 
They  were  the  victories  of  a  free  people  trained  and 
practised  in  the  use  of  arms.  It  was  the  growth  of 
political  freedom  and  national  prosperity  that  made 
the  existence  of  such  a  force  possible.  Sir  John 
Fortescue  no  doubt  repeated  well-established  prin- 
ciples of  policy,  when  he  declared  that  the  might  of 
England  "  standeth  most  upon  archers,  who  need  to 
be  much  exercised  in  shooting,  which  may  not  be 
done  without  right  great  expenses,  as  every  man  ex- 
pert therein  knoweth  right  well."  So  he  argued  that 
the  security  of  the  land  depended  on  the  prosperity 
of  the  common  folk,  and  their  capacity  to  "  buy  them 
bows,  arrows,  jacks  and  other  weapons  of  defence." 
In  this  the  English  were  unlike  the  French,  whose 
King  had  no  men  of  his  own  realm  able  to  defend  it, 
and  was  "compelled  to  make  his  armies  of  strangers  as 
Scots,  Spaniards,  Aragoners,  men  of  Almayn  and  of 
other  nations."  With  justice  did  Fortescue  condemn 
the  unwise  opinion  of  those  who  said  that  it  was  good 
for  the  King  that  the  Commons  were  made  poor.  * 
The  rulers  of  England,  to  do  them  justice,  were  fully 
aware  of  the  importance  of  the  national  weapon  and 


*  Governance  of  England,  pp.  113-115,  137-140. 


202  Henry  V.  [1417 

of  the  social  organisation  on  which  its  use  depended. 
A  statute  of  Richard  II.,  in  1389,  amended  under 
Henry  IV.  twenty  years  later,  ordered  that  all  serv- 
ants and  labourers  should  have  bows  and  arrows, 
and  practise  shooting  on  Sundays  and  feast-days, 
instead  of  wasting  their  time  on  games  of  ball, 
quoits,  dice  or  skittles.  Other  enactments  regulated 
the  importation  of  yew  for  bow-staves  and  the 
manufacture  of  bows  and  arrows.  *  Henry  V. 
himself  ascribed  his  victories  —  under  God  —  chiefly 
to  the  valour  and  skill  of  the  English  archers,  f 

Besides  his  bow  the  archer  had  always  some  handy 
weapon  at  his  belt ;  of  defensive  armour  he  had 
usually  none,  unless  it  were  a  steel  cap  and  a  leather 
quilted  jerkin  or  jack.  The  equipment  of  the  man- 
at-arms  was  more  elaborate.  Heavy  plate  armour 
with  a  gorget  at  the  throat,  palettes  on  the  shoulders 
and  close  gauntlets  for  the  hands,  had  now  taken  the 
place  of  the  old  mail.  Under  the  tactics  that  pre- 
vailed in  Henry's  wars  the  English  men-at-arms 
fought  on  foot  in  close  order;  their  heavy  armour 
made  any  offensive  movement  difficult  if  not  dan- 
gerous, but  was  still  serviceable  for  troops  standing 
on  the  defensive  in  combination  with  archers.  The 
long  lance  which  had  been  the  special  weapon  of 
the  knight  when  he  fought  on  horseback  was,  as  the 
French  learnt  to  their  cost  at  Agincourt,  a  cumbrous 
and  useless  weapon  to  men  on  foot.  In  its  stead  we 
find  the  glaive,  the  halberd,  the  mace  or  pole-axe. 


*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iii.,  643. 
\  Fa-dera,  ix.,  436. 


H17]  Military  Preparations  203 

The  battle  line  was  formed  entirely  of  men-at- 
arms  and  archers.  For  skirmishing  and  foraging 
there  were  available  the  light  horsemen  or  "  hob- 
lers,"  *  who  accompanied  every  expedition  in  great 
numbers.  The  large  proportion  of  mounted  men 
was  a  remarkable  feature  of  the  English  armies,  in 
which  many  even  of  the  archers  were  provided  with 
horses.  This  helps  to  explain  the  rapidity  of 
Henry's  movements,  and  the  long  marches  that  he 
was  able  to  perform. f 

So  far  as  the  forces  in  the  field  were  concerned, 
there  was  not  much  difference  between  Henry's  cam- 
paigns and  those  of  his  great-grandfather.  Guns 
and  gunpowder  were  coming  into  use  slowly,  but  as 
yet  had  proved  of  little  service  in  battle.  The 
French  are  said  to  have  had  some  small  cannon  at 
Agincourt,  but  apparently  through  want  of  skill  got 
no  advantage  from  them.  A  better  instance  is  af- 
forded at  Pont  de  1'Arche  in  1418,  where  Sir  John 
Cornwall  made  correct  use  of  his  artillery  to  cover 
the  passage  of  the  river.  J  Cornwall's  cannon,  which 
could  be  safely  placed  in  a  small  boat,  can  have 
been  of  no  great  size.  Probably  they  were  pelot- 
guns,  or  hand-guns,  firing  small  balls  of  a  few  ounces 
in  weight,  and  so  light  that  two  could  be  carried  by 


*  So  called  because  they  rode  hobbies  or  ponies. 

f  The  distance  from  Harfleur  to  Agincourt  was  close  on  250  miles; 
this  was  covered  in  fourteen  and  a  half  marches.  There  were  two 
days  of  rest  (i6th  and  2Oth  October),  and  the  greater  part  of  igth 
October  was  spent  in  crossing  the  Somme. 

\  See  below,  page  236.  Somewhat  similar  was  the  use  of  the 
artillery  in  the  attack  on  the  Mills  at  Meaux,  see  page  358. 


204  Henry  V.  [Hi? 

a  horse.*  Such  weapons  bear  no  comparison  with 
the  great  guns  used  in  sieges,  which  would  discharge 
huge  stone  balls  weighing  a  hundred  pounds  or 
more.  In  1402  there  is  record  of  the  purchase 
of  10,000  pounds  of  copper  to  make  a  gun  for  the 
King  at  a  cost  of  £135.  John  of  Burgundy  had  a  great 
iron  gun  called  "  La  Griete,"  which  weighed  2000 
pounds  and  required  eight  horses  to  drag  it.  These 
cannons  were  clumsy  weapons  enough,  and  it  was 
thought  somewhat  of  an  achievement  to  fire  a  great 
gun  once  in  an  hour;  probably  they  caused  more 
alarm  than  actual  damage.  But  whenever  the  be- 
sieging force  could,  as  at  Harfleur  and  Caen,  place 
their  cannon  to  advantage,  the  moral  effect  and 
destructive  power  of  the  new  weapons  proved 
irresistible.f  Even  when,  as  at  Rouen,  no  attempt 
was  made  at  a  decisive  bombardment,  the  use  of 
guns  of  position  helped  to  secure  the  besiegers 
against  an  attack  from  without.  The  French  made 
use  of  cannon  for  defensive  purposes  in  sieges,  but 
mediaeval  fortifications  were  ill  adapted  to  the 
modern  artillery  ;  this  circumstance  helped  to  give 
the  attack  the  advantage  in  the  sieges  of  the  fif- 
teenth century.  Every  great  gun  had  its  name, 
like  "  London,"  "  Messenger,"  or  "  The  King's 
Daughter."  Guns  were  commonly  mounted  for 
action  on  flat  wooden  frames  or  trunks,  and  were 

*  In  the  Wardrobe  Accounts  for  1404  there  appear  6  pelot-guns  at 
13^.  4</.  each,  and  200  pelottes  of  lead  weighing  20  ll>s.  at  \d.  each. 
Wylie,  iv.,  233. 

f  Hoccleve  speaks  of  "  grete  gynnesthat  scheten  now  a  days  stones 
of  so  grete  a  pays  (peise  =  weight)  that  no  wal  may  withstonde 
them." 


1417]  Military  Preparations  205 

carted  about  on  waggons.  The  gunners  when  at  work 
were  protected  by  shields  of  stout  timber,  which 
were  raised  when  the  gun  was  ready  to  be  fired. 
Apparently  the  English  were  not  well  skilled  in  the 
use  of  artillery,  for  Henry's  four  master-gunners 
were  hired  from  Germany.* 

It  is  a  strange  contrast  to  find  side  by  side  with 
cannon  and  gunpowder  the  clumsy  engines  of  me- 
diaeval warfare.  Henry  took  with  him  to  France 
not  only  the  new  artillery,  but  "  tripgets  "  or  "  tri- 
buchets  "  for  casting  stones  and  arrows,  "sows  "  or 
pent-houses  for  use  in  approaching  the  walls  of  a 
fortress,  and  even  the  materials  for  "  bastiles  "  or 
wooden  towers  intended  for  siege-fighting  at  close 
quarters.  When  circumstances  permitted,  sieges 
approximated  to  a  modern  type,  and  chief  reliance 
was  placed  on  a  bombardment.  But  when  the  de- 
fence was  obstinate,  as  at  Meaux,  resource  was  had 
to  the  old  methods,  and  cannon  and  siege-castles, 
floating  fortresses,  mines,  and  "  sows  "  were  all  made 
use  of  in  turn,  f 

Whilst  the  actual  fighting  line  was  provided  by 
indentures  with  the  nobles  and  knights  who  raised, 
equipped,  and  commanded  the  units  for  which  they 
made  themselves  responsible,  subsidiary  services 
such  as  the  siege  train,  the  engineers,  the  transport, 

*GerardVan  Willighen,  Hans  Joye,  Walter  Stotmaker,  and  Dro- 
vankesell  Coykyn  ;  they  had  under  them  25  gunners  and  50  servitor- 
gunners.  Nicolas,  Agincourt,  p.  386.  In  1423  ^"40  was  paid  to 
four  "gunnemeysters"  from  Germany,  who  had  been  long  time  in  the 

late  King's  service.  Gesta,  p.  23,  note.  See  also  Wylie,  ii.,  266-267, 
iv.,  230-233. 

f See  pp.  356-359- 


206  Henry  V.  M417 

and  to  a  great  extent  the  commissariat,  were  the 
direct  care  of  the  central  government.  Henry  the 
Fifth's  "  Master  of  Works,  Engines,  Guns,  and  other 
Ordnance  of  War,"  was  Nicholas  Merbury,  whose 
duty  it  was  to  see  to  the  supply  of  a  sufficient 
quantity  of  warlike  stores,  and  to  muster  carpen- 
ters, smith,  masons,  and  other  labourers,  who  might 
be  needed  for  the  King's  service.  In  the  expedition 
of  1415  there  were  over  200  skilled  artisans  and 
labourers,  besides  120  miners,  probably  trained 
men  who  had  learnt  their  art  in  the  Welsh  war 
under  command  of  their  leader,  Sir  John  Greindor. 
Apparently,  however,  the  English  lacked  experience 
in  the  conduct  of  siege  operations  on  a  large  scale, 
and  this,  perhaps,  was  the  reason  why  in  1417  six- 
teen miners  were  hired  from  Liege.*  Subordinate 
officers  of  the  Master  of  the  Ordnance  were  the 
Mailmaker,  the  Pavilioner,  the  Bowyer,  the  Ser- 
geant-Carter, and  the  Sergeant-Farrier,  each  of 
whom  had  under  his  orders  a  number  of  skilled 
craftsmen.f  The  supply  of  warlike  stores  was  the 
special  duty  of  the  Clerk  of  the  Ordnance.  \  The 
actual  superintendence  of  the  military  engineering, 


*  Cf.  note  ap.  Gesta,  p.  114. 

f  Feeder  a,  ix.,  200,  224,  248,  250.  French  Roll,  ap.  44th  Report  of 
Dep.-Kceper,  pp.  568,  597. 

\  This  was  John  Louthe,  who  in  February,  1418,  had  orders  to  pro- 
vide 7000  stones  for  guns,  300  great  pavises  (or  shields)  for  the  guns, 
80  blocks,  7,000  tampions,  50  wooden  yokes  for  oxen  and  100  chains 
for  use  with  them  ;  12  wains  to  carry  the  guns  and  20  pipes  of  pow- 
der, lie  was  also  to  procure  100  oxen  and  320  horses  with  a  proper 
quantity  of  harness  and  leather  for  repairs.  A  further  order  was  for 
400  caltraps  and  300  pickaxes.  Goose-feathers  for  arrows  were  pro- 


1417]  Military  Preparations  207 

bridging,  entrenching,  and  field  fortification  be- 
longed to  the  Controller  of  the  King's  household, 
Sir  Robert  Babthorp. 

It  was  the  duty  of  the  royal  officers  to  provide 
not  only  shipping  for  the  voyage  oversea,  but  to  a 
certain  extent  also  land  transport  for  use  in  the 
field.*  During  the  actual  progress  of  a  campaign 
the  army  was  maintained  by  foraging  and  requisition- 
ing from  the  country.  But  such  a  means  of  supply 
was  too  precarious  to  be  depended  on  altogether,  es- 
pecially at  the  commencement  of  an  invasion.  On 
each  of  his  great  expeditions  Henry  took  with  him  a 
vast  store  of  provisions  for  immediate  use  ;  and  time 
after  time  we  find  him  sending  for  supplies  to  Eng- 
land. During  the  siege  of  Harfleur  Bedford  fitted  out 
ships  and  sent  them  to  the  Seine  with  corn  for  the 
King's  use.  f  After  the  town  had  fallen  the  fisher- 
men of  Kent  were  ordered  to  cross  the  Channel  with 
their  boats  and  tackle  to  fish  off  the  French  coast  for 
the  support  of  the  army.  \  When  Henry  lay  before 
Rouen  the  citizens  of  London  sent  him  a  store  of 
food  and  drink  as  a  free  gift.§  At  other  times  Eng- 
lish merchants  shipped  corn  to  Norman  ports  for  the 
use  of  the  army,  whether  at  their  own  venture,  or 
under  contract  with  one  of  the  great  lords.  || 

cured  by  requisitions  to  the  sheriffs  of  the  several  counties,  who  at 
this  same  time  were  called  on  to  supply  1,290,000  feathers  by  Michael- 
mas. Fadera,  ix.,  436,  542-543,653. 

*  Feeder -a,  ix.,  248.  Robert  Hunt,  Sergeant-Carter,  to  provide 
carts  and  wains  for  the  King's  use,  May,  1415.  t-^-i  3IO>  312- 

\  Devon,    Issues  of  Exchequer,  p.  342.         §  See  below,  page  246. 

\\44th  Rep.  Deputy-Keeper,  pp.  621-623.  Cf.  p.  630;  grain  sent 
from  Hull  for  the  household  of  Sir  James  de  Audeley. 


208  Henry  V.  [1417 

Over  and  above  the  warlike  services  which  were 
for  the  general  benefit,  the  King's  retinue  included 
many  officers  of  the  royal  household.  There  was 
the  Master  of  the  Horse,  John  Waterton,  who  had 
served  with  Henry  in  Wales  ;  the  King's  Squire  and 
the  Yeomen  of  the  Household ;  the  Clerks  of  the 
Kitchen,  the  Scullery,  and  the  Wardrobe,  with  their 
under-servants ;  the  Dean  of  the  King's  Chapel, 
Master  Edmund  Lacy,  with  a  number  of  Chaplains 
and  Clerks  whose  duties  were  both  secretarial  and 
religious.  Then  there  was  John  Clyff,  the  King's 
Minstrel,  with  seventeen  other  bandsmen,  pipers, 
trumpeters,  and  fiddlers.  *  Of  more  importance  for 
the  war  was  the  provision  of  a  regular  medical  staff; 
Master  Nicholas  Colnet  was  the  King's  physician  ; 
his  surgeons  were  Thomas  Morstede  and  William 
Bradwardyn,  each  of  the  latter  being  accompanied 
by  nine  more  of  their  trade. f 

The  chief  officers  of  a  feudal  army  were  the  Con- 
stable and  the  Marshal ;  but  in  England  these  dig- 
nities had  lost  much  of  their  practical  importance 
by  becoming  hereditary  in  the  earldoms  of  Here- 
ford and  Norfolk.  Under  Henry  V.  the  office  of 
Constable  was  held  by  Thomas  of  Clarence,  \  whose 
position  was  in  effect  that  of  the  King's  principal 
lieutenant,  or  second  in  command.  Theoretically 

*  Nicolas,  Agincourt,  pp.  387-389  ;  Faedera,  ix.,  253,  260. 

\  Fader  a,  ix.,  235,  237,  252,  363.  The  pay  of  the  royal  physician 
and  surgeons  was  is.  a  day,  the  same  as  that  of  a  man-at-arms  or 
minstrel.  No  doubt  also  each  great  noble  had  his  own  leech.  Cf. 
44th  Rep.  Deputy-Keeper,  pp.  603,  615,  616. 

\  The  earldom  of  Hereford  being  absorbed  in  the  Crown,  Thomas 
became  the  natural  representative  of  the  Constable. 


1417]  Military  Preparations  209 

the  governance  of  an  army  in  the  field  was  still  exer- 
cised through  the  Constable  and  Marshal.  In  prac- 
tice Ordinances  were  issued  by  the  King  in  person, 
or  by  the  commander  directly  concerned,  as  occasion 
required.  The  general  principles  of  military  law 
were  already  established,  but  Henry  was  pre-eminent 
in  his  own  time  for  the  strict  discipline  which  he 
maintained  in  his  host.  The  formal  publication  of 
Ordinances  marked  the  commencement  of  each 
campaign,  as  on  the  eve  of  the  departure  from  Har- 
fleur  in  October,  1415,  and  on  the  morrow  of  the 
landing  in  Normandy  in  August,  1417.  The 
Ordinances  published  on  the  latter  occasion,  though 
they  were  perhaps  of  special  importance,  have  not 
been  preserved  ;  probably,  however,  they  did  not 
differ  materially  from  the  code  set  forth  at  Mantes 
in  the  spring  of  1419.  It  is  characteristic  of  Henry's 
government  that  the  first  clauses  of  that  code  for- 
bade all  violence  to  churches,  men  of  religion,  and 
women.  Protection  was  assured  to  merchants  who 
came  to  the  camp  with  victuals,  and  to  day-labourers 
working  on  the  land  within  the  King's  obedience ; 
any  pillaging  in  a  district  wherein  peace  had  been 
proclaimed  was  to  be  punished  by  death.  The 
billeting  of  the  troops,  the  keeping  of  watch  and 
ward,  the  taking  and  ransoming  of  prisoners,  were 
carefully  regulated.  If  any  man  was  so  hardy  as  to 
cry  "  Havock  "  (No  quarter ! ),  he  that  began  was  to 
be  put  to  death  and  the  remenant  to  be  fined.  If 
any  cried  "  To  horseback  "  in  the  host,  he  was  to 
forfeit  his  best  horse  if  he  were  a  man-at  arms  or 

horse-archer,  and  to  lose  his  right  ear  if  he  were  a 
14 


2io  Henry  V.  [1417 

foot-archer  or  page.  The  Ordinances  also  dealt  with 
the  making  of  false  returns  at  musters,  the  withdraw- 
ing of  soldiers  or  servants  from  other  masters,  the 
wasting  of  victuals,  making  raids  or  assaults  without 
licence,  or  fortifying  any  place  without  leave  of  the 
King.  All  the  articles  were  to  be  cried  in  the  host, 
and  the  King  "  willed  that  a  copy  be  given  to  every 
lord  and  governor  of  men  in  the  host,  so  that  they 
may  have  plain  knowledge  and  inform  their  men 
of  the  ordinances  and  articles."  The  Ordinances 
made  by  the  Earl  of  Salisbury  in  Maine  besides  re- 
gulations against  plundering  and  "  for  foragers  in 
places  dangerous,"  include  some  articles  which  ap- 
parently had  reference  only  to  the  particular  occasion  ; 
every  captain  was  to  see  that  his  yeomen  got  each  a 
substantial  stake  ;  every  man  was  to  make  him  a  good 
faggot  for  use  in  bulwarks,  and  each  captain  was  to 
see  that  his  company  had  its  proper  number  of  fag- 
gots; every  seven  gentlemen  or  men-at-arms  were  to 
make  them  a  good  ladder  and  strong  of  fifteen  rungs, 
and  every  two  yeomen  a  pavys  of  boards,  "  that  one 
may  hold  it  whilst  the  other  doth  shoot."  * 

The  assembly  and  ordering  of  his  host  may  well 
have  absorbed  Henry's  energies  during  the  spring 
and  summer  of  1417.  Even  after  Huntingdon's 
victory  at  sea  had  made  the  passage  of  the  Channel 
safe,  the  departure  of  the  expedition  was  still  de- 
layed by  the  work  of  final  preparation.  But  at  last 
all  was  ready,  and  the  navy  was  gathered  and 

"  well-stuffed  with  all  manner  of  victuals  for  such  a 
royal  people  as  well  for  horse  as  for  man,  as  longed  for 

*  Nicolas,  Agincourt,  Appendix,  pp.  30-43. 


1417]  Military  Preparations  211 

such  a  warrior  :  that  is  for  to  say  Armore,  Gonnes,  Trip- 
getes,  Sowes,  Bastiles,  Brigges  of  lether,  Scalyng-lad- 
ders,  Malles,  Spades,  Shovelles,  Pykeys,  Pavys,  Bowes 
and  Arowes,  Bowe-stringes,  Tonnes,  Chestes  and  Pipes 
full  of  arowes  as  needed  for  suche  a  worthy  werrior, 
that  nothing  was  to  seke  whanne  tyme  come.  And 
whan  this  was  redy  and  his  retinue  come,  the  Kyng  and 
his  lordes  with  all  his  ryall  host  went  to  shippe  and  took 
the  see  and  sailed  in  to  Normandie."  * 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  5  v°.  For 
"  Tripgetes,"  "Sowes,"  and  "Bastiles"  see  page  205.  "Brigges 
of  lether"  were  pontoons  of  hide  stretched  on  wicker  frames,  see 
page  236.  "  Malles  "  =  mallets,  "  Pykeys  "  =  picks.  For  "  Pavys" 
see  pages  206  and  210  and  Plate  18. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  LOWER  NORMANDY 
1417-1418 

THOUGH    Henry  went    on    board    his   ship    in 
Southampton  Water,  on  23rd  July,  the  fleet 
probably  did  not  sail  till  a  day  or  two  after- 
wards ;  for  it  was  1st  August  when  the  King  landed 
for  the  second   time  in  Normandy,  at  Touques,  a 
small   fortified     place    not    far   from    the    modern 
Trouville. 

At  first  sight  it  may  seem  strange  that  Henry  did 
not  on  this  expedition  make  use  of  the  base  which 
he  had  secured  and  preserved  at  such  great  cost  in 
Harfleur.  The  preference  given  to  a  position  on 
the  south  bank  of  the  Seine  was,  however,  dictated 
by  sound  considerations  of  statecraft  and  strategy. 
It  is  true  that  Harfleur  was  the  key  of  Normandy 
as  commanding  the  mouth  of  the  Seine.  But  an 
army  advancing  from  Harfleur  would  have  Rouen 
on  its  flank,  and  the  siege  of  that  great  and  strong 
city  could  not  be  attempted  without  adequate  pre- 
paration. It  was,  moreover,  important  that  the  be- 
siegers should  have  the  command  of  both  banks  of 


1417-18]      Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy        213 

the  river.  On  these  grounds  alone  Henry's  choice 
of  a  landing-place  was  well  advised.  There  were 
further  good  reasons  in  its  favour.  When  the  left 
bank  of  the  Seine  was  secured,  the  conquest  of 
lower  Normandy  could  be  undertaken  piecemeal. 
When  lower  Normandy  was  in  English  hands,  the 
French  position  at  Rouen  could  be  turned  and  its 
communications  with  Paris  severed.  On  political 
grounds  also  the  campaign  was  wisely  conceived  ; 
for  it  opened  a  way  to  command  the  neutrality  of 
Brittany  and  to  threaten  the  possessions  of  the  Or- 
leanist  princes  in  Anjou.  Henry's  plan  is  thus 
significant  of  his  far-reaching  intentions,  and  reveals 
an  essential  difference  between  his  warfare  and  that 
of  his  great-grandfather. 

Henry  celebrated  his  landing  at  Touques  by  dub- 
bing forty-eight  new  knights.  As  soon  as  the  army 
had  disembarked  the  main  fleet  returned  home  under 
command  of  the  Earl  of  March,  whilst  the  ships 
that  carried  the  siege  train  and  warlike  stores  re- 
mained for  a  time  in  the  Seine.  There  was  in  the 
Castle  of  Touques  a  small  French  garrison,  which, 
after  a  brief  siege,  surrendered  to  the  English  onQth 
August.  A  Council  was  then  held  to  decide  on  the 
best  commencement  for  the  forthcoming  campaign. 
Some  apparently  were  in  favour  of  an  attack  on 
Honfleur.*  But  that  town  was  strongly  garrisoned  ; 
and  a  reconnaissance  had  shown  that  its  reduction 


*  A  French  historian  (Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  102)  declares  that 
Honfleur  was  actually  besieged  for  many  days  and  repulsed  the  Eng- 
lish; this  is  clearly  false,  for  Henry  and  his  main  force  marched  from 
Touques  within  a  fortnight  of  landing.  Cf.  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  98. 


214  Henry  V.  [1417- 

would  cost  more  time  and  trouble  than  the  ad- 
vantages that  would  accrue  from  its  early  possession 
were  worth.  Henry  therefore  resolved  to  advance 
first  on  Caen,  a  city  which  was  not  only  important 
in  itself,  but  from  its  position  and  fertile  neighbour- 
hood promised  to  afford  convenient  winter  quarters. 
Henry  left  Touques  on  I3th  August  and,  making 
a  wide  detour  to  the  south,  only  reached  Caen  five 
days  later.*  His  chief  purpose  was  to  avoid  the 
numerous  streams  which  made  the  more  direct  route 
unsuitable  for  a  large  army.f  At  the  same  time  he 
was  able  to  clear  the  neighbouring  districts  of  the 
enemy,  and  to  cut  off  the  city  from  its  communi- 
cations with  Rouen  and  Paris.  Meanwhile  Clar- 
ence, who  had  been  made  Constable  of  the  host  and 
commanded  the  van,  marched  in  light  order  by  the 
shorter  road  along  the  coast.  By  his  rapid  advance 
he  surprised  the  French  garrison  at  Caen,  drove  in 
their  outposts  from  the  suburbs  and  captured  St. 
Stephen's  Abbey,  the  majestic  house  which  owed  its 
foundation  to  William  the  Conqueror.  St.  Stephen's, 
which  was  strongly  fortified,  stood  on  a  hill  just  out- 
side the  walls  of  the  city,  and  for  military  reasons 
the  French  commanders  had  determined  to  destroy  it. 
Their  intention  was  frustrated  by  one  of  the  monks 
who,  anxious  to  save  his  abbey,  came  secretly 
to  Clarence  and  betrayed  to  him  the  weakest 
part  of  the  walls  where  they  might  be  easily  scaled. 


*  His  route  was  by  Dives,  Grentheville  (where  he  spent  the  Sun- 
day) Fontenes,  Estouteville,  Caen.  Cf.  Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl., 
ii.,  322,  and  Puiseux,  SMge  tic  Caen,  p.  34. 

\  Livius,  p.  35. 


1418]        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy          2 1 5 

Thus  St.  Stephen's  was  captured  on  i/th  August, 
and  when  Henry  arrived  next  day  he  took  up  his 
quarters  in  the  abbey,  from  the  towers  of  which  he 
could  spy  out  all  that  went  on  in  the  city. 

Whilst  the  King  held  the  siege  on  the  south- 
western side,  Clarence  moved  round  to  the  north- 
east, where  he  posted  himself  in  the  sister  foundation 
of  Queen  Matilda  at  the  abbey  of  the  Holy  Trinity. 
Between  the  King  and  Clarence  on  the  north  lay  the 
Earl  Marshal  and  Sir  Gilbert  Umfraville  ;  on  the 
south  were  the  Earls  of  Warwick,  Huntingdon,  and 
Salisbury,  and  Humphrey  of  Gloucester  at  Vancelles. 
The  English  fleet  soon  arrived  from  Touques  with 
the  siege  train  on  board  ;  the  artillery  was  landed 
and  the  bombardment  at  once  commenced.  The 
fortifications  of  Caen  were  strong ;  but  they  were 
commanded  by  the  English  positions,  and  the  garri- 
son within  was  weak  and  ill-provided.  Quickly  the 
great  guns  "beat  down  both  walls  and  towers  and 
slew  much  people  in  their  houses  and  eke  in  the 
streets."  *  When  the  bombardment  had  made  suffi- 
cient progress,  and  the  weakness  of  the  defence  be- 
came manifest,  Henry  determined  to  assault  the 
town.  At  daybreak  on  4th  September  he  attacked 
in  force  on  the  south  ;  apparently  to  attract  the 
attention  of  the  garrison,  whilst  the  real  assault  was 
delivered  by  Clarence  on  the  north,  where  the  ap- 
proaches were  easier,  f  In  that  quarter  the  walls 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  6.  The 
concussion  of  the  guns  was  so  great  that  it  shattered  the  windows  of 
St  Stephen's  Abbey.  Cf.  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  105. 

f  It  was  here  that  Edward  III.,  had  carried  the  town  seventy-one 
years  before. 


216  Henry  V.  M417- 

had  been  previously  undermined  and  propped  with 
timber.  On  the  appointed  day  the  timbers  were 
fired  ;  and  when  the  walls,  already  weakened  by  the 
bombardment,  collapsed,  Clarence  and  his  men 
scaled  the  northern  suburb.  By  the  bridge  across  the 
Odon  the  English  fought  their  way  right  into  the 
heart  of  the  city,  "sparing  neither  man  nor  child, 
and  ever  they  cried  '  A  Clarence  !  A  Clarence  !  "'  * 
Then  the  garrison  who  were  defending  the  southern 
walls  were  taken  in  the  rear,  and  the  gates  opened  to 
the  King.  Henry  suffered  his  men  to  plunder  at 
their  pleasure,  save  only  that  they  were  to  leave  the 
churches  untouched  and  offer  no  violence  to  priests 
or  women. 

"Thus," wrote  the  King  to  the  Mayor  of  London,  "on 
St.  Cuthbert's  Day,  the  Translation,  God  of  His  high 
grace  sent  into  our  hands  our  town  of  Caen,  by  assault 
and  with  right  little  death  of  our  people.  Whereof  we 
thank  our  Saviour  as  lowly  as  we  can  or  may,  praying 
that  ye  do  the  same  as  devoutly  as  ye  can,  certifying  you 
also  that  we  and  our  host  be  in  good  prosperity  and 
health,  thanked  be  God  of  His  mercy,  Who  have  you  in 
His  keeping."  f 

The  only  Englishman  of  rank  amongst  those  slain 
was  Sir  Edmund  Springge,  who  scaled  the  walls  on 
the  King's  side  and  performed  prodigies  of  valour 
until  he  was  hurled  into  the  moat.  As  he  lay  there, 
helpless  in  his  armour,  the  French  threw  down  burn- 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton,  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  6  vo. 
f  Delpit,    Documents   frattfais   en   Angleterre,    p.    220.     I   have 
modernised  the  spelling. 


1418]        Conquest  of  Loiver  Normandy          2 1 7 

ing  straw  from  the  walls,  and  so  roasted  him  alive. 
After  the  town  was  taken  Henry  had  Sir  Edmund 
buried  honourably  in  St.  Stephen's  Abbey,  near  the 
tomb  of  the  Conqueror. 

Though  the  city  was  taken  the  castle  still  held  out. 
But  the  commander  soon  made  a  composition  to 
surrender,  if  no  rescue  came  within  ten  days,*  and 
on  2Oth  September,  Henry  was  master  both  of  castle 
and  town.  The  intervening  period  was  not  wasted. 
Gloucester  was  sent  at  once  to  Bayeux,  which  with 
fourteen  other  towns  and  villages  made  terms  to 
surrender  if  no  help  came  to  the  Castle  of  Caen 
within  the  appointed  time. 

Henry  himself  remained  for  a  while  at  Caen,  busy 
with  the  task  of  laying  the  foundations  for  the  gov- 
ernment of  his  new  conquests.  The  garrison  of  the 
castle  was  allowed  to  march  out  with  the  honours  of 
war.  At  the  same  time  also  many  of  the  citizens  de- 
parted, the  King  ordering  that  no  man  should  be  so 
hardy  as  to  defoul  any  woman  or  to  take  any  manner 
of  goods  from  them  on  pain  of  death,  f  But  the 
greater  number  accepted  the  terms  which  were 
offered  to  them,  and  swore  obedience  to  their  new 
sovereign.  Henry  had  no  desire  to  pose  as  a  con- 
queror. It  was  a  part  of  his  own  rightful  heritage 
that  he  had  now  by  God's  help  recovered.  A 
country  that  was  given  over  to  military  rule,  and  had 
neither  husbandmen  nor  burgesses  must  speedily  be 
ruined  and  worthless.  So  he  ordered  proclamation 
to  be  made,  that  whosoever  in  his  duchy  of  Normandy 

*  Id.  ib.;  Feeder  a,  ix.,  490-491. 

\English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  6V0. 


218  Henry  V.  [H17- 

would  take  oath  to  live  as  his  liege  subjects  should 
enjoy  his  peace  and  protection.  To  all  persons  of 
religion  his  favour  was  specially  extended,  and  his 
soldiers  were  strictly  forbidden  to  offer  them  any 
violence.  The  news  of  such  clemency  had  great 
effect,  and  with  the  advance  of  the  English  arms 
many  hastened  to  avail  themselves  of  the  proffered 
terms.  "  If  the  King  of  England  be  the  stronger," 
argued  the  Norman  peasantry,  "  let  him  be  our  lord, 
so  be  that  we  may  live  in  peace  and  the  quiet  enjoy- 
ment of  our  own."  *  Peace  and  security  of  property 
were  blessings  with  which  civil  discord  and  excessive 
taxation  had  made  the  common  folk  unfamiliar. 
The  strict  order  which  Henry  enforced,  and  his  judi- 
cious remission  of  oppressive  imposts  gave  his  con- 
quest a  strange  if- transient  popularity.  There  was, 
however,  another  side  to  the  picture.  For  if  Henry 
received  those  who  made  their  submission  with 
gentleness,  he  showed  merciless  severity  to  all  who 
resisted  him.  So  great  was  the  terror  of  his  name 
that  when  the  English  came  to  Lisieux  they  found 
there  only  one  old  man  and  a  woman  ;  all  the  rest 
had  fled. 

On  1st  October,  Henry  set  out  from  Caen  and, 
marching  by  way  of  Coursy,  appeared  before  Argen- 
tan.  The  very  day  after  his  arrival,  on  8th  October, 
the  French  garrison,  without  striking  a  blow,  made 
terms  for  surrender,  and  the  people  from  all  the 
countryside  around  came  flocking  in  to  tender  their 
obedience  to  the  royal  commissioners.  From  Argen- 
tan  Henry  went  on  to  Seez,  where  there  was  "  a  fair 

*  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  162. 


1416]        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy          219 

minster  that  yielded  anon  unto  the  King."  With 
the  main  division  of  his  army  he  next  advanced 
against  Alengon,  whilst  the  left  wing,  operating  to 
the  east  under  the  command  of  Sir  John  Tiptoft, 
captured  in  succession  Exmes,  L'Aigle,  Rugles,  and 
Verneuil.  *  Alengon  was  a  strong  town  with  a  fine 
castle,  and  was  at  first  stoutly  defended.  But  when 
the  garrison  saw  how  easily  the  English  were  sub- 
duing all  the  villages  and  castles  round  about  they 
opened  negotiations  with  the  King,  and  made  the 
usual  agreement  to  surrender  if  no  help  came  within 
the  appointed  time.  Henry  entered  Alenc_on  on 
24th  October,  and  stayed  there  over  a  month,  whilst 
he  consolidated  the  conquests  which  he  had  made 
with  such  startling  rapidity.  His  captains  meantime 
carried  the  warfare  into  the  heart  of  Maine,  and  re- 
ceived the  submission  of  the  whole  country  up  to  the 
very  walls  of  Le  Mans. 

The  ease  with  which  Henry  advanced  so  far  was 
due  to  the  discord  of  the  French  princes.  The 
death  of  the  Dauphin  John,  in  April,  1417,  had 
been  a  serious  blow  to  Burgundy.  Charles,  the  last 
of  the  old  King's  sons,  who  thus  became  heir  to  the 
throne,  was  a  mere  boy,  but  already  married  to 
Marie  of  Anjou,  daughter  of  Louis,  titular  King  of 
Sicily.  The  young  prince  was  entirely  under  the 
influence  of  Armagnac,  who,  to  make  his  own  po- 
sition more  secure,  expelled  Queen  Isabel,  his  most 
dangerous  rival,  from  her  husband's  Court  to  a 
prison  at  Tours.  Burgundy,  the  old  intriguer,  who, 

*  Hardy,  Rotuli  Normannice  ;  Exmes  loth  October,  L'Aigle  I2th 
October,  Rugles  i8th  October. 


220  Henry  V.  [1417- 

whilst  the  Dauphin  John  still  lived,  had  looked  to 
the  Court,  veered  round  once  more.  Now  he  posed 
as  the  champion  of  the  oppressed  ;  in  the  early  sum- 
mer his  agents  were  fomenting  a  revolt  in  Nor- 
mandy, and  at  the  very  time  when  the  English 
King  was  marching  on  Caen,  Burgundy  was  pre- 
paring to  besiege  his  Armagnac  rivals  at  Paris.  The 
civil  strife  lasted  through  the  autumn.  At  the  be- 
ginning of  November,  Burgundy  surprised  Tours 
and  released  Queen  Isabel,  who  proclaimed  herself 
regent  for  her  husband,  and  became  the  bitterest 
enemy  of  her  only  surviving  son.  The  two  parties 
had  but  one  thing  in  common  ;  they  were  equally 
ready  to  make  terms  with  the  foreign  invader,  if 
thus  they  could  gain  some  sufficient  advantage  over 
their  domestic  enemies.  Even  in  Normandy  itself 
the  civil  war  continued  ;  and  whilst  Henry  was  be- 
sieging the  castle  of  Falaise,  the  Burgundians  under 
Alain  Blanchard  were  expelling  the  Armagnacs  from 
Rouen. 

Under  such  circumstances  the  task  of  an  invader 
must  needs  have  been  simple.  Henry  made  use  of 
his  opportunities  with  consummate  skill,  and  quickly 
began  to  reap  the  fruits  of  his  well-planned  cam- 
paign. He  had  not  been  long  at  Alencon  before  John 
of  Brittany,  alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  duchy, 
came  to  seek  terms  from  the  conqueror.  On  i6th 
November,  a  treaty  was  concluded  by  the  Breton 
Duke,  under  which  he  secured  a  truce  till  the  follow- 
ing Michaelmas.  At  the  same  time,  as  agent  for 
Queen  Yolande  of  Sicily,  and  with  the  assent  of  the 
French  Court,  he  obtained  like  terms  for  the  posses- 


14181        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy          221 

sions  of  her  son  Louis*  in  Maine  and  Anjou.  Bur- 
gundy's selfishness  had  long  since  secured  immun- 
ity for  his  own  territories  in  Artois  and  Flanders. 
Finally,  the  Dauphin's  government  offered  to  treat, 
and  at  the  end  of  November  his  envoys  met  the 
English  representatives  near  Touques  ;  but  these 
last  negotiations  led  to  no  results,  for  the  French 
found  Henry's  demands  exorbitant,  and  the  Eng- 
lish King  was  not  disposed  to  yield.  Henry  was 
indeed  ready  to  accept  whatever  he  could  obtain 
freely  from  any  quarter,  but  he  recognised  that  the 
time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  a  general  agreement.  His 
rapid  advance  to  Alen^on  had  accomplished  its  im- 
mediate purpose.  The  concessions  which  it  en- 
abled him  to  extort  secured  him  from  the  danger 
of  attack.  Further  progress  in  that  direction  was, 
however,  for  the  time  imprudent,  if  not  impossible. 
So  at  the  end  of  November  he  turned  back  to  com- 
plete his  conquests  in  lower  Normandy. 

On  1st  December,  Henry  with  his  main  army  ar- 
rived before  Falaise.  That  town  could  not  be  re- 
duced without  a  set  siege,  and  the  English  had 
therefore  been  compelled  to  pass  it  by  when  ad- 
vancing on  Alengon.  The  fortifications  were  so 
strong  as  to  put  its  capture  by  assault  out  of  the 
question.  Although  it  was  already  nearly  midwinter 
the  English  commanders  resolved  to  reduce  the 
town  by  blockade.  Henry,  like  a  true  general,  ever 
mindful  of  his  men,  made  provision  for  their  com- 
fort his  first  care.  By  his  orders  wooden  huts  were 

*  Louis,  who  was  brother-in-law  of  the  Dauphin,  was  married  to 
Brittany's  daughter. 


222  Henry  V.  M417- 

built  for  their  shelter,  in  such  numbers  that  the 
English  camp  presented  the  appearance  of  a  new 
town.  To  protect  his  lines  against  the  enemy  the 
King  had  deep  trenches  dug  all  round,  and  a  strong 
palisade  with  a  projecting  chcvaux-de-frise  construc- 
ted. The  commissariat  was  provided  for  with  equal 
care,  and  the  market  in  the  English  camp  was  soon 
so  well  served  as  to  excite  the  reverse  of  consolation 
in  the  minds  of  the  besieged.*  Whilst  an  abundance 
of  food  and  comfortable  quarters  enabled  the  Eng- 
lish to  defy  the  hardships  of  winter,  the  strictness 
of  the  blockade  did  its  work  fast  amid  the  towns- 
folk. Within  less  than  three  weeks  the  citizens  of 
Falaise,  thinking  that  a  quick  surrender  was  prefer- 
able to  the  certain  dangers  and  doubtful  issue  of  a 
long  siege,  made  agreement  f  to  yield  the  town  if 
no  help  came  within  fourteen  days.  But  the  Sire 
Oliver  de  Mauny,  the  commandant,  believing  that 
the  castle  was  impregnable,  would  consent  to  no 
terms.  So,  though  the  citizens  opened  their  gates 
on  2nd  January,  1418,  the  soldiery  held  out  in  the 
castle  even  more  stubbornly  than  before.  The  Eng- 
lish on  their  part  brought  into  action  all  the  military 
skill  of  the  time.  On  the  one  side,  where  the 
castle,  perched  on  a  rocky  eminence,  defied  any 
direct  attack,  they  kept  up  an  incessant  bombard- 
ment with  their  artillery.  On  the  other  side,  to- 
wards the  town,  after  long  labour,  they  filled  the 
moat  with  fascines  until  they  could  begin  to  under- 
mine the  very  walls.  Bit  by  bit  the  sappers  gouged 

*  Elmham,   Vita,  pp.  129-30. 

f  On  2Oth  December,  1417  ;   Hardy,  Rotuli  Normannia,  p.  312. 


1418]        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy          223 

out  the  great  stones  from  the  foundations  for  a  space 
of  forty  yards.  The  defenders  tried  in  vain  to  drive 
them  from  their  purpose  by  pouring  molten  pitch 
from  the  walls,  and  filling  the  moat  with  bundles  of 
burning  straw.  Amidst  all  the  toils  of  his  men 
Henry  was  ever  present  directing  and  encouraging 
their  efforts  and  deeming  no  matter  too  trivial  for 
his  personal  attention.  As  the  besieged  found  all 
their  exertions  fruitless  their  hopes  gradually  faded, 
until,  on  2nd  February,  they  made  terms  to  surren- 
der the  castle  after  fourteen  days.  The  garrison 
were  allowed  to  depart  under  a  safe-conduct,  but 
without  their  arms  or  any  other  property.  Oliver 
de  Mauny  alone,  as  a  punishment  for  his  stubborn 
rebellion,  was  excepted  from  these  mild  conditions, 
and  kept  in  strict  custody  till  he  had  defrayed  at 
his  own  cost  the  expense  of  restoring  the  shattered 
castle  which  he  had  held  so  long. 

Shortly  after  the  surrender  of  the  castle  Henry 
left  Falaise  for  Caen.  During  the  next  few  months 
he  devoted  his  own  energies  to  the  organisation  of 
a  government  for  his  reconquered  duchy.  The 
great  enterprise  of  the  coming  year  must  be  the 
siege  of  Rouen.  But  before  that  could  be  at- 
tempted much  else  must  be  accomplished  and  many 
minor  strongholds  reduced.  There  was,  however, 
nothing  that  called  for  the  full  force  of  the  English 
army  or  required  the  King's  personal  direction. 
Central  Normandy  was  now  reduced  ;  but  the 
French  still  held  out  in  the  Cotentin,  in  the  south- 
west towards  the  borders  of  Brittany,  and  to  the 
east  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Rouen.  Three  divisions 


224  Henry  V.  [1417- 

were  therefore  formed,  under  the  Earl  of  War- 
wick, Humphrey  of  Gloucester,  and  Thomas  of 
Clarence.  Warwick  was  sent  against  the  strong 
castle  of  Domfront,  Gloucester  was  entrusted  with 
the  command  in  the  Cotentin,  and  to  Clarence  was 
given  the  most  difficult  and  important  task  of  pre- 
paring the  way  for  an  advance  on  Rouen.  These 
dispositions  must  have  been  made  before  Henry  left 
Falaise,  and  his  captains  lost  no  time  in  taking  up 
their  respective  commands.  Sir  John  Cornwall,  as 
lieutenant  for  Clarence,  captured  Chambrois,  La 
Riviere  de  Tibouville  and  Harcourt  early  in  March. 
In  the  west,  Humphrey  of  Gloucester  and  his  sub- 
ordinates rapidly  overran  the  greater  part  of  the 
Cotentin.  Sir  John  Robsart  took  Vire  on  2ist 
February,  and  Carentan  and  St.  Sauveur-le-Vicomte 
in  the  latter  part  of  March.  St.  Lo  surrendered 
to  Sir  Walter  Hungerford  on  I2th  March,  and  Cou- 
tances  to  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  four  days  later. 
By  the  ist  April  Gloucester  had  appeared  before 
Cherbourg  ;  but  that  town  defied  his  efforts  nearly 
six  months.  Warwick  met  with  a  similarly  stubborn 
resistance  at  Domfront,  which  only  yielded  after  a 
three  months'  siege  on  22nd  July. 

Henry  himself,  after  spending  ten  days  at  Caen, 
removed  to  Bayeux,  where  he  remained  till  the 
middle  of  April.  The  operations  in  the  Cotentin 
were  for  the  moment  of  the  greater  importance,  and 
it  is  not  unlikely  that  Henry  desired  to  be  near  at 
hand  until  the  success  of  Humphrey  of  Gloucester 
was  assured.  The  direction  of  affairs  farther  east 
could  be  left  more  safely  to  the  skill  and  energy  of 


THE  SIEGE  OF  DOMFRONT. 


1418]        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy          225 

Clarence.  When  all  chance  of  danger  was  past  the 
King  returned  to  Caen,  where  he  held  the  feast  of 
St.  George,  on  23rd  April,  with  great  splendour,  and 
admitted  Sir  John  Robsart,  Hugh  Stafford  (Lord 
Bourchier),  Sir  William  Phillip,  and  Sir  John  Grey  to 
be  Knights  of  the  Garter.*  At  Caen  he  remained 
for  six  weeks  until  the  preparations  for  an  advance 
on  Rouen  were  complete. 

The  three  months  which  Henry  thus  spent  at 
Bayeux  and  Caen  were  devoted  chiefly  to  the  task 
of  civil  administration.  Captains  or  Seneschals 
had  been  appointed  to  the  command  of  each  fort- 
ress or  town  on  its  surrender.  But  the  military 
government  thus  established  was  only  a  temporary 
expedient.  Henry,  starting  from  the  principle  that 
he  came  to  Normandy  not  as  a  conqueror  but  to 
recover  his  rightful  heritage,  endeavoured  to  dis- 
turb existing  machinery  as  little  as  possible.  In  his 
proclamations  he  appealed  to  the  ancient  customs 
and  laws  of  the  Duchy.  He  claimed  at  once  to  be 
the  heir  of  the  old  Dukes  of  the  line  of  the  Con- 
queror, and  the  true  representative  of  St.  Louis. 
He  would  restore  their  good  laws,  and  the  evil  cus- 
toms which  sprang  from  the  Valois  usurpation  he 
would  sweep  away.  His  anxiety  to  find  a  legal 
basis  for  his  government  produced  in  some  aspects 
a  curious  and  possibly  a  conscious  analogy  to  the 
policy  of  his  ancestor  the  Conqueror  in  England. 
The  formula  by  which  Henry  confirmed  those  fran- 
chises and  liberties  that  existed  "  before  the  time  of 

*  At  the  same  time  he  knighted  fifteen  gentlemen  of  his  household, 
including  Sir  Lewis  Robsart,  son  of  Sir  John. 


226  Henry  V.  [1417- 

Philip  of  Valois,  adversary  of  the  ancestors  of  the 
King,"  has  its  parallel  in  the  Domesday  formula 
which,  disregarding  Harold's  usurpation,  referred  to 
"  the  day  that  King  Edward  was  alive  and  was  dead." 
A  similar  parallel  comes  out  in  the  grant  of  Norman 
titles*  and  estates  to  English  nobles.  Like  the 
Conqueror,  Henry  also  took  advantage  of  the  feudal 
right  of  the  sovereign  to  dispose  of  widows  and 
heiresses  in  marriage.  So  again  his  grants  were  not 
based  on  any  arbitrary  confiscation,  and  covered 
only  such  property  as  came  into  the  King's  hands 
through  the  emigration  or  technical  rebellion  of  the 
ancient  owners.  But  as  a  rule  they  had  this  pecul- 
iarity, that  they  were  for  life  only.f  From  one 
point  of  view  this  was  a  fatal  defect,  since  the  Eng- 
lish lords  had  no  sufficient  motive  to  cherish  their 
new  possessions.  The  consequent  neglect  increased 
the  impoverishment  by  war,  which  even  in  1419 
made  Gilbert  Umfraville  complain  that  his  Norman 
estates  were  a  burden  and  no  advantage.  Such  a 
system  put  any  permanent  settlement  out  of  the 

*  Henry  created  six  Norman  earldoms,  viz.  :  Harcourt  for  Thomas 
Beaufort,  Tankerville  for  Sir  John  Grey,  Perche  for  the  Earl  of  Sal- 
isbury, Eu  for  Sir  William  Bourchier,  Longueville  for  Gaston  de 
Foix,  and  Ivry  for  Arthur  de  Richemont.  Warwick's  Earldom  of 
Aumale  was  perhaps  a  seventh.  Tankerville  alone  is  still  represented 
in  the  English  peerage  ;  the  title  having  been  revived  for  the  descend- 
ants of  Grey's  brother  Thomas.  Amongst  lesser  titles  may  be  in- 
stanced the  Viscounties  of  Auge,  Orbec,  and  Pontaudemer  held  by 
Clarence,  and  the  lordships  of  Hambye  and  Briquebec  held  by  Suf- 
folk. The  occasional  grant  of  French  titles  was  continued  under 
Henry  VI. 

f  After  the  fatal  day  of  Bauge,  one  of  Henry's  first  acts  was  to  take 
into  his  hands  all  the  lordships  in  Normandy,  which  had  belonged  to 
English  nobles  who  fell  in  the  battle. 


1418]         Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy         227 

question.  Henry  cannot  have  been  blind  to  the 
probable  consequences  of  his  policy  ;  it  is  fair  to  as- 
sume that  he  intended  deliberately  to  abstain  from 
Anglicising  his  conquests,  and  desired  to  rule  as 
lawfully  in  France  as  in  England. 

Henry  could  not,  however,  carry  out  in  perfection 
the  ideal  which  he  thus  set  before  himself.  Hardly 
any  Normans  of  rank  or  importance  accepted  his 
authority.  The  chief  posts  were  therefore  of  neces- 
sity given  to  English  officials,  by  whom  the  ad- 
ministration was  conducted  through  native  sub- 
ordinates. Immediately  after  his  second  landing 
Henry  restored  the  yearly  Rotulns  Normannice,  or 
record  of  the  official  acts  of  the  Duchy  as  it  had 
been  kept  in  the  days  of  King  John.  The  formal 
constitution  of  a  government  with  Exchequer  and 
Chancery  on  the  old  model  came  later.  By  1st 
November,  when  Henry  was  at  Alencon,  the  work 
•of  conquest"  was  so  far  advanced  that  the  appoint- 
ment of  a  Treasurer-General  for  the  Duchy  seemed 
desirable.  For  this  post  an  official  of  proved  exper- 
ience was  found  in  Sir  John  Tiptoft,  who  had  powers 
to  organise  the  Exchequer,  and  to  appoint  and  re- 
move Bailiffs,  Viscounts,  Verderers,  Farmers,  and 
other  officers.*  The  Chancery  was  not  established 
till  nearly  six  months  later,  when  on  8th  April,  1418, 
Philip  Morgan  was  entrusted  with  the  great  seal  of 
the  Duchy.f  The  office  of  Seneschal  of  Normandy,  as 

*  F&dera,  ix. ,  5°7-  A  copy  of  the  Ordinances  observed  in  the 
King's  Exchequer  was  sent  from  England  to  Caen,  in  November, 
1418.  Devon,  Issues  of  Exchequer,  p.  357. 

f  Fcedera,  ix.,  571.     The  record  is  in  the  regular  English  form. 


228  Henry  V.  [1417- 

it  existed  under  the  Plantagenet  Dukes,  was  also  re- 
vived in  favour  of  Hugh  Luttrell.  At  the  head  of 
the  military  government  was  the  "  Lieutenant  and 
Warden  of  the  Lands  and  Marches  of  Normandy,"  a 
post  which  was  held  successively  by  the  Earls  of 
March  and  Salisbury.*  The  safe  custody  of  the 
sea-coasts  was  provided  for  by  the  appointment  of 
the  young  Earl  of  Suffolk  to  be  Admiral  of  Nor- 
mandy, on  igth  May,  1419.  f 

Henry's  care  for  the  government  of  Normandy 
did  not  end  with  the  formal  constitution  of  an  offi- 
cial hierarchy.  We  have  already  noticed  the  meas- 
ures which  he  adopted  to  reconcile  the  inhabitants 
of  Normandy  to  his  rule.  The  mass  of  the  people, 
the  peasantry  and  the  lesser  burgesses,  had  no 
choice  but  to  bow  to  the  storm.  In  the  first  in- 
stance, at  all  events,  the  majority  of  these  classes 
did  so  with  no  great  reluctance.  So  far  as  they 
were  concerned,  the  weakness  and  oppression  of  the 
French  Government  had  killed  any  sentiment  of 
patriotism.  A  change  of  masters  could  not  be  for 
the  worse ;  it  might  be  for  the  better.  With  the 
lower  orders  went  their  natural  leaders,  the  paro- 
chial clergy.:};  The  abbeys  and  great  ecclesiastical 
corporations  had  too  much  at  stake  not  to  adopt  the 


*  Fa'dera,  ix.,  592,  739;  March  was  Lieutenant  from  2nd  June, 
1418,  to  26th  April,  1419. 

f  Faedcra,  ix.,  753. 

\  On  1 7th  September,  1417,  ninety-one  minor  clergy  of  the  dis- 
trict had  letters  of  protection  at  Caen  (Fadera,  ix.,  488-489).  On 
22nd  January,  1419,  after  the  fall  of  Rouen,  132  parish  priests  with 
their  parishioners  made  their  submission  (/'</.,  ix.,  672.) 


1418]        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy         229 

same  course.  Moreover,  Henry  was  very  strict  in 
enforcing  respect  for  all  "  religious  "  and  their  pro- 
perty. Any  disobedience  to  his  orders  was  sternly 
punished,  and  the  sincerity  of  his  intentions  was  so 
manifest  that  many  laymen  took  advantage  to  shave 
their  heads  and  assume  a  clerical  garb.  Still  good 
order  was  not  maintained  without  difficulty,  and  an 
English  soldier,  writing  home,  complains  naively 
that  "  he  could  get  no  pay,  and  was  not  allowed 
to  forage."  *  Some  disorder  was  no  doubt  un- 
avoidable. The  evil  was  increased  by  the  conduct 
of  the  Normans,  who  would  not  submit  and,  being 
unable  to  flee,  took  refuge  in  the  woods  and  carried 
on  a  guerilla  warfare.  These  "  brigands  "  were  caus- 
ing Henry  anxiety  so  early  as  the  spring  of  1418, 
when  strong  measures  were  enforced  to  hunt  them 
down,  and  all  peaceable  citizens  were  ordered  to  be 
in  their  houses  by  nine  o'clock. f  It  is  to  the  credit 
of  Henry's  government  that  the  brigandage,  though 
never  entirely  suppressed,  did  not  during  his  life- 
time attain  such  serious  proportions  as  prevailed 
twenty  years  later. 

Whilst  the  lower  classes  were  reconciled  more  or 
less  to  English  rule,  Henry's  overtures  met  with  little 
response  in  the  higher  ranks  of  society.  Even  the 
more  notable  burgesses  of  the  towns  preferred  exile 
to  submission,  and  so  late  as  1423  some  of  the  chief 


*  Collins,  Peerage,  viii.,  107.  Pillagers  were  tried  by  court-martial 
and  if  found  guilty  were  sentenced  to  death  ;  see  Feeder  a,  ix.,  551, 
for  the  case  of  two  English  squires,  who  were  pardoned  by  the  Kings ' 
mercy  (7th  March,  1418). 

f  Hardy,  Rotuli  Norniannice,  pp.  242,  284. 


230  Henry  K  [1417- 

citizens  of  Harfleur  were  still  prisoners  in  England. 
Two  thousand  persons  are  said  to  have  left  Harfleur 
in  1415  ;  and  when  Caen  fell,  two  years  afterwards, 
a  thousand  of  the  citizens  took  refuge  at  Falaise. 
The  leaders,  both  in  Church  and  State,  held  aloof. 
Of  the  episcopal  cities  of  Normandy,  Seez  was  the 
only  one  where  the  bishop  was  resident  in  1418. 
Henry's  close  relations  with  the  Papacy  made  severe 
measures  impossible,  and  by  a  polite  fiction  the  other 
bishops  were  supposed  to  be  "  on  business  in  foreign 
parts."  *  Of  the  nobles  and  principal  gentry  in 
Normandy  hardly  any  made  terms  with  the  con- 
queror, f  Henry  himself,  writing  to  his  Council 
in  England  in  the  autumn  of  1418,  complains  that : 
"  In  substance  there  is  no  man  of  estate  come  in  to 
the  King's  obeisance  ;  the  which  is  a  thing  that 
causeth  the  people  to  be  full  unstable,  and  is  no 
wonder.":}:  Wholesale  confiscation  of  the  estates  of 
absentees  had  little  effect  ;  and  though  a  few  exiles 
came  in  to  make  their  peace,  more  who  had  sub- 
mitted in  the  first  instance  afterwards  deserted. 
Henry  in  vain  endeavoured  to  check  emigration  by 
the  proffer,  on  I2th  April,  1418,  of  favourable  terms 
to  all  who  tendered  their  submission  by  the  ist  June 
next,  with  exceptions  for  those  who  were  actually  in 

*  "  Episcopo  in  remotis  agente  "  is  the  phrase.  The  Bishops  of 
Bayeux,  Coutances,  and  Evreux,  were  murdered  at  Paris  as  Armag- 
nacs  in  1418.  Henry  had  these  sees  filled  up  soon  afterwards. 
Cf.  Fcedera,  ix.,  620,  622. 

f  On  28th  March,  1419,  confirmations  of  property  were  granted  to 
forty  Norman  gentry  ;  but  out  of  these  only  seven  were  knights  or 
widows  of  knights.  Fa-dera,  ix.,  714. 

\  Nicolas,  Proc.  Privy  Council,  ii.,  350. 


1418]        Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy         231 

arms  against  him  or  who,  having  submitted,  had 
broken  their  oaths.  *  As  a  further  inducement  to 
peace,  an  honest  endeavour  was  made  to  redress 
grievances.  In  a  proclamation,  dated  4th  May,  1418, 
after  relating  "  how  our  adversaries  in  times  past  have 
oppressed  our  subjects  with  grievous  taxes  made 
worse  by  tyrannous  magistrates,  whereat  is  God  our 
Creator  wroth,  as  also  should  be  any  good  and  loyal 
Christian  man,"  Henry  remitted  such  taxes  from  ist 
June,  and  reduced  the  duty  on  salt  to  half  its  former 
amount ;  further,  since  in  times  past  the  royal  officers 
had  often  taken  more  than  was  due,  such  excess  was 
strictly  prohibited  and  the  ancient  usages  and  cus- 
toms ordered  to  be  observed. f  The  policy  which 
this  proclamation  illustrates  was  enlightened.  No 
ruler  was  ever  more  alive  than  was  Henry  to  the  im- 
portance of  good  order  and  justice  for  securing  the 
good  will  of  the  governed.  It  was  in  the  same 
spirit  that  measures  were  taken  for  the  encourage- 
ment of  commerce,  for  the  repression  of  piracy,  for 
the  security  of  merchants  travelling  on  land,  and  for 
the  prevention  of  fraud  by  the  better  regulation  of 
weights  and  measures.  \ 

To  rule  his  new  conquests  lawfully  and  justly  was 
the  whole  essence  of  Henry's  domestic  policy  in 
France.  Only  at  one  point  did  he  depart  from  this 
general  principle.  English  influence  must  be  secured 
in  the  chief  ports  of  entry.  This  purpose  was  shown 
in  the  treatment  of  Harfleur§  in  1415,  and  the  same 

* Fadera,  ix.,  573.  \Id.,  ix.,  583-585. 

\  Fuiseux,  L '  Emigration  A'ormande,  pp.  77-78  ;  Fazdera,  ix.,  691. 

§  Cf.  p.  133,  above. 


232  Henry  V.  11417- 

policy  was  afterwards  extended  to  Caen,  Honfleur 
and  Cherbourg.  In  these  four  ports  municipalities, 
which  followed  avowedly  English  customs,  were  es- 
tablished on  the  model  of  Calais.  But  Henry's 
attempts  at  colonisation  met  with  only  very  moderate 
success.  In  1419  special  inducements  were  still  being 
offered  to  those  English  who  would  take  up  their 
residence  at  Harfleur,  and  the  grants  which  till  then 
had  been  for  life  only,  were  henceforward  made  in 
perpetuity.  In  spite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  home 
government,  the  English  colonies  never  flourished, 
and  severe  penalties  had  to  be  imposed  to  prevent 
the  re-migration  of  the  discontented  settlers.  Even 
at  Harfleur  there  were  but  four  hundred  English  resid- 
ents in  1435,  and  the  condition  of  the  other  colo- 
nies was  no  better.  For  the  time  an  outward  show 
of  permanence  was  fostered  by  the  needs  of  the  army 
of  occupation,  which  drew  its  supplies  from  England. 
A  few  streets  and  places  received  English  names,  * 
and  a  few  buildings,  like  the  fine  church  at  Caudebec, 
were  erected.  But  except  for  the  University  of 
Caen  the  English  occupation  left  no  lasting  traces 
of  its  existence. 

Still  with  all  its  lack  of  permanence,  Henry's  rule 
in  Normandy  redounds  to  his  credit.  The  enlight- 
ened policy  which  directed  it  owed  its  inspiration  to 
him,  and  was  perhaps  too  advanced  for  the  time. 
Normandy  was  the  one  French  conquest  in  which 
English  authority  was  organised  under  Henry's  per- 
sonal direction.  The  comparative  stability  of  the 

*As  "  Humphrey  Street"  at  Cherbourg,  and  the  "Boulingrin" 
at  Rouen. 


1418]         Conquest  of  Lower  Normandy          233 

system  which  he  there  established  bears  strong  testi- 
mony to  his  political  capacity.  It  is  a  faint  indica- 
tion of  what  he  might  have  accomplished  under 
more  favourable  conditions  had  his  life  been 
prolonged. 


CHAPTER  XV 

THE  SIEGE   OF   ROUEN 
1418-1419 

HENRY'S  concern  with  political  affairs  had  not 
prevented  him  from  giving  watchful  care  to 
the  needs  of  the  coining  campaign.  The  losses 
of  the  war,  and  the  garrisons  required  for  so  many 
castles  and  towns  had  been  a  serious  drain  on  the 
forces  which  accompanied  the  King  to  France 
in  August,  1417.  The  Earl  of  March  and  Thomas 
Beaufort,  now  Duke  of  Exeter,  had  been  busy  all 
the  winter  in  England  raising  fresh  troops  for  the 
royal  service.  In  the  spring  of  1418  they  both 
crossed  over  to  France.  March  landed  at  La  Hogue 
St.  Vaast  in  April  and,  meeting  with  little  opposition, 
joined  the  King  at  Caen.  He  and  his  men  had 
been  like  to  be  drowned  in  a  great  water,  but  an 
Anthony  pig  *  that  had  followed  the  host  all  the 
way,  or  more  probably  a  countryman  whom  they 
took  captive,  brought  them  out  safe.  From  Caen 
March  was  sent  to  assist  Gloucester  at  the  siege 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  7  ro.  An 
Anthony  pig  was  the  smallest  or  favourite  of  the  litter,  so  tame  that 
it  would  follow  people  in  the  hope  of  food. 

234 


[1418-19]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  235 

of  Cherbourg.  Shortly  afterwards,  in  May,  Exeter 
arrived  with  1500  men  and,  by  the  King's  orders, 
went  out  to  besiege  Evreux. 

Meantime  Clarence  and  his  lieutenants  were  mak- 
ing good  progress.  Lisieux  and  Nully  L'Evesque 
were  taken  in  April ;  the  abbey  of  Bee  Hellouin 
offered  a  longer  resistance,  but  yielded  to  the  Duke 
on  4th  May.  A  fortnight  later  Evreux  surrendered 
to  Exeter.  These  were  all  steps  on  the  way  to 
Rouen.  The  plan  of  the  campaign  was  to  advance 
down  the  valley  of  the  Iton  and  so  strike  the  Seine 
at  Pont  de  1'Arche  some  twenty  miles  *  above  the 
city,  where  the  river  might  be  crossed  and  the  com- 
munications of  Rouen  with  Paris  severed. 

At  the  end  of  May,  Henry  left  Caen  and  joined 
Clarence  at  Bernay.  Thence  after  a  few  days  he 
advanced  to  Louviers.  That  town  held  out  for  a 
fortnight,  but  on  23rd  June  yielded  to  the  King. 
Without  delay  the  English  marched  on  to  Pont  de 
1'Arche  and  began  their  siege  on  2/th  June. 
The  chief  part  of  the  town  lay  on  the  far  side  of 
the  river,  but  the  end  of  the  bridge  on  the  left  bank 
was  protected  by  a  strong  tower,  which  could  not  be 
attacked  with  any  prospect  of  success  whilst  the 
town  was  unassailed.  Nevertheless,  Sir  John  Corn- 
wall was  sent  with  a  formal  demand  for  its  surren- 
der, which  the  French  Captain,  the  Sire  de  Graville, 
naturally  refused.  Whereupon  Cornwall  made  him 
a  chivalrous  wager  :  "  Graville,  I  pledge  you  on  my 
honour  that  to-morrow  in  spite  of  you  and  your 
men,  I  will  cross  the  water  of  Seine.  If  I  cross  it, 

*  About  half  that  distance  by  road. 


236  Henry  V.  [1418- 

you  shall  give  me  the  best  charger  that  you  have  ; 
and  if  I  cross  it  not,  I  will  give  you  my  helm  of 
steel  which  I  value  at  500  nobles."  * 

To  cross  the  Seine  in  the  face  of  a  powerful  enemy 
was  no  easy  task.  The  river  could  not  be  forded, 
and  the  few  boats  that  could  be  found  were  water- 
logged and  useless.  Still,  such  as  they  were,  these 
boats  were  hastily  patched  up,  and  pontoons  con- 
structed of  hides  stretched  on  wicker  frames.f  The 
attempt  was  to  be  made  at  night,  simultaneously  in 
two  different  quarters  ;  the  one  under  the  direction 
of  the  King,  the  other  under  Clarence.  For  their 
further  assistance  in  this  dangerous  enterprise  a 
number  of  good  swimmers  were  told  off  to  go  to 
a  place  three  miles  distant.  These  last  were  not 
to  cross  over,  but  plunging  into  the  river  were  to 
splash  about  and  make  all  the  noise  they  could  to 
distract  the  attention  of  the  enemy.  The  French, 
who  knew  that  an  attack  was  intended,  were  spread 
out  all  along  the  north  bank  of  the  river.  Cornwall 
with  sixty  companions  crossed  in  eight  little  boats 
to  an  island  in  midstream,  whence  with  some  small 
cannon  he  opened  fire  on  the  enemy.  Under  cover 
of  Cornwall's  artillery  one  party  after  another  passed 
over  unharmed.  The  French,  distracted  by  the 
darkness  and  the  confusion  of  so  many  attacks, 
offered  no  good  resistance,  and  without  more  ado 
their  horse  took  to  flight  before  our  infantry.  \ 


*  Monstrelet,  p.  438. 

f  These  had  apparently  been  prepared  beforehand  for  use  in  such 
an  emergency. 

|  Elmhara,  Vita,  pp.  170-174;  Monstrelet,  p.  438. 


141 91  The  Siege  of  Rouen  237 

"  Thus  upon  Monday,  the  4th  day  of  the  month  of 
July,"  wrote  Henry  to  the  Mayor  of  London,  "  we  got 
upon  our  enemies  the  passage  over  the  river  ;  and  God 
of  His  mercy  showed  so  for  us  and  for  our  right,  that  it 
was  without  the  death  of  any  man's  person  of  ours, 
albeit  that  our  enemy  with  great  power  assembled  nigh 
the  same  river  for  to  have  let  and  defended  us  the  same 
passage."  * 

When  the  English  had  secured  their  position  on 
the  right  bank,  a  pontoon  bridge  was  made,  by 
means  of  which  the  remainder  of  the  army  crossed 
over.  The  French  in  Pont  de  1'Arche  held  out 
tamely  for  awhile,  and  on  23rd  July  surrendered  the 
town.  Cornwall  told  the  Sire  de  Graville  that  he 
had  acquitted  himself  ill.  "  Had  I  been  in  your 
place  with  my  sixty  English  I  would  have  kept  the 
passage  against  the  power  of  the  kings  of  France 
and  England."  He  had  won  his  wager.  We  are 
not  told  whether  it  was  paid.f 

The  road  to  Rouen  now  lay  open.  Still  Henry 
tarried  a  while  at  Pont  de  1'Arche.  The  siege  would 
tax  his  power  to  the  utmost  and  he  wished  so 
far  as  possible  to  concentrate  all  his  forces.  Av- 
ranches  had  yielded  to  Huntingdon  on  I4th  July, 
and  Domfront  was  under  agreement  to  surrender  to 
Warwick.  Within  a  few  days  the  two  Earls  might 
be  expected  to  join  the  King.  Nor  was  there  any 
reason  for  haste.  The  French  at  Rouen  had  long 
expected  an  attack  and  were  fully  prepared.  More 


*  Delpit,  p.  222. 

f  Monstrelet,  «.  s.,  expressly  says  the  crossing  was  on  the  night 
after  the  challenge. 


238  Henry  V.  [1418- 

than  a  year  previously  Armagnac  had  ordered  the 
city  to  be  put  in  a  state  of  thorough  defence.  Since 
that  time  Rouen  under  the  leadership  of  Alain 
Blanchard  had  turned  Burgundian.  But  though  the 
democratic  faction  favoured  the  Duke's  domestic 
policy,  it  had  no  sympathy  with  his  tortuous  diplo- 
macy. Under  her  new  governors  Rouen  remained 
resolutely  patriotic.  The  fortifications  of  the  city 
had  been  recently  repaired.  During  the  spring  of 
1418  the  walls  were  raised,  and  strengthened  on  the 
inner  side  by  an  embankment  of  earth  so  broad  that 
a  cart  might  be  driven  along  it.  Outside,  the  foss 
had  been  deepened  and  the  approaches  protected 
by  masked  pitfalls  and  chevaux-dc-frise.  The  rich 
suburbs,  which  spread  beyond  the  walls  on  every 
side,  were  utterly  destroyed  ;  their  gardens  were 
laid  waste  and  the  trees  and  hedges  burnt  until  the 
country  all  about  was  "  as  bare  as  your  hand. "  * 
Along  the  walls  and  at  every  gate  there  was  a  plenti- 
ful array  of  artillery  large  and  small.  The  garrison 
had  been  lately  reinforced.  Burgundy  had  sent 
4000  men-at-arms,  and  the  Parisians  600  of  their  own 
troops ;  with  the  city  militia  there  was  an  ample 
force  to  hold  the  walls.  The  Governor  was  Guy  le 
Bouteiller,  a  Norman  gentleman  whose  birth  made 
him  acceptable  to  the  people.  Under  him  were 
several  well-tried  soldiers,  though  none  of  great  dis- 
tinction. The  real  heroes  of  the  siege  were  Alain 
Blanchard,  the  democratic  leader,  who  was  captain 
of  the  crossbowmen,  and  Robert  de  Livet,  Canon  of 
Rouen  and  vicar-general  for  the  absent  Archbishop. 

*  Page,  Siege  of  Rouen,  p.  4. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  239 

Nor  must  we  forget  Jean  Jourdain,  the  commander 
of  the  artillery,  and  "  Graunt  Jakys,"  *  a  Lombard 
condottiere ',  "  capitayne  of  all  men  of  warree,  and 
governor  outward  both  of  horseback  and  of  foote," 
who  took  the  command  in  every  sortie,  f 

If  Rouen  was  better  prepared  for  defence  than 
Caen  and  other  cities  of  Normandy,  she  owed  it 
chiefly  to  the  energy  of  her  own  citizens.  Neither 
of  the  two  contending  parties  in  the  State  gave  her 
much  thought  in  the  hour  of  her  need.  Never  even 
in  France  did  civil  strife  rage  more  fiercely  than 
during  the  early  summer  of  1418.  At  the  beginning 
of  the  year  Armagnac  and  the  Dauphin  held  Paris  in 
the  name  of  the  King.  But  the  democracy  of  the 
capital  had  never  loved  Count  Bernard,  and  the 
violence  of  his  Gascon  mercenaries  kindled  their 
hatred  anew.  On  the  night  of  29th  May  a  traitor 
opened  the  gates  to  the  Sire  de  1  'Isle  Adam,  who  was 
captain  for  Duke  John  at  Pontoise.  The  townsmen 
rose  in  arms  to  greet  him,  and  the  streets  re-echoed 
with  the  shout,  "Vive  Bourgogne ! '"  The  Arma- 
gnacs  were  taken  completely  by  surprise.  Tanneguy 
du  Chatel,  the  provost,  hurried  the  Dauphin  to  safety 
in  the  Bastille.  Count  Bernard  escaped  for  the 
moment  into  hiding,  but  his  chief  supporters  were 
taken  prisoners  and  thrown  into  the  Conciergerie. 
After  a  vain  attempt  to  recover  the  city  Tanneguy 
withdrew  with  his  young  charge  to  Melun.  Dis- 
order reigned  supreme  and  day  by  day  the  terror 
grew  worse.  At  last  on  I2th  June  the  Paris  mob 

*  "  Grand  Jacques." 

\English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  9'°. 


240  Henry  V.  LH18- 

burst  forth  in  one  of  its  wildest  fits  of  passion.  They 
broke  open  the  Conciergerie,  and  slew  all  the 
prisoners,  including  five  bishops.  The  hated  Arma- 
gnacs  and  their  hired  soldiery  were  massacred  without 
mercy.  Count  Bernard  was  found  in  his  hiding- 
place,  murdered,  and  his  dead  body,  scored  with  the 
red  cross  of  Burgundy,  dragged  naked  through  the 
streets.  A  month  later  the  Duke  and  Queen  Isabel 
entered  Paris  in  triumph.  John  made  a  show  of 
authority  by  hanging  a  few  of  the  worst  rioters ;  as 
a  sort  of  compensation  he  beheaded  several  Arma- 
gnacs.  The  fruits  of  the  revolution  he  accepted 
without  compunction. 

Henry  at  Pont  de  1  'Arche  was  doubtful  whether 
he  would  now  find  in  Burgundy  a  friend  or  foe.  He 
sent  a  pursuivant  to  inquire;  in  reply  he  learnt  that 
the  Duke  "  casted  to  give  him  battle,  and  so  we 
hold  him  our  full  enemy."  *  Then  the  King  de- 
termined to  take  advantage  of  French  disunion,  and 
to  begin  the  siege  of  Rouen  before  the  new  harvest 
could  be  gathered  in. 

As  a  preliminary  to  his  own  advance  Henry  de- 
spatched the  Duke  of  Exeter  to  reconnoitre  the  city. 
Exeter  displayed  his  banner  before  the  gates  and 
sent  a  herald  to  demand  surrender.  The  men  of  the 
city  made  scornful  gestures,  and  "  gave  no  answer 
but  their  guns."  Presently  there  sallied  out  a  strong 
force  of  horse  and  foot,  whom  our  men  "met  with 
and  overthrew  an  heap  of  them,  and  the  remnant 
fled  again  into  the  town."  f  When  he  had  completed 

*  Delpit,  p.  222. 

\English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  7. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  241 

his  reconnaissance  Exeter  rode  quietly  back  to  Pont 
de  1  'Arche,  and  reported  to  Henry  how  the  ground 
lay. 

On  the  Friday  before  Lammas  Day  (29th  July) 
the  English  army  set  out  from  Pont  de  1  'Arche,  and 
arrived  before  Rouen  that  same  evening.  There 
was  a  little  skirmishing  with  the  garrison  ;  but  the 
forethought  with  which  Henry  had  secured  accurate 
intelligence  enabled  his  troops  to  take  up  their  posi- 
tions without  serious  disturbance. 

The  fortifications  of  Rouen  formed  an  irregular 
quadrangle,  the  lines  of  which  are  still  marked  by 
the  modern  boulevards.  The  southern  wall  ran 
along  the  Seine,  and  the  bridge  which  connected  the 
city  with  the  left  bank  of  the  river  was  protected  at 
the  far  end  by  a  strong  fortress  called  La  Barbacane. 
On  the  landward  sides  there  were  five  principal 
gates— the  Porte  Martinville,  the  Porte  St.  Hilaire, 
the  Porte  Beauvoisine,  the  Porte  de  Bouvreuil,  and 
the  Porte  Cauchoise.  Each  of  these  gates  was 
strongly  defended,  and  the  intervening  spaces  of  the 
walls  were  guarded  by  more  than  sixty  towers.  In 
the  north-west  corner  above  the  Porte  Bouvreuil 
towered  the  Castle  or  Citadel.  To  the  south-east, 
on  a  precipitous  hill  at  a  little  distance  from  the 
walls,  was  the  fortified  Abbey  of  St.  Catherine,  on 
the  river  side  of  which  lay  the  small  fort  of  St. 
Michel. 

Henry  established  his  own  headquarters  at  the 
Charterhouse  of  N6tre-Dame-de-la-Rose.  This  was 
in  a  secure  position  a  little  north  of  St.  Catherine's 
and  about  a  mile  distant  from  the  walls.  Clarence 


242  Henry  V.  [1418- 

lay  on  the  far  side  of  the  city,  in  the  waste  abbey  of 
St.  Gervais,  before  the  Porte  Cauchoise.  The  Earl 
Marshal  had  his  ward  before  the  Castle,  and  Exeter 
kept  watch  at  the  Porte  Beauvoisine,  whilst  Sir 
William  Porter  had  guard  of  the  Porte  St.  Hilaire. 
On  the  King's  left  lay  his  cousin,  Edmund  Beaufort, 
between  St.  Catherine's  and  the  city.  The  siege  of 
St.  Catherine's  was  entrusted  to  the  Earl  of  Salis- 
bury, under  whom  Sir  John  Grey  held  watch  before 
St.  Michel.  On  the  river  side  of  the  abbey  Sir 
Philip  Leche,  the  King's  Treasurer,  "  kept  the  ward 
under  the  hill."  Next  to  him  were  Sir  Thomas 
Carew,  "  that  baron  bolde,"  and  Janico  d'Artas  the 
Squire,*  "and  these  two  kept  manly  the  water  of 
Seine,  and  fought  with  their  enemy  ofttimes."  The 
Earl  of  Huntingdon  had  charge  of  the  south  side 
of  the  river  before  La  Barbacane  and  the  bridge ; 
with  him  for  his  chief  lieutenants  were  Sir  Gilbert 
Umfraville  and  "  Master  Neville,  the  Earl's  son  of 
Westmoreland." 

The  fortifications  of  Rouen  were  so  strong  that 
Henry  abstained  wisely  from  any  attempt  at  assault. 
He  could  not  post  his  great  guns  to  advantage,  as 
he  had  done  at  Harfleur  and  Caen,  nor  indeed  bring 
them  near  enough  to  the  walls  to  make  an  effective 
bombardment  possible.  From  the  first,  therefore, 
it  was  intended  to  starve  the  city  into  surrender. 
That,  however,  was  impossible  whilst  the  French 
held  command  of  the  Seine.  All  the  boats  on  the 
river  had  been  collected  and  brought  to  Rouen^ 
where  there  was  a  numerous  flotilla  in  the  "  Clos  aux 

*  A  Gascon  gentleman  who  had  been  in  the  service  of  Richard  II. 


o  5 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  243 

Gaties,"  or  fortified  harbour  of  the  city.  On  the 
other  hand,  the  English  fleet  could  not  come  up  the 
Seine  whilst  the  French  held  the  town  of  Caudebec, 
between  Rouen  and  the  sea.  As  soon,  therefore,  as 
Warwick  arrived  from  Domfront,  he  was  sent  to  lay 
siege  to  Caudebec. 

Above  Rouen,  in  order  to  secure  his  communica- 
tions with  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  and  with  lower 
Normandy,  Henry  built  a  bridge  about  three  miles 
from  the  city.*  This  was  not  a  hastily  made  pon- 
toon bridge,  like  that  at  Pont  de  1'Arche,  but  a  stout 
wooden  structure,  supported  on  great  piles  driven 
into  the  bed  of  the  river,  by  which  men  and  horses 
and  "all  other  carriage"  might  readily  pass.  In 
spite  of  constant  attacks  by  the  French  flotilla,  this 
Bridge  of  St.  George  was  successfully  completed. 
For  its  protection,  and  to  block  the  passage  of  the 
French  vessels,  three  great  iron  chains  were  stretched 
across  the  river  just  beyond  cannon-shot  from  the 
walls  ;  the  lowest  chain  was  a  foot  and  a  half  below  the 
surface  of  the  water,  and  the  highest  two  feet  above. 

On  the  landward  side,  Henry  made  his  camp 
secure  from  attack  by  regularly  fortified  lines. 
Deep  trenches  were  dug  and  the  earth  thrown  up 
from  them  formed  into  an  embankment,  which  was 
topped  with  a  thorn  hedge.  In  front  of  the  trenches, 
towards  the  city,  were  set  rows  of  sharp  stakes  as  a 
protection  against  the  French  cavalry.  The  engin- 
eer, who  designed  all  these  works  and,  presumably, 
the  Bridge  of  St.  George  also,  was  Sir  Robert  Bab- 
thorp,  the  King's  Controller. 

*  Between  Lescure  and  Sotteville. — Cochon,  Chron,  Norm^  p.  381, 


244  Henry  K  [1418- 

Henry's  engineers  did  not  accomplish  their  task 
without  difficulty.  There  was  scarcely  a  day  or 
hour  when  the  garrison  did  not  make  a  sortie.  The 
defenders  of  Rouen  included  "  many  a  manful  man 
of  his  body  and  hands.  And  so  they  proved  them 
when  they  issued  out  of  the  city,  both  on  horseback 
and  on  foot.  For  they  came  never  at  one  gate  out 
alone,  but  at  three  or  four  gates,  and  at  every  gate 
two  or  three  thousand  of  good  men's  bodies  armed. 
And  they  manfully  countered  with  our  Englishmen, 
and  much  people  were  slain  divers  times  with  guns, 
quarrells  and  other  ordnance."  * 

Henry,  always  careful  of  his  resources,  contented 
himself  with  repelling  the  attacks  of  the  enemy,  and 
with  taking  such  precautions  as  should  make  them 
as  futile  as  possible.  Against  St.  Catherine's  alone 
did  he  assume  the  offensive.  In  the  early  days  of 
the  siege  communications  were  still  maintained  be- 
tween the  abbey  and  the  city.  After  a  little,  the 
English,  under  cover  of  a  dark  night,  contrived  to 
occupy  the  open  space  immediately  before  the  Porte 
Martinville.  The  attack  on  St.  Catherine's  was  then 
prosecuted  vigorously  under  the  direction  of  the  Earl 
of  Salisbury.  Towards  the  end  of  August  a  night  as- 
sault was  attempted,  but  some  chance  sound  alarmed 
the  garrison,  who  repulsed  the  English  with  heavy 
loss.  However,  the  defenders  were  themselves  at 
their  wits'  end,  and  a  few  days  later,  on  2nd  Sep- 
tember, were  forced  to  surrender. 

Meantime  Warwick  had  held  his  siege  with  vigour 
before  Caudebec.  To  capture  the  town  whilst  the 

*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  9™. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  245 

French  still  had  the  mastery  on  the  Seine  was  no 
easy  matter.  But  after  a  month's  siege,  the  garrison 
offered  terms,  and  on  Qth  September  a  composition 
was  made.  Caudebec  was  to  abide  by  the  fate  of 
its  mother-city  of  Rouen,  and  in  the  meantime  the 
English  ships  were  to  have  free  passage  up  the  Seine. 
The  English  navy,  which  was  blockading  the  mouth 
of  the  river,  had  been  reinforced  by  a  fleet  which 
Henry's  kinsman,  King  John  of  Portugal,  had  sent  to 
his  assistance  under  John  Velasquez  d'Almada.  At 
the  beginning  of  September  the  joint  squadrons  had 
reduced  Quillebceuf.  Now  that  Caudebec  made 
terms  they  sailed  right  up  the  Seine  as  far  as  Deville, 
but  they  could  not  pass  the  bridge  at  Rouen.  No- 
thing daunted  Henry;  by  some  means  his  vessels 
must  gain  access  to  the  upper  Seine.  The  course  of 
the  river  is  very  winding,  and  at  a  little  distance  from 
Rouen  between  Moulineaux  and  Orival  the  upper 
and  lower  waters  are  less  than  three  miles  apart. 
Across  this  isthmus  the  English  hauled  a  number  of 
their  vessels,  and  launched  them  again  on  the  river 
above  Rouen.  Then  the  besiegers  gained  the  mastery 
on  the  Seine  and  drove  the  French  ships  to  take  re- 
fuge in  the  arsenal,  where  the  captains  of  Rouen  had 
them  burnt,  lest  they  might  fall  into  the  enemy's 
hands. 

Now  that  the  fleet  held  the  Seine  provisions  came 
freely  to  the  besiegers'  camp  from  England.  On  the 
loth  August  Henry  had  written  to  the  mayor  and 
aldermen  of  London  praying  them  effectually  "  that 
in  all  the  haste  that  ye  may  ye  will  do  arm  as  many 
small  vessels  as  ye  may,  goodly  with  victuals  and 


246  Henry  K  [1418- 

namely  with  drink."  What  "  in  getting  and  enarming 
vessels,  doing  brew  both  ale  and  beer,  purveying 
wine  and  other  victuals,"  with  the  best  diligence  and 
care  no  little  time  was  spent.  So  it  was  8th  Septem- 
ber before  the  Londoners  despatched  their  convoy 
with  a  prayer  that  the  King  would  accept  it  "  not 
having  regard  to  the  littlehood  or  small  value  of  the 
gift  itself,  which  is  simple,  but  to  the  good  will  that 
the  poor  givers  thereof  have  to  the  good  speed  and 
welfare  of  your  most  sovereign  and  excellent  per- 
son."* 

Welcome  reinforcements  also  began  to  arrive. 
After  the  composition  of  Caudebec  Warwick  re- 
joined the  main  army  and  took  his  post  before  the 
Porte  Martinville.  About  the  end  of  September 
Cherbourg  at  last  surrendered, and  Gloucester  brought 
his  troops  to  Rouen,  where  he  was  given  the  chief 
command  at  the  Porte  St.  Hilaire.  From  Ireland 
Sir  Thomas  Butler,  the  Prior  of  Kilmainham,  came 
over  with  a  large  force  of  his  countrymen.f  There 
were  several  hundred  of  them,  scantily  clad  and  armed 
after  the  manner  of  their  nation  with  targes,  javelins, 
and  great  knives  of  a  strange  fashion.  Most  of  them 
went  on  foot ;  others  rode  bareback  on  their  little 
mountain  ponies  with  panniers  like  a  country  corn- 
chandler.  These  Irish  were  not  much  use  for  fight- 

*Delpit,  pp.  224-225.  The  Londoners  sent  30  butts  of  sweet 
wine  (10  of  Tyre,  10  of  Romeney,  and  10  of  Malvesey)  and  IOOO 
pipes  of  ale  and  beer  with  2500  cups. 

fMonstrelet,  p.  441,  says  8000  ;  and  Page,  Siege  of  Rouen,  p.  12, 
says  1500.  But  we  find  that  the  Prior  shipped  from  Waterford  in 
Bristol  vessels  with  200  horse  and  300  foot  (Devon,  Issues  of  Ex- 
chequer, p.  351).  See  also  Cochon,  p.  377. 


THE  SIEGE  OF  ROUEN. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  247 

ing,  but  were  famous  foragers,  who  ravaged  the 
country  far  and  wide,  and  rode  away  on  the  captured 
cattle  with  their  other  booty  slung  before  them. 
They  did  so  much  mischief  that  Henry  had  at  last 
to  interfere,  and  issue  strict  orders  for  their  better 
governance.  * 

Within  the  city  provisions  grew  scarce.  Ceres  and 
Bacchus,  says  the  grandiloquent  chronicler,  fled  in 
terror  to  the  English  camp,  whilst  pale  Famine 
entered  in  to  take  their  place.  Yet  for  all  the  "sor- 
row and  hunger  strong,"  the  gallant  garrison  still 
held  so  stout  a  show  on  the  walls  that  the  English 
had  no  knowledge  of  their  straits. f  About  the  end 
of  October  an  old  priest  contrived  to  pass  through 
the  English  lines  and  bear  a  message  from  Rouen  to 
the  government  at  Paris.  \  There  he  hired  a  famous 
Norman  doctor  of  the  university,  Eustace  de  Pavilly, 
to  plead  his  cause.  The  orator  delivered  a  fine  speech 
to  Burgundy  and  the  Court  on  the  text,  "  Lord,  what 
shall  we  do?"  When  Eustace  had  made  an  end, 
the  old  priest  spoke  in  more  homely  fashion :  "  My 
lord  the  King,  I  am  bidden  by  the  people  of  Rouen, 
to  make  before  you,  and  before  you  my  lord  of  Bur- 
gundy, their  great  cry  for  the  oppression  which  they 
suffer  at  the  hands  of  the  English.  And  they  would 
have  you  know  by  my  mouth,  that  if  for  default  of 
succour  it  should  happen  that  they  become  the  sub- 
jects of  the  King  of  England,  you  shall  not  find  in 


* Rotuli  Normannia,  ap.  Gesta,  p.  125,  n. 
f  Page,  Siege  of  Rouen,  pp.  19-20. 

J  The  old  priest  was  at  Paris  27th  Oct.     Cf.  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi., 
300. 


248  Henry  V.  [1418- 

all  the  world  worse  enemies  than  them,  and  they  will 
destroy  you  and  your  generation."  For  all  his  blunt 
speech  the  Duke  heard  him  graciously,  and  promised 
in  reply  that  he  would  make  provision  very  shortly 
to  relieve  the  beleaguered  city.* 

With  these  tidings  the  old  priest  returned  to 
Rouen,  where  the  bells  that  had  been  so  long  silent 
rang  out  in  a  shrill  peal  of  joy  at  the  news.  Henry 
also  learnt  of  what  was  intended,  and  at  once  took 
measures  to  meet  it.  Entrenchments  were  thrown 
up  to  protect  his  camp  on  the  outside,  the  guns  were 
put  in  position  all  ready  bent,  and  the  Prior  of  Kil- 
mainham  with  his  wild  Irishmen  was  lodged  in  the 
Forest  of  Lyons,  by  which  quarter  the  relieving 
force  was  most  likely  to  come. 

Such  precautions  were  no  more  than  prudence 
required.  But  Henry  must  have  known  full  well 
what  little  likelihood  there  was  that  the  French 
would  take  the  field.  France  was  paralysed  by  the 
discord  of  her  would-be  rulers.  The  Dauphin  with 
his  Court  was  at  Poitiers.  His  new  advisers,  chief  of 
whom  were  Tanneguy  du  Chatel  and  Louvet,  a  law- 
yer, had  only  one  thought,  vengeance  on  Burgundy. 
His  followers,  instead  of  turning  their  arms  against 
the  foreign  enemy,  pillaged  and  plundered  their  own 
country  up  to  the  very  walls  of  Paris.  That  sum- 
mer the  merchants  dared  not  travel  without  a  guard 
of  soldiers,  and  the  peasants  left  their  harvest  to  rot 
ungathered  in  the  fields.  Burgundy  lay  inactive  at 
the  capital,  where  his  habitual  indecision  was  rein- 
forced by  lack  of  men  and  money.  It  was  in  vain 

*Monstrelet,  pp.  444-445. 


H191  The  Siege  of  Rouen  249 

that  the  Duke  of  Brittany  endeavoured  to  negotiate 
an  agreement  between  the  two  parties.  Neither 
faction  would  give  way.  Each  was  ready  to  bargain 
with  the  English  for  help  against  their  domestic 
enemies.  However,  the  appeal  from  Rouen  moved 
Burgundy  to  some  show  of  activity.  On  loth  No- 
vember he  took  down  the  "  Oriflamme  "  from  St. 
Denis  and  marched  out  with  his  troops  to  Pontoise. 
There  he  remained  five  weeks,  till  the  whole  neigh- 
bourhood was  impoverished  by  the  needs  of  his 
army.  Then  he  withdrew  to  Beauvais,  pretending 
that  he  could  not  face  the  English  without  the  Dau- 
phin's assistance.  To  Rouen  instead  of  an  army  he 
sent  an  embassy. 

Henry  had  been  somewhat  disturbed  by  Brittany's 
project  for  reunion.  He  met  it  with  an  astute  di- 
plomacy, which  kept  the  French  divided  whilst 
Rouen  perished.  He  accepted  the  overtures  of 
Burgundy,  though  he  had  already  opened  negotia- 
tions with  the  Dauphin.  Probably  the  King  ex- 
pected no  more  than  to  play  off  his  antagonists  one 
against  the  other,  and  thus  to  widen  the  breach  be- 
tween them.  Nevertheless  he  would  have  made 
terms  with  either  party  if  they  would  agree  to  what 
he  desired. 

In  an  able  document  addressed  to  his  Council  in 
England  Henry  set  forth  the  considerations  which 
inclined  him  to  treat  with  the  Dauphin.  It  seemed 
doubtful  whether  Burgundy  in  his  present  position 
would  agree  to  a  peace.  The  King  began  to  feel 
uneasy  at  the  prospect  of  having  to  "  continue  forth 
his  war  to  the  whole  conquest  of  the  realm  of 


250  Henry  V.  [1418- 

France."  Yet  even  that  were  not  more  expensive 
than  to  keep  what  he  had  in  Normandy  by  force  of 
arms.  His  soldiers  must  be  paid,  lest  by  living  at 
free  quarters  they  should  make  the  people  of  the 
province,  who  were  already  overcharged,  his  enemies. 
The  renunciation  of  the  King's  rights  was  not  to  be 
thought  of,  but  it  was  possible  that  the  Dauphin 
might  agree  to  a  truce,  as  the  price  for  Henry's  aid 
against  Burgundy.  The  news  of  such  a  truce  might 
bring  the  Duke  to  offer  terms  in  his  turn,  and  how 
would  matters  then  stand  ?  If  Burgundy  offered 
him  homage  (as  King  of  France)  could  he  refuse 
him  ?  If  it  came  to  war  how  would  this  affect  the 
existing  truce  with  Flanders  for  merchants,  clerks, 
pilgrims,  and  fishers  ?  It  was  to  be  considered  also 
what  power  the  Dauphin  had  to  treat,  since  he  was 
not  King,  and  his  acts  might  be  reputed  invalid.* 

The  instructions  which  Henry  gave  to  his  repre- 
sentatives were  framed  accordingly.  The  proposals 
from  the  Dauphin's  advisers  had  been  received  early 
in  October,f  and  on  the  26th  of  that  month  Henry 
named  his  ambassadors,  chief  of  whom  were  the 
Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  the  Earls  of  War- 
wick and  Salisbury.  They  were  to  drive  the  other 
party,  by  all  motives  and  reasons  they  could,  to 
show  their  hand.  If  so  be  the  Dauphin's  represent- 
atives offered  anything  that  "  the  King  hath  now 
in  his  hands,  be  it  said  to  them,  that  the  proffer  is 
void."  If  the  other  party  could  not  be  driven  to  a 
reasonable  proffer,  then  might  they  ask  in  their 

*  Nicolas,  Proc.  Privy  Council,  ii.,  350-358. 
\  Fcedera,  ix.,  624. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  2  5 1 

master's  behalf  for  Anjou,  Maine,  Touraine,  and 
Flanders,  in  full  sovereignty,  over  and  above  what 
he  held  already.*  The  practical  gist  of  the  in- 
structions was  that  the  ambassadors  should  press 
the  Dauphin  in  all  ways  possible,  and  perpetually 
lure  him  on  by  the  prospect  of  an  alliance  against 
Burgundy.  The  conference  assembled  at  Alengon 
on  loth  November.  The  French  would  not  be 
driven  so  far  as  the  English  desired.  The  negotia- 
tions were  spun  out  for  fifteen  days  and  ended  pretty 
much  as  Henry  expected.  The  English  ambassa- 
dors concluded  with  a  solemn  protestation  of  their 
master's  good  intent  and  a  plain  hint  that  they 
doubted  the  other  party's  competency  to  treat,  f 

The  announcement  that  the  Dauphin  was  in  treaty 
had,  as  Henry  anticipated,  brought  an  offer  from 
Burgundy.  A  conference  was  arranged  for  early  in 
November,;};  but  Burgundy's  envoys  only  reached 
Pont  de  1'Arche  on  1st  December.  The  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  were  again 
Henry's  chief  representatives.  The  French  ambas- 
sadors were  accompanied  by  the  Cardinal  Orsini, 
who  had  been  some  months  in  France  endeavouring 
by  Pope  Martin's  wish  to  arrange  peace.  They  had 
special  powers  to  treat  for  a  marriage  with  Catherine 
of  France,  and  had  brought  her  portrait  for  Henry's 
inspection.  The  conference  ran  much  the  same 


*  Fcedera,  ix.,  628-631. 

f  Id.,  ix.,  632-645,  Acts  of  the  Conference  ;  see  also  646-652. 

\Id.,  ix.,  631-632;  the  faithless  Burgundy  was  already  in 
treaty  with  Henry  on  26th  October,  the  day  before  his  promise  to 
Rouen. 


252  Henry  V.  [1418- 

course  as  that  at  Alencon.  The  English  demands 
were  thought  exorbitant,  and,  after  a  fortnight's  dis- 
cussion, negotiations  were  broken  off.  Henry's  re- 
presentatives made  a  protestation  as  before,  declaring 
that  Charles  VI.  was  not  in  a  fit  state  to  treat,  and 
that  Burgundy  had  not  the  right.* 

Theoretically  the  negotiations  at  Alencon  and 
Pont  de  1'Arche  were  fruitless.  Yet  the  six  weeks 
that  had  been  spent  on  them  were  not,  from  the 
English  point  of  view,  wasted.  Henry  had  gained 
what  he  most  desired.  The  two  French  factions 
watched  one  another  with  increasing  suspicion. 
Long-drawn  delay  and  hope  deferred  drove  the 
defenders  of  Rouen  to  despair. 

A  four-months'  siege  had  brought  the  citizens 
wellnigh  to  the  end  of  their  resources.  They  had 
only  bran  for  bread,  and  no  meat  but  horseflesh. 
The  starving  people  were  fain  to  eat  dogs  and  cats, 
rats,  mice,  and  the  very  grass  that  grew  by  the 
roadside.  The  rulers  of  the  city  in  their  extremity 
expelled  from  the  gates  twelve  thousand  useless 
mouths,  old  men,  women,  and  children. f  It  was  a 
stern  necessity,  but  Henry  could  not  let  the  poor 
wretches  pass  through  his  lines;  by  his  orders  they 
were  driven  back  beneath  the  walls,  where  they  lay 
and  perished  of  hunger  and  cold  in  the  ditch.  Still, 
for  pity's  sake,  he  suffered  his  men  to  give  them  of 

*  Fa-Jera,  ix.,  654-659;  cf.  788.  The  French  insisted  that  all 
business  should  be  in  their  own  language,  of  which  the  English 
were  ignorant.  Monstrelet,  p.  445. 

f  Not,  we  may  fairly  conjecture,  their  own  townsfolk,  but  refugees 
from  other  places  ;  among  them  the  "Cannys,"  who  thrice  in  twelve 
months,  at  Caen,  Falriise,  and  Rouen,  endured  the  horrors  of  a  siege. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  253 

their  own  bread,  and  when  Christmas  came  he  sent 
his  heralds  to  ask  a  truce;  upon  that  day  at  all 
events  the  poor  folk  should  eat  and  drink  at  his  cost. 
And  they  thanked  Heaven  for  the  tender  hearts  of 
the  English,  who  had  more  compassion  upon  them 
than  had  those  of  their  own  nation. 

When  the  governors  of  Rouen  perceived  that  in 
spite  of  Burgundy's  promises  no  help  came  to  them, 
they  contrived  once  again  to  send  to  Beauvais  mes- 
sengers, who  addressed  the  King  and  his  Court  in 
these  terms:  "The  good  people  of  Rouen  have 
already  several  times  informed  you  of  the  great 
necessity  and  distress  that  they  suffer  for  your  sake; 
yet  have  you  provided  nothing  of  what  you  did 
promise.  Now  for  this  last  time  have  they  sent  us 
to  say  that  if  help  comes  not  within  a  few  days,  they 
will  render  themselves  unto  the  King  of  England. 
If  you  fail  them,  they  renounce  the  faith,  loyalty 
and  obedience  which  they  owe  to  you."  Burgundy 
dared  not  refuse  their  appeal.  He  made  answer  for 
the  King,  that  though  he  had  the  good  will,  he 
had  not  yet  the  power  to  raise  the  siege ;  still  by 
God's  grace  he  would  without  fail  succour  them 
by  the  fourth  day  after  Christmas. 

The  appointed  day  came  and  went  without  any 
sign  of  rescue.  Then  the  garrison  abandoned  hope, 
and  determined  to  treat.  Late  on  New  Year's  Eve 
some  French  knights  came  out  of  La  Barbacane  and 
asked  for  a  parley.  Gilbert  Umfraville,  who  was  in 
command  of  the  outposts,  made  answer.  When  the 
French  learnt  his  name  they  thanked  God,  since  the 
old  blood  of  Normandy  would  help  them  to  a  good 


254  Henry  V.  [1418- 

end.  '  We  have  been,"  they  said,  "  to  every  gate 
of  the  city,  where  the  princes  lodge  before,  and  have 
called  after  speech  of  them  but  could  have  no 
answer."  Now  they  desired  Umfraville  to  obtain 
for  them  from  the  King  a  safe-conduct  for  twelve 
envoys.  In  the  morning  Umfraville  reported  the 
matter  to  Henry,  who,  as  it  was  then  Sunday, 
fixed  the  interview  for  the  morrow. 

On  the  following  day,  Umfraville  met  the  envoys 
at  the  Porte  St.  Hilaire;  four  knights,  four  clerks, 
and  four  burgesses,  whom  he  escorted  to  the  Chart- 
erhouse. When  they  arrived  the  King  was  hearing 
mass,  and  the  envoys  waited  in  the  hall.  Presently 
Henry  came  out  from  his  closet  with  his  lords  and 
councillors.  His  serene  and  stately  bearing  gave 
the  anxious  messengers  no  sign  of  what  they  might 
hope  or  fear.  Humbly  the  French  knelt  before 
him  and  presented  a  bill  or  memorial,  which  Henry 
with  a  whispered  direction  handed  to  the  Duke  of 
Exeter.  Then  the  King  bade  them  speak.  They 
began  with  an  appeal  to  his  pity  for  the  poor  folk  in 
the  ditch.  Henry  stood  still  for  a  few  moments  in 
solemn  silence,  then  said  severely:  "  Fellows!  who 
put  them  there  ?  It  was  not  I  as  ye  know  well.  As 
for  yourselves  it  is  my  own  city  and  heritage  that 
you  hold  against  me."  The  envoys  made  answer 
with  deference  that  they  were  the  sworn  lieges  of 
King  Charles,  and  had  a  charge  from  the  Duke  of 
Burgundy ;  might  some  of  them  go  to  seek  release 
from  their  pledge  ?  Henry's  reply  was  plain  and  to 
the  point:  Their  French  liege  and  the  Duke  knew 
well  that  he  held  his  siege  before  Rouen,  and  there 


14191  The  Siege  of  Rouen  255 

had  ofttimes  been  messengers  between  them ;  to 
send  a  fresh  message  now  "  were  to  them  no 
novelty,  to  us  but  superfluity."  Rouen  must  be 
surrendered  without  subterfuge,  but  for  the  rever- 
ence of  God  and  the  Virgin  he  would  grant  them 
space  to  treat  as  to  terms.  Therewith  the  envoys 
withdrew;  and  returned  to  the  city,  much  impressed, 
as  they  told  Umfraville  by  the  way,  with  the  pass- 
ing princehood  of  the  King. 

Early  next  morning  two  tents  were  pitched  be- 
fore the  Porte  St.  Hilaire,  one  for  the  English,  the 
other  for  the  French  representatives.  Henry's  com- 
missioners were  the  Earls  of  Warwick  and  Salisbury, 
the  Lord  FitzHugh,  Sir  Walter  Hungerford,  Sir 
Gilbert  Umfraville,  Sir  John  Robsart,  and  Dom 
John  Velasquez  d'Almada.  It  was  a  brave  spect- 
acle; the  gay  pavilions,  the  throng  of  anxious  citi- 
zens on  the  walls,  the  dense  mass  of  English  soldiery 
on  the  plain  below,  the  knights  and  nobles,  the  her- 
alds and  pursuivants,  who  in  their  gorgeous  coats 
went  constantly  backwards  and  forwards.*  A  pit- 
eous contrast  was  that  other  sight  in  the  ditch  hard 
by,  where  the  poor  folk  with  scarce  a  rag  to  cover 
them  lay  perishing  on  the  damp  ground;  there 
might  you  see  women  with  their  dead  babes  in  their 
arms,  and  little  children  begging  by  the  side  of  their 
dead  parents.  Upon  two  such  sights,  as  far  apart  as 
heaven  and  hell,  that  one  of  weal  and  that  other  of 
woe,  no  man  could  look  with  heart  unmoved. 


*  "  The  Englysche  beste,  the  Fraynysche  floure, 
Of  Forty nggale  castelle  and  toure." 

Page,  Siege  of  Rouen,  p.  34. 


256  Henry  V.  [1418- 

The  conference  lasted  three  days,  but  the  two 
parties  could  come  to  no  agreement.  "  We  asked 
much  and  they  proffered  small."  Henry's  terms 
were  absolute;  the  garrison  must  yield  themselves 
to  his  will.  To  this  the  French  would  not  consent, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  third  day  their  envoys  re- 
turned sorrowful  to  the  city.  Accounts  differ  as  to 
the  mood  in  which  the  news  that  the  treaty  was 
broken  was  received  in  Rouen.  If  we  might  believe 
the  French  writers,  the  whole  population  united  in 
a  heroic  resolve ;  they  would  throw  down  their  walls 
for  a  great  space,  fire  their  city  behind  them,  and 
sally  forth  through  the  breach  in  a  body.  The 
English  authorities,  on  the  other  hand,  declare  that 
the  lower  people  rose  against  their  governors,  and  in- 
sisted that  by  surrender  an  end  should  be  put  to 
their  sufferings.  Both  accounts  agree  that  negotia- 
tions were  resumed  through  the  intervention  of 
Archbishop  Chichele,  who  mediated  with  the  Nor- 
man clergy.  The  second  conference  lasted  four 
days,  from  the  loth  to  the  I3th  of  January,  when 
terms  were  at  last  agreed  upon.  The  garrison  was 
to  be  allowed  to  depart  under  a  safe-conduct,  but 
without  their  arms.  The  city  was  to  pay  a  ransom 
of  three  hundred  thousand  crowns,  but  was  guaran- 
teed her  ancient  privileges.  Nine  persons  *  were, 
however,  excepted  by  name;  and  all  Normans  who 

*  Chief  of  these  were  Alain  Blanchard,  who  had  hung  English 
prisoners  from  the  walls,  and  Robert  de  Livet,  who  had  excom- 
municated the  King.  Blanchard  was  at  once  executed,  and  de  Livet 
was  kept  for  five  years  in  an  English  prison.  The  other  seven  were 
allowed  to  purchase  their  freedom.  Puiseux,  Sitge  de  Rouen,  pp. 
119,  202-205. 


1419]  The  Siege  of  Rouen  257 

would  not  become  Henry's  lieges  were  to  remain 
prisoners.  The  capitulation  was  to  take  effect  on 
iQth  January  if  no  rescue  came  in  the  meantime. 

The  six  days  of  grace  were  but  a  formal  courtesy. 
On  the  appointed  day  Guy  le  Bouteiller  with  a  com- 
pany of  the  citizens  brought  the  keys  to  the  King. 
Henry  named  as  governor  of  Rouen  the  Duke  of 
Exeter,  who  at  once  took  possession  of  the  city. 
On  the  following  morning  Henry  himself  made  his 
entry  by  the  Porte  Beauvoisine,  in  solemn  proces- 
sion, but  without  military  display.  Before  him 
went  a  great  company  of  priests  and  monks  with 
three  bishops  at  their  head.  The  King  himself  rode 
a  black  horse,  and  wore  a  long  gown  of  black 
damask,  which  was  fastened  across  his  breast  with  a 
golden  clasp.*  Behind  him  came  a  page  bearing  a 
fox's  brush  f  at  his  spearhead.  The  bells  of  the 
city  rang  out  in  welcome,  and  the  townsfolk  greeted 
him  with  shouts  of  "  Noel!  "  Henry  went  first  to 
the  Cathedral,  where  his  chaplains  met  him  chant- 
ing, "  Quis  EST  MAGNUS  DOMINUS."  Thence, 
after  he  had  heard  mass  and  made  his  offering,  he 
rode  away  to  take  up  his  lodging  in  the  Castle.:}: 

*  "  A  paytrelle  of  golde  fulle  bryght, 
Aboute  hys  breste  hyt  was  pyght. 
The  pendauntys  dyd  by  hym  downe  hange 
On  eyther  syde  of  hys  hors  stronge." 

Page,  Siege  of  Rouen,  p.  45. 

There  were  several  jewelled  peitrels  in  Henry's  wardrobe.  A 
simple  one  of  gold  with  two  pendant  chains  was  valued  at  £100  6s.  od. 
A  gown  of  black  damask  was  valued  at  £4. — Rolls  of  Parliament, 
iv.,  215,  235. 

•j-  This  was  one  of  Henry's  cognisances,  as  his  father's  before  him. 
\  Page,  pp.  44-45  ;  Monstrelet,  p.  449. 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE   UNITY   OF  THE   CHURCH 
1414-1418 

WHILST  Henry's  arms  pursued  their  triumph- 
ant course  in  Normandy,  a  success  of  a 
different  kind  had  been  achieved  in  another 
quarter.  The  Council  of  Constance  had  brought 
its  long  labours  to  a  conclusion.  If  it  had  not 
fulfilled  all  that  was  expected  of  it,  it  had  at  least 
restored  the  semblance  of  unity  to  the  Church. 
To  this  result  Henry's  influence  had  in  no  small 
degree  contributed.  The  election  of  a  Pope  who 
could  command  the  obedience  of  all  Christendom 
was  indeed  a  not  less  cardinal  part  of  Henry's 
policy  than  the  assertion  of  his  own  title  to  the 
Crown  of  France.* 

The  promoters  of  the  Council  avowed  a  threefold 
purpose;  the  restoration  of  unity  in  Christendom, 
the  reformation  of  the  Church  in  its  head  and  mem- 
bers, and  the  extirpation  of  heresy.  The  evils  of 
the  Schism  had  extended  much  further  than  the 


*  I  must  acknowledge  my  indebtedness  in  regard  to  this  chapter 
to  Creighton's  History  of  the  Papacy,  Lenz's  Konig  Sigistnund  und 
Hcinrich  dcr  Ffinfte,  and  Caro's  Das  BunJniss  von  Canterbury. 

258 


[1414-18]         The  Unity  of  the  Church  259 

division  in  the  Papacy.  As  a  consequence  of  the 
defect  of  spiritual  authority  both  the  system  and 
doctrines  of  the  Church  had  been  called  in  question. 
The  abuses  of  the  ecclesiastical  hierarchy  had 
grown  so  flagrant  that  even  moderate  churchmen 
desired  a  thorough  reform  of  the  Roman  Curia. 
The  teaching  of  Wycliffe  and  his  Bohemian  disciple 
Hus,  originating  in  hatred  for  Papal  aggression,  had 
resulted  in  a  movement  that  threatened  the  very 
basis  of  the  ancient  faith.  Reformers  and  orthodox 
churchmen  alike  looked  to  a  General  Council  as  the 
only  instrument  which  could  remedy  the  abuses  and 
disorders  of  Latin  Christianity. 

The  questions  presented  to  the  Council  were  in 
their  form  of  religious  import  only;  but  the  as- 
sembly at  Constance  was  more  than  an  Ecclesiastical 
Council ;  it  was  an  International  Congress.  The  re- 
ligious and  political  discords  of  the  day  were  so  en- 
tangled that  neither  churchmen  nor  statesmen  could 
act  independently.  Nowhere  was  the  ecclesiastical 
question  of  more  pressing  political  importance  than 
in  England.  It  was  during  the  stress  of  the  Great 
War,  and  through  the  mischief  of  a  French  Papacy, 
that  the  English  Parliament  had  been  driven  to  its 
anti-papal  legislation.  It  was  the  support  which 
the  French  King  gave  to  Clement  and  Benedict  that 
determined  the  adhesion  of  England  to  Urban  VI. 
and  his  Italian  successors.  It  was  the  religious  con- 
troversy, started  by  Papal  pretensions  and  the 
Schism,  which  produced  in  England  a  social  propa- 
ganda that  threatened  her  with  political  disruption. 
If  a  radical  cure  was  to  be  found  for  domestic 


260  Henry  V.  11414- 

troubles,  if  the  renewal  of  the  war  was  to  achieve  its 
purpose,  the  unity  of  the  Church  must  be  restored 
under  a  Pope  who  could  command  the  obedience  of 
Christendom  and  would  be  above  national  differ- 
ences. Not  less  essential  was  it  to  the  realisation  of 
Henry's  greater  dream  of  a  new  Crusade.  So  to  the 
English  King  the  Council  of  Constance  was  no  mere 
incident  of  ecclesiastical  policy ;  on  its  success  de- 
pended the  accomplishment  of  all  his  hopes. 

In  the  Council  itself  there  met  currents  and  cross- 
currents. Theoretically  all  were  agreed  as  to  the 
threefold  end ;  but  as  to  the  means,  and  the  order 
in  which  the  different  subjects  were  to  be  taken 
there  was  much  division.  The  Pope  and  his  Curia 
had  accepted  the  Council  with  reluctance,  and  would 
have  been  glad  to  confine  its  deliberations  within 
the  narrowest  limits.  Their  aim  was  to  prevent 
all  interference  with  their  own  acquired  privileges. 
But  the  reformation  of  papal  abuses  was  the 
one  question  on  which  all  other  parties  were  most 
united.  The  Italians  had  the  numerical  superiority, 
and  thought  to  carry  their  point  by  individual  vot- 
ing. This  was  met  by  a  proposal  of  Robert  Hallam, 
the  chief  English  representative,  in  accordance  with 
which  the  Council  was  organised  in  four  Nations, 
Italian,  French,  German,  and  English.  The  Na- 
tions were  to  deliberate  separately,  and  the  ultimate 
decision  was  to  rest  with  deputies  chosen  equally 
from  them  all.  Driven  from  their  first  position, 
the  Italians  resorted  to  intrigue.  The  English  and 
German  Nations  were  in  close  alliance.  But  the 
political  hostility  of  France  and  England  found  its 


HALLAM  AND  THE  EARL  OF  WARWICK  RECEIVED  BY  POPE  JOHN  XXIII. 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  261 

inevitable  reflection  in  the  Council.  Even  during 
the  early  sessions  the  Pope  and  his  supporters  en- 
deavoured to  turn  this  political  hostility  to  their 
own  advantage.  So  far  as  Pope  John  himself  was 
concerned,  the  scheme  had  no  success.  When, 
however,  political  animosities  became  more  acute, 
the  French  drew  nearer  to  the  Italians.  Ultimately 
the  two  Latin  Nations  were  ranged  on  the  one  side, 
and  the  Teutonic  on  the  other.  Thus  the  main 
grouping  of  the  Council  followed  the  national  poli- 
tics of  the  time ;  it  foreshadowed  also  the  greater 
and  more  permanent  division  of  the  Reformation. 

The  first  six  months  of  the  Council  were  occupied 
with  the  vain  endeavours  of  John  XXIII.  to  avert 
his  fate.  Events  culminated  in  the  Pope's  ignoble 
flight  to  Schaffhausen,  his  imprisonment,  and  his 
deposition  (2Qth  May,  1415).  Simultaneously  the 
Council  had  deliberated  and  decided  on  the  case  of 
Hus.  The  Pope  had  sought  to  divert  attention 
from  his  own  misdeeds  by  making  the  heresies  of 
Wycliffe  and  Hus  the  first  subject  of  discussion. 
The  Bohemian  reformer  had  come  to  the  Council 
under  a  safe-conduct  from  the  Emperor.  But  for 
the  success  of  Sigismund's  plans  it  was  necessary  to 
secure  at  whatever  cost  the  support  of  the  ortho- 
dox party  against  John.  So  the  Emperor  delivered 
Hus  to  his  enemies,  and  preserved  the  harmony  of 
the  Council  by  the  sacrifice  of  his  own  honour.  On 
6th  July,  a  month  after  the  deposition  of  the  Pope, 
Hus  was  condemned  and  burnt  as  a  heretic.  The 
leader  of  the  Council  in  both  these  questions  was 
Pierre  d'Ailly,  the  Parisian  doctor  and  Cardinal  of 


262  Henry  V.  [1414- 

Cambrai.  The  French  Nation,  whose  spokesman 
d'Ailly  was,  had  perhaps  the  most  concern  of  all  in 
procuring  John's  deposition.  The  abuses  of  the 
Papal  Curia  were  felt  keenly  in  France.  But  the 
official  reforms  which  the  University  of  Paris  de- 
sired involved  no  sympathy  with  the  doctrinal 
teaching  of  Hus,  whom  Gerson  denounced  as  a  sub- 
versor  of  all  political  order  and  ecclesiastical  author- 
ity. Neither  in  the  deposition  of  John  XXIII. 
nor  in  the  condemnation  of  Hus  was  there  room  for 
serious  division.  On  both  questions  the  earnest  and 
orthodox  churchmen  of  all  nations  were  united. 
Thus  the  early  sessions  of  the  Council,  if  exciting, 
were  on  the  whole  harmonious;  and  when  Sigis- 
mund  started  on  his  mission  to  Perpignan  there  was 
every  prospect  of  a  successful  settlement.* 

During  the  Emperor's  long  absence  (August, 
I4i5-January,  1417)  the  main  business  of  the  Coun- 
cil was  necessarily  at  a  standstill.  John  was  de- 
posed and  Gregory  had  abdicated ;  but  till  it  was 
known  how  Sigismund  fared  at  Perpignan  no  steps 
could  be  taken  towards  a  new  election.  Benedict 
proved  immovable  in  his  obstinate  pride.  Sigis- 
mund was,  however,  successful  in  securing  the  with- 
drawal of  Aragon  from  the  anti-Pope  and  the 
adhesion  of  Spain  to  the  Council.  Still  affairs  at 
Constance  must  await  the  Emperor's  return.  So  it 
was  somewhat  of  a  disappointment  when  the  news 
came  of  a  fresh  mission  to  Paris  and  London.  How 
Sigismund  was  treated  by  the  French,  and  how  he 
was  led  on  to  a  close  alliance  with  England,  has 

*  See  above,  pp.  165-167. 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  263 

been  described  elsewhere.  That  alliance  was  to 
prove  of  more  moment  for  the  Council  than  any- 
thing that  took  place  in  Constance  itself. 

The  chief  subject  upon  which  progress  might  have 
been  made  in  Sigismund's  absence  was  the  reform 
of  the  Church  in  its  head  and  members.  Upon  the 
necessity  of  some  change  all  were  in  theory  agreed, 
and  a  Commission  was  appointed  to  report  on  the 
question  in  July,  1415.  When  it  came  to  a  discus- 
sion of  details  the  divergent  interests  of  the  several 
Nations  prevented  unanimity;  whilst  the  Cardinals 
used  their  influence  to  defeat  any  project  that  might 
curtail  Papal  prestige  and  Papal  revenues.  The 
French  were  especially  anxious  to  secure  the  abo- 
lition of  annates;  the  English,  thanks  to  King  and 
Parliament,  and  the  Germans  and  Italians  for  other 
reasons,  were  less  interested.  The  Italians,  under 
the  influence  of  the  Cardinalate,  rejected  the  French 
proposals  altogether;  whilst  the  Germans  and  Eng- 
lish, acting  in  concord,  thought  their  discussion 
inadvisable.  In  face  of  these  divisions  nothing 
practical  was  done,  and  Sigismund  himself  wrote 
from  Paris  urging  the  Council  to  suspend  all  import- 
ant business  till  his  return. 

Other  matters  also  tended  to  disunion.  The 
teaching  of  Jean  Petit,  a  Parisian  doctor  who  ex- 
cused the  murder  of  Louis  of  Orleans  in  1407  under 
a  general  defence  of  tyrannicide,  had  been  censured 
somewhat  mildly  by  the  Council.  When  after 
Agincourt  the  Armagnacs  got  the  upper  hand  at 
Paris,  Gerson  reopened  the  question ;  prolonged 
and  fierce  debates  ensued,  with  little  result  save  to 


264  Henry  V. 


[1414- 


climinish  the  authority  of  the  French  Nation,  and  to 
create  a  breach  within  its  ranks.  The  disappoint- 
ments and  disunion  of  the  French  made  them  still 
more  bitter  in  their  animosity  to  the  English;  and 
so  the  triangular  conflict  of  England,  Armagnac, 
and  Burgundy  spread  from  the  battle-fields  of 
France  to  Constance. 

The  French  representatives  sought  daily  for  any 
means  whereby  to  damage  their  English  rivals.  An 
opportunity  occurred  when  the  envoys  of  Aragon 
arrived  in  September,  1416,  and  were  admitted  to 
the  Council  as  representing  a  fifth  Nation — the 
Spanish.  The  Aragonese,  abetted  by  the  French, 
first  claimed  precedence  over  the  English,  and  then 
questioned  the  right  of  the  latter  to  form  a  Nation 
at  all.  The  discord  was  so  serious  that  it  threatened 
to  wreck  the  Council  altogether,  and  it  was  still  un- 
appeased  when  Sigismund  returned  to  Constance  in 
January,  1417. 

The  Emperor  had  shown  no  haste  to  return  to 
the  Council.  Though  he  left  Henry  at  Calais  in 
mid-October,  it  was  over  three  months  before  he 
reached  Constance.  Always  extravagant  and 
always  needy,  he  had  to  pawn  the  presents  which 
he  received  in  England  in  order  to  pay  the  expenses 
of  his  journey.  At  last,  on  the  2/th  January,  1417, 
Sigismund  re-entered  Constance  wearing  the  Collar 
of  the  Garter  about  his  neck,  which  was  "  a  glad 
sight  to  all  Englishmen  to  see."  He  was  met  by  a 
procession  of  the  Cardinals  and  all  the  Nations; 
foremost  among  them,  wrote  John  Forester  to 
Henry  V.,  were  "  your  Lords  in  their  best  array 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  265 

with  all  your  Nation;  and  he  received  your  Lords 
graciously  with  right  good  cheer,  and  of  all  the  wor- 
shipful men  of  your  Nation  he  touched  their  hands 
only  in  the  great  press."  Robert  Hallam  contrived 
skilfully  to  get  possession  of  the  pulpit  at  the  place 
of  Council  and  to  deliver  the  address  of  welcome; 
thus  frustrating  the  intention  of  Pierre  d'Ailly, 
whom  Forester  describes  as  "  the  Cardinal  Camer- 
acense,  chief  of  the  Nation  of  France  and  your 
special  enemy.'.'  On  the  following  day,  and  again 
on  2gth  January,  the  English  Nation,  under  Bishop 
Catrik  of  Lichfield,  their  President,  had  audience  of 
the  Emperor,  who  "  received  them  every  man  by 
his  hand,"  and  thanked  them  specially  that  they 
had  been  "  so  loving,  true,  and  trusty  to  his  Nation 
in  his  absence."* 

Sigismund  was  ostentatious  in  his  display  of 
friendship  for  the  Nation  of  his  new  ally.  The 
French  on  their  part  were  not  slow  to  recognise  the 
change  in  their  position  which  resulted  from  so 
open  a  declaration  of  the  Anglo-German  alliance. 
Pierre  d'Ailly  had  begun  his  career  in  the  Council 
as  the  most  ardent  champion  of  Reform ;  but 
French  patriotism  overpowered  ecclesiastical  preju- 
dices, and  he  now  devoted  all  his  energies  to  thwart 
and  annoy  the  English  representatives  in  the  Coun- 
cil. When  the  Castilian  envoys  arrived  early  in 
March,  he  at  once  reopened  the  question  of  the 
Spanish  Nation.  The  French  protested  that  there 
were  only  four  recognised  Nations,  the  Italian, 

*  Fadera,  ix.,  434-435  ;  see  also  the  letter  from  R.  Appleton  on 
the  Nation  question,  id.,  ix.,  439. 


266  Henry  V.  M414- 

French,  German,  and  Spanish;  the  English  were 
neither  politically  nor  ecclesiastically  equal  to  the 
others,  and  should  be  absorbed  in  the  German. 
The  English,  styling  themselves  "  ambassadors  of 
the  King  of  England  and  France,"  retorted  to  the 
representatives  of  "  our  adversary  of  France  "  with 
a  wealth  of  not  very  accurate  statistics.  There 
were  eight  kingdoms  subject  to  the  English 
Crown,*  not  counting  the  Orkneys  and  other  islands. 
The  English  realm  had  110  dioceses  and  52,000 
parish  churches;  the  French  had  only  60  and  6000 
respectively.  England  and  Germany  together  com- 
prised nearly  half  Christendom,  and  it  was  absurd 
to  count  them  only  a  single  Nation.  D'Ailly  can- 
not have  expected  to  carry  his  point.  But  he 
contrived  to  delay  progress  and  to  vex  both  the 
English  and  Germans. 

D'Ailly  had  more  justification  when  he  led  the 
Council  into  a  long  wrangle  whether  priority  should 
be  given  to  the  election  of  a  new  Pope  or  to  the 
cause  of  Reform.  Two  years  previously,  when  the 
cause  of  unity  had  meant  the  deposition  of  Pope 
John,  d'Ailly  had  been  foremost  in  claiming  for  it 
priority  over  the  cause  of  faith.  So  now  there  was 
a  certain  plausibility  when  he  urged  that  the  first 
duty  of  the  Council  was  to  restore  unity.  True, 
d'Ailly  had  been  the  leading  advocate  of  Reform; 
but  he  was  a  Cardinal  as  well  as  a  Parisian  doctor, 
and  in  both  capacities  experience  had  taught  him 
that  Reform,  if  not  carefully  guarded,  might  go 
further  than  he  wished.  He  had  another  and 


*  England,  Scotland,  Wales,  the  Sea,  and  four  in  Ireland. 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  267 

deeper  motive — French  patriotism.  The  champion 
of  Reform  was  Sigismund ;  and  Sigismund,  both  in 
secular  and  Conciliar  politics,  was  now  the  close  ally 
of  England.  If  with  the  help  of  the  English  Na- 
tion the  Emperor  prevailed  in  the  Council,  he 
would  probably  requite  their  services  by  supporting 
Henry  in  the  field.  If,  moreover,  the  English  and 
Germans  were  to  mould  ecclesiastical  affairs  to  their 
liking,  they  would  be  able  to  secure  the  Papacy  for 
a  candidate  of  their  own  choice.  Such  an  event 
meant  a  restoration  of  Imperial  supremacy  in  Christ- 
endom, and  the  diminution — to  the  advantage  of 
England — of  the  influence  which  France  had  so  long 
exercised  over  papal  policy.  So  the  proceedings  of 
the  Council  became  more  and  more  subservient  to 
considerations  of  international  politics.  The  Span- 
ish Nation  in  the  Council,  as  did  the  Kingdoms  of 
Castile  and  Aragon  in  secular  matters,  accepted  the 
leadership  of  France.  In  their  hostility  to  England 
and  opposition  to  Sigismund,  the  French  and  Span- 
ish, under  the  guidance  of  d'Ailly,  drew  nearer  to 
the  Italians  and  curial  party.  Thus  was  the  group- 
ing of  the  Council  determined  by  the  rivalry  of 
France  and  England. 

The  wearisome  debates  on  procedure  went  on 
throughout  the  spring  and  early  summer.  At  last, 
on  nth  July,  a  compromise  was  arranged.  The  de- 
position of  Benedict  was  to  come  first;  then  the 
reformation  of  the  Church  in  its  head  and  in  the 
Curia — reserving  the  more  general  question  ;  thirdly 
the  election  of  the  new  Pope.  A  fortnight  later 
(26th  July)  Benedict  was  solemnly  removed  from 


268  Henry  V.  [1414- 

his  office.  The  way  then  seemed  clear  for  Reform ; 
a  fresh  commission  was  appointed  to  report,  and 
Sigismund,  relying  on  the  firm  assistance  of  Robert 
Hallam,  was  sanguine  of  success.  Still  little  pro- 
gress was  made;  for  the  Cardinals  discovered  fresh 
reasons  why  the  Council  should  proceed  forthwith 
to  a  new  election. 

All  this  time  Henry  in  England  had  watched  the 
proceedings  at  Constance  anxiously  and  closely.  He 
desired,  not  less  than  did  Sigismund,  a  stable  settle- 
ment. But  the  solution  of  the  ecclesiastical  pro- 
blem was  only  a  step,  if  an  essential  step,  towards  his 
wider  plans.  The  motives  which  inspired  the  Em- 
peror and  the  English  King  in  concluding  the 
Treaty  of  Canterbury  were  somewhat  different. 
Sigismund  was  intent  on  the  situation  at  Constance; 
Henry  looked  first  to  the  value  of  German  assist- 
ance for  a  new  campaign  in  France.  It  was  under- 
stood that  the  Emperor  was  to  be  ready  to  take  the 
field  in  the  summer  of  1417.  Sigismund's  plans  and 
promises  proved  commonly  to  be  in  excess  of  his 
powers  when  the  time  came  for  fulfilment.  On 
this  occasion  he  had  a  genuine  excuse,  in  that  he 
could  not  control  entirely  either  the  princes  of  Ger- 
many or  the  proceedings  of  the  Council.  Henry  on 
his  part  probably  appreciated  the  weakness  and 
difficulties  of  his  ally.  English  interests  in  the 
Council  were  safe  in  the  hands  of  Hallam,  and  for 
ordinary  matters  Sir  Hartank  van  Clux  was  a  trust- 
worthy agent  at  the  German  Court.  There  must 
have  been  special  reasons  of  State  that  prompted 
the  successive  missions  of  Tiptoft  and  of  Philip 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  269 

Morgan  to  Constance.  The  letters  of  subordinates 
like  Forester  and  Appleton  prove  also  how  careful 
Henry  was  to  keep  himself  informed  about  all  that 
went  on.* 

We  need  not  suppose  that  when  Sigismund 
parted  from  Henry  at  Calais  in  October,  1416,  he 
had  any  intention  to  fail  in  his  undertaking.  Henry 
himself,  though  recognising  the  difficulties  of  the  sit- 
uation, clearly  looked  for  a  successful  issue  from  his 
diplomacy.  The  result  was,  however,  disappointing. 
In  spite  of  the  loyal  support  rendered  by  his  brother- 
in-law,  Louis  of  Bavaria,  the  King's  interests  made 
little  progress.  It  was  true  that  on  22nd  March  Sigis- 
mund declared  war  on  France.  But  it  was  not  till 
24th  May  that  the  Treaty  of  Canterbury  was  form- 
ally ratified.  Even  then  nothing  was  done  to  make  it 
effective ;  and  when  orders  were  at  last  issued  for  a 
general  armament  Louis  alone  obeyed  the  sum- 
mons and  mustered  his  contingent.  As  the  sum- 
mer wore  away  it  became  clear  that  Sigismund 
would  fail  to  keep  his  word,  and  would  plead  in  ex- 
cuse the  delays  of  the  Council.  Henry  had  counted 
on  the  armed  assistance  of  Germany ;  for  he  recog- 
nised the  tax  which  the  French  war  would  impose 
on  his  unaided  resources.  The  time  was  opportune 
for  action  in  France,  and  on  political  grounds  alone 
the  English  King  must  have  desired  to  see  such  a 
settlement  of  affairs  at  Constance  as  would  leave  his 
ally  free  to  take  the  field. 

There  were  other  reasons  which  prompted  Henry 
to  a  change  of  policy.  The  continued  abeyance  of 

*  Fadera,  ix.,  385,  412,  427,  434,  439. 


270  Henry  V.  [1414- 

the  Papacy  was  proving  mischievous  to  English  in- 
terests. The  defect  of  spiritual  authority  made  the 
repression  of  political  Lollardy  less  easy.  There 
were  troubles  also  in  the  administration  of  Church 
affairs.  In  April,  1416,  with  the  consent  of  Parlia- 
ment, Henry  ordered  that  "  during  the  vacancy  of 
the  Apostolic  See  through  the  damnable  Schism  " 
persons  elected  to  bishoprics  should  be  confirmed 
by  the  Metropolitans  without  delay.*  Had  the 
King  so  desired,  such  circumstances  might  have 
led  to  the  complete  independence  of  the  English 
Church.  But  Henry  had  no  wish  to  break  with 
established  traditions.  His  aim  was  to  restore  old 
ideals,  not  to  create  a  new  order.  As  for  the  need 
of  curial  reform,  the  legislation  of  the  past  century 
had  provided  a  check  on  papal  abuses.  King  and 
Parliament  were  well  able  to  maintain  all  the  privi- 
leges of  the  English  Church.  Ecclesiastical  an- 
archy was  a  more  real  danger ;  and  there  was  the 
further  possibility  that  a  prolonged  contest  might 
result  after  all  in  the  restoration  of  French  influence 
at  the  Papal  Court.  If,  on  the  other  hand,  a  com- 
promise was  effected  by  English  mediation,  Henry 
would  enjoy  the  credit  of  restoring  unity  to  Christ- 
endom, and  might  reasonably  expect  a  return  of 
gratitude  from  the  new  Pope.  Such  were  the  con- 
siderations of  policy  which  probably  inspired  the 
order  given  by  Henry  on  iSth  July,  1417,  that  all 
his  subjects  at  the  Council  should  render  strict  obe- 
dience to  the  authorised  English  representatives.! 

*  Foedera,  ix.,  337.     Cf.  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  71. 
\  Fader  a,  ix.,  466. 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  271 

It  can  hardly  have  been  a  mere  coincidence  that 
Henry  Beaufort  now  resigned  the  Chancellorship, 
and,  under  the  pretence  of  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusa- 
lem, journeyed  to  the  neighbourhood  of  Constance. 

Sigismund  seems  to  have  felt  that  his  own  con- 
duct required  defence.  Henry  may  perhaps  have 
addressed  to  him  some  remonstrance  with  which  we 
are  not  acquainted.  At  all  events,  on  4th  August, 
and  again  twelve  days  later,  the  Emperor  wrote,  re- 
gretting that  the  long  delays  in  the  Council  had 
prevented  him  from  joining  Henry  on  the  French 
frontier  as  arranged  with  Tiptoft.  The  deposition 
of  Peter  de  Luna  (Benedict  XIII.)  had  been  at  last 
accomplished,  but  the  Reformation  was  still  un- 
finished. He  was  confident  that  an  ecclesiastical 
settlement  touched  Henry  no  less  nearly  than  him- 
self. An  early  conclusion  might  now  be  expected, 
and  nothing  save  death  should  keep  him  from  com- 
ing to  the  assistance  of  his  ally  in  the  following 
May.* 

As  usual,  Sigismund  was  sanguine;  but  he  could 
not  have  foreseen  the  misfortune  which  would  be- 
fall him  through  the  death  of  Robert  Hallam,  on 
4th  September.  Hallam,  by  his  straightforward 
ability  and  skilful  diplomacy,  had  secured  a  posi- 
tion of  authority  in  the  Council.  He  had  pursued 
consistently  the  policy  of  an  Anglo-German  alliance, 
and  enjoyed  the  confidence  both  of  Henry  and  Sig- 
ismund. Probably  his  last  instructions  had  given 
him  a  discretionary  power,  and  would  have  been 
used  by  him  to  arrange  a  compromise  with  the 

*  Aiis  der  Kanzlei  Sigisnmnds,  pp.  128-130,  132. 


272  Henry  V.  H414- 

Emperor's  concurrence.  At  his  death  the  leadership 
of  the  English  Nation  fell  into  feeble  and  less 
skilful  hands. 

In  a  general  congregation  on  pth  September,  the 
Cardinals  presented  a  protest  pressing  for  an  im- 
mediate election.  The  protest  was  renewed  in 
stronger  terms  four  days  later,  when  to  Sigismund's 
indignant  surprise  the  English  without  warning  ap- 
pointed deputies  to  confer  with  the  Cardinals  as  to 
the  necessary  procedure.  Bishop  Catrik  of  Lich- 
field  made  a  lame  apology.  He  could  not  venture 
to  avow  the  secret  instructions  which  he  had  used 
so  clumsily  *;  he  had  not  the  strength  nor  the  skill 
of  Hallam ;  and  had  perhaps  turned  too  ready  an 
ear  to  the  Cardinals,  f 

Sigismund,  deprived  of  English  support,  had  to 
give  his  consent  to  the  election  of  a  Pope  subject  to 
a  guaranty  for  eventual  reform  (2nd  October).  Still 
the  opposing  parties  could  not  agree  as  to  the  terms 
of  the  guaranty,  nor  as  to  the  procedure  at  the 
Conclave.  This  conjuncture  afforded  an  oppor- 
tunity for  the  mediation  of  Beaufort,  who,  at  the 
suggestion  of  the  English,  was  invited  to  come  from 
Ulm  to  Constance.  It  is  possible  that  the  Bishop 
was  the  bearer  of  letters  from  the  King.:}:  At  all 
events  Beaufort  was  too  familiar  with  his  nephew's 
policy  to  have  acted  against  it.  Under  his  guid- 

*  Cardinal  Filastre  says  of  the  English  :  "  Ad  mandatum  regis 
Anglic  dimiserunt  regem  Romanorum." — Creighton,  ii.,  95. 

f  It  is  suspicious  that  Cardinal  Orsini,  on  5th  September,  recom- 
mended Catrik  to  Henry  on  the  ground  of  his  labours  "  ad  perfectam 
ecclesire  unionem." — Fadera,  ix.,  487. 

\  As  Caro  (Bundniss  von  Canterbury,  p.  95)  suggests. 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  273 

ance  the  English  Nation  assumed  the  position  of 
arbitrators  between  the  extreme  parties,  the  Ger- 
mans and  the  Cardinals.  An  arrangement  was  at 
last  concluded  which  provided  for  certain  reforms 
in  the  Curia  to  be  made  after  the  election  of  a 
Pope,  and  for  the  formation  of  a  Conclave  consist- 
ing of  the  twenty-three  Cardinals  and  six  deputies 
from  each  Nation. 

The  Conclave  assembled  on  gth  November,  but 
no  progress  was  made  till  the  nth.  At  the  first 
scrutiny  it  was  found  that  the  English  had  voted 
unanimously  for  the  Cardinal  Oddo  Colonna.  Col- 
onna  was  not  favoured  by  his  colleagues  or  the 
French.  But  the  solid  front  presented  by  the  Eng- 
lish prevailed,  and  at  a  fresh  scrutiny  he  obtained 
the  requisite  majority.  The  new  Pope,  who  took 
the  name  of  Martin  V.,  was  a  man  of  irreproachable 
character  and  noble  birth;  in  the  Council  he  had 
shown  himself  to  be  moderate  and  sensible,  had 
taken  no  extreme  side,  and  had  made  no  enemies. 

Henry  had  every  reason  to  congratulate  himself 
on  the  result  of  the  Conclave.  His  timely  change 
of  policy  had  brought  him  the  credit  of  having  done 
most  to  end  the  Schism.  The  action  of  his  repre- 
sentatives had  secured  the  choice  of  a  Pope,  who 
was  personally  acceptable  to  the  Emperor,  and  not 
likely  to  be  amenable  to  French  influence.  Martin's 
election  promised  to  foster  the  Anglo-German  alli- 
ance, and  to  enable  Henry  to  accomplish  his  greater 
plans  without  risk  of  ecclesiastical  complications. 

The  satisfaction  with  which  Henry  and  Sigismund 
regarded  the  election  proved  somewhat  premature. 

18 


274  Henry  V.  M414- 

In  the  subsequent  sessions  at  Constance  Martin 
contrived  to  assert  his  authority  so  dexterously  that 
the  Council  dissolved  without  any  definite  conclu- 
sion on  the  dangerous  subject  of  Reform.  Such 
questions  as  were  decided  were  embodied  in  separ- 
ate Concordats  with  the  different  nations.  The 
English  Concordat  stood  alone  for  its  brevity  and 
trivial  character;  the  will  of  Parliament  and  a 
strong  ruler  were  a  sufficient  protection  for  the 
English  Church. 

Throughout  his  pontificate  Martin  showed  the 
same  address,  and  by  his  prudent  conduct  became 
the  creator  of  the  modern  Papacy.  His  personal 
relations  with  Henry  were  friendly;  but  he  would 
gladly  have  assumed  the  role  of  arbitrator  between 
France  and  England,  and  was  watchful  for  any  op- 
portunity to  reassert  his  authority  in  English  affairs. 
Henry  received  the  Cardinals  whom  Martin  sent  to 
France  in  1418  courteously;  but  he  did  not  allow 
their  negotiations  to  disturb  his  own  plans.  In 
ecclesiastical  matters  also  the  Pope  found  that 
Henry's  orthodoxy  involved  no  weakness. 

One  of  Martin's  earliest  acts  as  Pope  was  to  name 
Henry  Beaufort  Cardinal.  No  doubt  his  first 
motive  was  gratitude  for  the  English  Bishop's 
share  in  his  election.  An  ulterior  purpose  is  re- 
vealed in  the  proposal  that  Beaufort  should  become 
legatus  a  latere  of  the  Holy  See  in  England.  It  is 
certain  that  Martin  was  anxious  to  reduce  the  Eng- 
lish Church  to  its  old  subservience,  and  apparently 
he  hoped  to  find  his  instrument  in  Beaufort.  Arch- 
bishop Chichele  at  once  protested  against  the  pro- 


ARCHBISHOP  CHICHELE. 

FROM    HIS  TOMB. 


1418]  The  Unity  of  the  Church  275 

posal  as  an  invasion  of  his  own  rights  and  of  the 
privileges  of  the  English  Church.  Henry  peremp- 
torily required  his  uncle  to  forego  the  proffered  dig- 
nity, saying  that  "  he  had  as  lief  sette  his  couronne 
besyde  him,  as  to  see  hym  were  a  Cardinal's  hatte."  * 
The  hint  was  not  enough  for  Martin,  who  tried,  in 
defiance  of  the  national  laws,  to  force  his  nominees 
into  English  benefices.  This  conduct  and  the  di- 
plomatic assistance  which  the  Pope's  envoys  were 
rendering  to  the  French  drove  Henry  to  remon- 
strate. On  25th  September,  1418,  the  King  by  his 
own  hand  sent  instructions  to  Catrik,  who  was  now 
the  English  representative  at  the  Papal  Court.  f 
Catrik  was  to  point  out  to  Martin  in  private  how 
the  French  had  fostered  the  Schism,  and  infected 
Spain  and  Scotland  with  their  poison.  The  war 
had  been  prosecuted  for  the  interest  and  security  of 
the  Pope  and  the  Christian  Faith,  and  entitled 
Henry  to  Martin's  consideration  and  assistance. 
He  was  to  remind  the  Pope  also  of  the  form  of 
Concord  which  had  been  established  between  Ed- 
ward III.  and  Gregory  XI.,  which  Martin  had, 
perhaps  inadvertently,  disregarded.  The  King 
therefore  desired  that  the  Pope  would  ratify  anew 
that  Concord,  or  not  resent  it  if  he  used  the  same 
right  and  power  in  all  things  respecting  the  Regalia 
as  he  had  ever  done  before. 


*  Stevenson,  Letters  Illustrative  of  the  Wars  in  France,  ii.,  441. 

f  Catrik  had  accompanied  Martin  from  Constance  and  spent  the 
rest  of  his  life  at  the  Papal  Court.  He  died  at  Florence  on  28th 
December,  1419,  and  was  buried  in  Santa  Croce,  where  his  tomb 
still  exists. 

\  Goodwin,  pp.  209-211,    ex.  Cotton.  MS.,  Cleopatra,  E.  ii. 


276  Henry  V.  [1414- 

Catrik  reported  the  result  of  his  conference  with 
the  Pope  in  a  letter  dated  5th  February,  1419. 
Martin  was  effusive  in  his  declarations  of  friendship; 
"  raising  his  eyes  to  heaven,  he  said:  '  We  know 
now  what  we  believed  before,  that  our  son  loves  us; 
verily,  verily  all  the  theologians  in  the  world  have 
not  so  moved  us  as  doth  our  son's  eloquence.'  "* 
The  Pope  was  careful  to  avoid  any  explicit  assur- 
ance, and  after  a  few  months  reopened  the  whole 
question  as  though  nothing  had  happened. 

In  October,  1419,  Henry  Greenfield,  an  English 
official  of  the  Curia,  came  to  Mantes  on  Papal  busi- 
ness. On  Martin's  behalf  he  exhorted  the  English 
King  to  peace,  and  begged  that  he  would  abrogate 
the  laws  which  were  so  hurtful  to  Papal  authority. 
The  King  made  answer  through  Philip  Morgan.  He 
was  now,  as  always,  anxious  for  peace;  should  a 
favourable  opportunity  occur,  he  would  take  care 
to  inform  the  Pope  accordingly.  The  pressure  of 
the  war  did  not  leave  him  such  leisure  for  other 
business  as  he  could  desire.  But  the  statutes  to 
which  the  Pope  referred  were  no  new  ones,  and 
Henry  was  so  bound  by  his  coronation  oath  that  he 
could  not,  if  he  would,  without  the  consent  of  Par- 
liament, interpret,  abrogate,  or  modify  them,  f 

Martin  had  to  accept  this  rebuff  with  the  best 
grace  he  might.  With  patient  persistence  he  bided 
his  time.  After  Henry's  death  he  made  Beaufort 
Cardinal  and  legate,  and  though  he  could  not  obtain 
the  repeal  of  the  obnoxious  statutes,  contrived  to 


*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  680.  f  Id.,  ix.,  806. 


14181 


The  Unity  of  the  Church 


277 


humiliate  Chichele  and  increase  his  own  authority. 
But  so  long  as  Henry  lived  Martin  had  to  recognise 
that  the  King,  for  all  his  orthodoxy,  was  the  firm 
defender  of  national  privileges,  and  would  not  suffer 
the  right  of  the  English  Church  to  manage  her  own 
affairs  to  be  called  in  question. 


CHAPTER    XVII 

THE   BRIDGE   OF   MONTEREAU 
1419 

AFTER  the  surrender  of  Rouen  Henry  resided 
in  the  Castle  until  the  town  "  was  set  in  rule 
and  governance."*  His  first  care  was  to 
make  provision  for  the  starving  townsfolk;  but 
famine  had  gained  such  a  hold  that  it  was  more  than 
a  fortnight  before  the  mortality  could  be  checked. 
As  on  previous  occasions,  a  brief  respite  from  war 
meant  only  leisure  for  civil  government.  The  organ- 
isation of  the  exchequer  was  perfected,  commercial 
regulations  issued,  and  money  struck  bearing  the 
legend,  "  Henricus  Rex  Francie. "  But  in  the  ancient 
capital  of  his  Norman  ancestors  Henry  felt  himself 
to  be  the  heir  of  William  the  Conqueror,  more  than 
of  St.  Louis.  On  Candlemas  Day  a  great  feast  was 
held,  at  which  the  King  appeared  in  his  robes  as 
Duke  of  Normandy.  Under  the  terms  of  the  capit- 
ulation the  citizens  had  to  provide  a  site  for  a  ducal 
palace,  and  by  Henry's  orders  the  erection  of  the 
New  Palace  at  Rouen  was  commenced  in  the  early 

*  English  Chronicle, 


1419]  The  Bridge  of  Montereau  279 

summer  of  1419.*  In  the  course  of  February  the 
Estates  of  Normandy  were  assembled  to  meet  their 
new  Duke.  Though  the  greater  nobles  had  gone 
into  exile,  a  considerable  number  of  the  lesser  gentry 
seem  to  have  bowed  to  the  inevitable  and  made 
their  submission.  The  chief  of  Henry's  Norman 
adherents  was  Guy  le  Bouteiller,  the  sometime  Bur- 
gundian  governor  of  Rouen.  French  writers  natur- 
ally denounced  him  as  a  traitor,  but  Guy  had,  as  a 
Norman  and  a  captive,  to  choose  between  submis- 
sion or  prison.  Henry  made  him  lieutenant  for  the 
Duke  of  Exeter  at  Rouen,  and  in  this  post  Guy 
showed  his  fidelity  by  revealing  a  French  plot  for 
the  capture  of  the  city. 

Whilst  the  King  was  occupied  with  civil  affairs, 
his  captains  were  completing  the  conquest  of  Nor- 
mandy. Exeter  had  the  command  in  the  north-east ; 
Caudebec  and  Montivilliers  yielded  immediately 
after  Rouen,  and  the  surrender  of  Lillebonne, 
Fecamp,  Dieppe,  Gournay,  and  Eu  followed  in 
quick  succession  during  the  early  days  of  February. 
The  Earl  of  Salisbury  met  with  more  resistance  at 
Honfleur,  which  did  not  open  its  gates  till  i6th 
March.  Clarence  directed  the  advance  up  the 
Seine;  Vernon  yielded  without  striking  a  blow  on 
3rd  February,  and  the  citizens  of  Mantes  sent  the 
keys  of  their  town  to  the  Duke  without  even  await- 
ing his  arrival. 

When  Henry  left  Rouen  on  25th  March  only  five 
places  still  held  out  for  the  French  in  Normandy, 

*  Later  on  it  became  "  Le  Vieux  Palais."     James  II.  of  England 
stayed  there  in  1692.     It  was  destroyed  during  the  Revolution. 


280  Henry  V.  ti4i9 

and  of  these  La  Roche  Guyon  was  captured  in  April 
and  Ivry  in  May.*  So  demoralised  were  the 
French  by  their  own  feuds  and  the  English  victories, 
that  their  garrisons  seldom  offered  any  resistance, 
but  marched  out  of  one  gate  as  the  English  entered  at 
the  other.  The  tide  of  conquest  overflowed  the 
boundaries  of  Normandy  on  every  side,  and  still 
the  soldiers  of  the  Dauphin  and  of  Burgundy 
skulked  like  foxes  in  their  fortresses,  as  though  no 
foreign  enemy  was  before  their  gates,  f 

The  fall  of  Rouen,  the  second  city  of  the  king- 
dom, was  a  shock  that  made  itself  felt  through  the 
whole  length  and  breadth  of  France.  Yet  it  did 
not  inspire  either  the  Dauphin  or  Burgundy  with 
any  better  policy  than  their  old  diplomatic  intrigues. 
Henry  met  the  wishes  of  both  parties,  with  equal 
readiness.  But  his  own  diplomacy  was  of  a  wider 
range.  A  scheme  was  afoot  for  the  adoption  of 
Bedford  by  Queen  Joanna  of  Naples.  Proposals 
were  made  to  marry  Bedford  to  a  German  princess, 
and  Gloucester  to  a  daughter  of  Charles  III.  of 
Navarre.  Negotiations  were  also  proceeding  with 
the  Republic  of  Genoa,  the  mercantile  cities  of 
Flanders,  and  the  Archbishops  of  Treves  and  May- 
ence.ij:  These  varied  schemes  were,  it  is  true,  in  a 
measure  tentative;  still,  they  show  that  the  horizon 
of  Henry's  diplomacy  was  not  bounded  by  the  im- 
mediate crisis  in  French  affairs. 


*  The  other  three  were  Gisors,  Chateau  Gaillard,  and  Mont  St. 
Michel.     The  last  was  never  taken, 
f  Chfon.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  323-325,  363. 
\  Fadera,  ix.,  700,  701,  705,  706,  710,  711,  715,  716. 


1419]  The  Bridge  of  Mont  ere  au  281 

Only  two  days  after  the  fall  of  Rouen,  on  2 1st 
January,  Henry  reopened  his  negotiations  with  the 
Dauphin.  Three  weeks  later  an  agreement  was 
made  for  a  conference  to  be  held  between  Evreux 
and  Dreux  on  26th  March.*  In  the  meantime  the 
Duke  of  Brittany,  somewhat  anxious  for  his  own 
position  and  despairing  of  French  politics,  visited 
Henry  at  Rouen  and  concluded  a  truce  to  the  great 
advantage  of  his  duchy.  On  25th  March  Henry 
left  Rouen  for  Evreux.  The  Dauphin,  unmindful 
of  the  solemn  oath  which  he  had  taken,  failed  to 
put  in  an  appearance. 

"  He  hath  broke  his  surety,  and  made  the  King  a 
beau  nient"  wrote  one  of  Henry's  followers.  "  So  there 
may  none  hope  be  had  as  yet  of  peace.  God  put  hand 
thereto  when  His  will  is.  Certes  all  the  ambassadors 
that  we  deal  with  be  incongrue,  that  is  to  say  in  old 
manner  of  speech  in  English,  '  they  be  double  and  false.' 
Pray  for  us  that  we  may  come  soon  out  of  this  unlusty 
soldier's  life  into  the  life  of  England. "f 

Probably  the  bad  faith  of  the  Dauphin  did  not 
take  Henry  by  surprise.  Negotiations  had  for  some 
time  been  in  progress  with  Burgundy.  The  Earl 
of  Warwick,  accompanied  by  Sir  John  Grey  and 
Sir  Gilbert  Umfraville,  visited  the  French  Court  at 
Provins,  and  arranged  for  an  interview  to  take  place 
on  1 5th  May.  In  the  meantime  there  was  to  be  a 
truce  between  the  English  and  Burgundians  with  an 


*  Fcedera,  ix. ,  670,  676,  686. 

•j-  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Series,  i.,  77  ;   "beau  nient"  is  the 
Italian  "  bello  niente"  "  a  fine  fool." 


282  Henry  V.  [1419 

exception  for  Normandy,  where  Henry's  troops  still 
held  their  siege  before  Gisors  and  Ivry. 

It  was  a  strange  period  of  confusion  in  which  the 
three  parties  fought  and  treated  one  with  another. 
The  Dauphin's  men  had  treacherously  captured 
Soissons  from  the  Burgundians,  and,  in  spite  of  a 
truce,  Tanneguy  du  Chatel  had  attacked  Warwick 
when  on  his  way  to  Provins.*  Yet  when  a  report 
got  about  that  Henry  and  Burgundy  were  like  to 
make  terms,  the  Dauphin  reopened  negotiations 
with  them  both.  The  English  King  rejected  his 
overtures;  even  Burgundy  was  more  trustworthy 
than  the  adventurers  who  controlled  the  Dauphin's 
policy.  Burgundy  would  not,  perhaps  dared  not, 
take  a  similar  course.  He  was  enough  of  a  states- 
man to  perceive  the  need  for  a  reconciliation,  and 
may  well  have  grown  alarmed  and  weary  at  the 
web  of  intrigue  which  he  had  spun  about  him. 
The  moderate  men  in  both  French  parties  were 
sincerely  anxious  for  peace ;  and  even  the  extremists 
feared  lest  by  too  open  concession  to  the  English 
they  might  increase  the  authority  of  the  rival 
faction.  Nevertheless,  their  negotiations  led  to 
nothing  more  substantial  than  a  three-months' 
truce. 

Henry  spent  Easter  (i6th  April)  at  Vernon,  where 
he  remained  till  the  time  for  the  Conference.  The 
French  found  the  proposed  date  inconvenient,  and 
a  postponement  was  agreed  upon  to  3Oth  May. 

*  One  of  the  few  facts  that  we  know  about  the  writer  of  the  li  Life 
of  Henry  V.,"  which  passes  under  the  name  of  Elmham,  is  that  he 
was  present  on  this  occasion. — Elmham,  Vita,  p.  215. 


THE  EARL  OF  WARWICK   FIGHTS  WITH  THE  FRENCH. 


14191  The  Bridge  of  M outer eau  283 

Meantime  representatives  on  both  sides  were  busy 
with  arrangements  for  the  Conference,  which  was  to 
be  held  at  some  place  between  Mantes  and  Pontoise. 
After  a  prolonged  search  they  fixed  on  a  meadow 
by  the  Seine  near  Meulan  called  "  La  Pre"  du  Chat." 
The  river  enclosed  it  on  one  side  and  a  pond  or 
backwater  on  the  other.  So  it  was  easy  to  arrange 
for  the  Conference  to  be  held  without  intrusion. 
The  field  was  listed  and  fenced  all  round,  with  an 
entrance  at  either  end.  The  French,  whose  sad 
experience  of  such  conferences  in  their  own  affairs 
rendered  them  mistrustful,  made  a  strong  ditch  and 
palisade;  but  the  English  were  content  with  a 
simple  barrier.  In  the  midst  of  the  field  were  three 
pavilions,  one,  distinguished  by  a  large  eagle  of  gilt, 
for  the  Conference,  and  the  other  two  for  the  use  of 
the  great  personages  of  each  nation.*  Outside  the 
lists  there  were  such  crowds  of  gaily  coloured  tents 
for  the  guards  and  suites  that  there  seemed  to  be  a 
city  under  canvas.  The  number  of  the  escorts  was 
carefully  fixed,  and  only  sixty  knights  and  squires 
and  sixteen  councillors  were  to  be  admitted  within 
the  lists  on  either  side. 

Henry  came  to  Mantes  on  Sunday,  28th  May, 
and  on  the  same  day  Burgundy,  accompanied  by 
King  Charles,  Queen  Isabel,  and  the  Princess 
Catherine,  arrived  at  Pontoise.  On  the  Monday 
Archbishop  Chichele,  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  and  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  paid  a  ceremonial  visit  to  the 
French  Court,  and  made  the  final  arrangements  for 


*  English  Chronicle,  Harley  MS.  2256,  f.  194 vo 


284  Henry  V.  [1419 

the  Conference.  On  the  following  day,*  about 
three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  two  parties 
entered  the  enclosure  simultaneously,  and  advanced 
in  state  to  a  low  barrier  at  the  centre.  The  scene 
was  splendid  with  knights  in  shining  armour  and 
lords  and  ladies  in  cloth  of  gold  or  silver.  Henry 
bowed  low  before  Isabel  and  Catherine  and  kissed 
them  courteously.  To  Burgundy,  who  slightly 
bent  his  knee,  he  gave  his  hand.f  Then  he  con- 
ducted the  Queen  to  the  Conference  Tent,  where 
two  chairs  draped  in  cloth  of  gold  had  been  placed 
side  by  side.  As  soon  as  the  King  and  Queen  were 
seated,  the  Earl  of  Warwick  knelt  before  them  and 
made  Isabel  a  formal  address  in  French.  There 
was  much  ceremony  but  little  business,  and  after 
the  two  parties  had  mutually  agreed  not  to  break 
off  the  Conference  without  eight  days'  notice,  the 
meeting  concluded. 

The  second  and  third  meetings  were  held  on  the 
1st  and  5th  of  June.  Henry's  demands  were  for  the 
hand  of  Catherine  in  marriage,  with  all  the  territory 
ceded  by  the  Peace  of  Bretigny  and  the  addition  of 
Normandy ;  the  whole  to  be  held  in  full  sovereignty. 
In  reply  the  French  required  :  first,  that  the  English 
King  should  renounce  all  title  to  the  Crown  of 
France;  this  was  agreed  to  with  a  saving  for  the 

*  The  statements  in  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  217  (the  writer  seems  to 
have  been  present),  and  Des  Ursins,  p.  549,  are  conclusive  for  3Oth 
May,  which  was  the  appointed  day.  Cf.  Fader  a,  ix.,  746,  and 
Douet  d'Arcq,  Pihes  Ine'dites,  i.,  402.  But  the  document  in  Fa'dera, 
ix.,  759,  gives  2gth  May. 

f  The  French  King  was  not  fit  to  attend  and  had  been  left  at 
Pontoise. 


14191  The  Bridge  of  Montereau  285 

ceded  lands.  Secondly,  would  Henry  abandon  all 
claims  to  Anjou,  Maine,  Touraine,  Brittany,  and 
Flanders  ?  This  he  refused.  Next,  would  Henry 
promise  for  himself  and  his  successors  never  to  ac- 
cept from  any  person  the  cession  of  any  title  to  the 
French  Crown  ?  To  this,  which  was  intended  to 
preclude  a  subsequent  treaty  with  the  Dauphin,  he 
agreed,  provided  the  other  party  would  give  a  like 
guaranty;  such  a  qualified  acceptance  was  in  effect 
a  refusal,  and  Henry  himself  afterwards  styled  the 
proposal  an  unreasonable  limitation  of  his  liberty. 
In  the  fourth  place,  would  Henry  have  the  treaty 
solemnly  ratified  by  the  Three  Estates  of  his  Realm? 
This  he  rejected  absolutely  as  an  insult  to  his  kingly 
dignity.  There  followed  some  minor  questions 
dealing  with  Ponthieu  and  Catherine's  dowry,  to 
which  the  King  gave  a  modified  approval. 

In  Henry's  demands  and  the  French  counter- 
proposals there  was  enough  matter  for  controversy, 
even  if  they  were  made  with  good  intent.  But 
probably  the  two  parties  suspected  each  other's 
loyalty  from  the  first ;  and  at  the  fourth  meeting,  on 
I3th  June,  Henry  kept  his  escort  under  arms  outside 
the  lists,  though  no  one  knew  why.  However,  at 
the  fifth  meeting,  three  days  later,  relations  were 
so  friendly  that  the  English  King  made  a  great  feast 
for  the  soldiers  of  both  nations.  The  final  confer- 
ences were  held  on  the  26th  and  3Oth  of  June.  By 
that  time  it  had  become  notorious  that  Burgundy 
was  once  more  in  treaty  with  the  Dauphin.  Under 
such  circumstances  the  conferences  at  Meulan  were 
not  likely  to  bear  fruit.  On  the  last  day  the  King 


286  Henry  V. 


and  Burgundy  met  in  private.  High  words  passed 
between  them,  and  finally  Henry  told  the  Duke: 
'  Fair  cousin,  we  would  have  you  to  wit  that  we 
will  have  your  King's  daughter  and  all  we  have  de- 
manded, or  else  we  will  drive  him  and  you  out  of 
his  kingdom."  Nevertheless  there  was  no  open 
rupture,  and  a  further  conference  was  fixed  for  3rd 
July.  The  French  failed  to  put  in  an  appearance. 
Henry  perhaps  felt  a  little  chagrin  at  the  failure  of 
his  diplomacy.  At  all  events,  he  was  determined 
to  throw  the  responsibility  for  a  breach  on  the  other 
party.  Chichele  and  Warwick  were  again  commis- 
sioned to  treat  with  Burgundy,  and  the  issue  was 
supposed  to  be  still  uncertain.* 

However,  on  Saturday  (8th  July)  in  this  same 
week,  Burgundy  and  the  Dauphin  met,  with  many 
precautions,  at  Pouilly-le-Fort  near  Melun.  At 
first  they  could  come  to  no  terms;  "  You  might  as 
well  talk  to  a  deaf  ass  as  to  the  Duke,"  said  the 
Dauphin's  representatives.  In  the  end,  through 
the  intervention  of  the  Dame  de  Giac,  an  old  lady 
who  had  been  Burgundy's  mistress  and  knew  the 
Dauphin  in  his  cradle,  a  treaty  was  concluded  on 
nth  July.  The  two  princes  agreed  to  share  the 
government  between  them,  and  to  make  no  terms 
with  the  English  save  by  common  consent,  f  The 
news  was  received  with  great  rejoicing  at  Paris, 
but  events  soon  proved  the  hollowness  of  the  peace. 


*For  the  Conference  at  Meulan  see  Elmham,  Vita,  pp.  216-225  ! 
Des  Ursins,  pp.  549-551  ;  Monstrelet,  pp.  453,  454;  and  Fcedera, 
«.,  753,  759-764,  and  789,  790. 

f  Chron,  St,  Denys,  vi.,  328-332.  \ 


1419]  The  Bridge  of  Montereau  287 

Henry  learnt  of  the  treaty  between  Burgundy  and 
the  Dauphin  without  delay.  Still  he  professed  to 
think  the  result  of  his  own  negotiations  doubtful, 
and  left  it  to  the  other  side  to  notify  the  termina- 
tion of  the  truce.  An  English  soldier  wrote  home 
from  Mantes  on  I4th  July:  "  For  this  accord  it  is 
supposed  in  the  King's  host  rather  war  than  peace, 
though  at  this  time  it  is  not  known  which  we  shall 
have."  In  the  same  letter  we  get  what  was  no 
doubt  the  popular  explanation  of  the  failure  of  the 
Meulan  Conference:  "  When  it  was  brought  to  the 
point  for  the  Treaty  to  have  been  engrossed  and 
fully  to  have  been  made  an  end  of,  the  French 
party  hath  come  with  divers  demands  and  quest- 
ions in  letting  and  tarrying  of  that  matter."* 
Henry  in  his  official  account  of  the  Conference 
declares  that  he  used  every  effort  to  secure  success, 
but  the  French  would  do  nothing  to  meet  him,  in- 
sisting on  the  acceptance  of  their  conditions  without 
modification ;  the  responsibility  for  the  rupture 
rested  with  the  party  who  refused  to  renew  the 
negotiations.  The  technical  point  upon  which  the 
Conference  had  been  broken  off  was  the  objection 
of  the  French  to  furnish  an  authentic  statement  in 
writing  of  the  articles  agreed  upon.f 

On  the  French  side  Juvenal  des  Ursins^:  re- 
lates that  there  was  a  long  debate  in  the  council 
of  Burgundy  and  Isabel  as  to  the  best  course 
to  pursue;  finally  it  was  determined  to  treat  with 
the  Dauphin  rather  than  the  English.  The  true 


*  Fcedera,  ix.,  779.  \  Id.,  ix.,  789,  790.  \  P.  551. 


288  Henry  V.  [1419 

position  seems  to  be  revealed  in  a  letter  which 
Queen  Isabel  addressed  to  Henry  two  months 
later.  The  negotiations  at  Meulan  were,  says 
Isabel,  defeated  by  the  crooked  intrigues  of  her 
son  but  for  whom  a  general  peace  might  have 
been  established  between  France  and  England,  as 
well  as  between  the  natives  of  this  kingdom.  With- 
out the  Dauphin's  assent  nothing  could  be  done, 
"  for  our  councillors  declared  that  if  we  and  our 
cousin  of  Burgundy  had  accepted  your  terms,  all  the 
barons,  knights,  cities,  and  good  towns  of  our  lord 
the  King  would  have  abandoned  us  for  our  son." 
Isabel  and  Burgundy  did  all  they  could  to  induce 
the  Dauphin  to  come  to  his  father's  Court,  as  he 
had  promised  at  Pouilly,  but  he  would  not.  Hence 
the  failure  of  the  peace,  and  all  the  evils  that  en- 
sued.* In  spite  of  their  pretended  agreement  the 
mutual  jealousy  and  suspicion  of  her  princes  con- 
tinued to  be  the  bane  of  France. 

Henry  observed  the  truce  with  strictness, but  made 
his  preparations  to  strike  a  vigorous  blow  the  mo- 
ment that  it  expired.  Pontoise,  which  is  scarcely 
twenty  miles  from  Mantes,  commanded  the  passage 
of  the  Oise  and  the  road  to  Paris  from  the  north. 
During  the  late  negotiations  the  town  had  been 
visited  by  many  English  knights,  who  had  formed 
a  just  opinion  of  the  order  of  its  defences  and  garri- 
son. The  information  thus  obtained  and  the  im- 
portance of  the  position  determined  Henry  to 
attempt  a  surprise  at  the  first  opportunity.  The 

*  Letter  from  Queen  Isabel,  ap.  Du  Fresne  de  Beaucourt,  Histoire 
de  Charles  VII.,  i.,  186,  187. 


14191  The  Bridge  of  Montereau  289 

truce  came  to  an  end  on  291)1  July,  and  on  the 
following  day  the  resumption  of  hostilities  was  pro- 
claimed. That  same  afternoon  an  English  force  set 
out  from  Mantes  in  two  divisions.  Gaston  de  Foix, 
a  Gascon  noble  whom  Henry  had  made  Count  of 
Longueville  in  Normandy,  led  the  van;  the  sup- 
ports were  under  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon.  The 
march  was  so  timed  that  the  van  should  reach  Pon- 
toise  at  daybreak,  when  the  guard  was  changed. 
Gaston  and  his  men  for  greater  security  left  their 
horses  at  a  little  distance,  and  completing  their 
march  on  foot,  lay  hid  in  the  vineyards  near  the 
town  till  dawn.  There  were  hardly  any  sentinels  on 
watch ;  the  scaling  party  set  their  ladders  to  the 
walls  unobserved,  clambered  up,  and  broke  open  a 
gate  to  admit  their  comrades.  In  they  rushed  in  a 
body  and  roused  the  French  from  their  beds  with 
the  cry:  "  St.  George!  St.  George!  The  town  is 
taken!  "  The  Sire  de  L'Isle  Adam,  who  was  cap- 
tain of  Pontoise,  mounted  his  horse  half-armed  and 
endeavoured  to  muster  his  men.  Though  all  was  in 
confusion  the  French  in  scattered  bands  made  here 
and  there  a  good  resistance.  Huntingdon,  who 
had  lost  his  way,  did  not  appear,  and  at  first  it 
seemed  as  though  the  attack  might  fail.  But  at  the 
critical  moment  came  a  welcome  trumpet-call,  and 
the  English  cavalry,  dusty  with  their  long  night 
march,  charged  into  the  town.  There  was  no  more 
thought  of  resistance.  L'Isle  Adam  was  the  first 
to  raise  the  cry,  ' '  Tout  est  perdu  :  sauve  qui  pent  !  " 
Soldiers  and  citizens  alike  hastily  caught  up  any 
valuables  they  could,  and  poured  pell-mell  out 
19 


290  Henry  V.  [1419 

through  the  far  gates  along  the  road  to  Paris.  Hunt- 
ingdon's horsemen  swept  through  the  streets  like  a 
storm,  cutting  down  those  who  resisted,  and  driving 
the  others  in  a  hopeless  rout  before  them.  The 
fugitives  were  the  first  to  bring  the  news  to  the 
French  Court  at  St.  Denis.  Without  waiting  even 
for  dinner,  Burgundy  and  the  King  and  Queen  took 
flight  in  haste  for  Troyes.  At  Paris  itself  all  was 
alarm  and  confusion  for  fear  of  the  enemy.  The 
English,  however,  were  well  satisfied  with  their 
achievement,  and  remained  to  pillage  Pontoise. 
The  booty  was  enormous;  it  was  said  that  there 
were  enough  stores  to  have  lasted  the  garrison  two 
years.  Henry  wrote  home  that  in  all  his  wars 
abroad  he  had  accomplished  nothing  more  service- 
able.* 

So  swift  and  dramatic  a  stroke  showed  not  less 
statecraft  than  generalship.  The  moral  effect  of  the 
fall  of  Pontoise  was  immense.  The  French  were  in 
consternation ;  such  a  disaster,  it  was  said,  must  be 
due  to  treachery;  Burgundy  had  sold  the  town  to 
the  English  ;  L'Isle  Adam  had  been  more  concerned 
to  save  his  ill-gotten  treasure,  acquired  during  the 
Armagnac  massacres,  than  to  keep  his  charge.  For 
fear  of  the  English,  the  country  folk  from  the  villages 
took  refuge  in  Paris.  The  governors  of  the  capital 
themselves  expected  an  attack,  and  mustered  men- 
at-arms  and  crossbowmen  under  a  Gascon  captain, 
Ponce  de  Chatillon.  Ponce  tried  to  enforce  good 

*\Valsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  330  :  Elmham,  Vita,  pp.  227-230 ; 
Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  352-354;  Monstrelet,  pp.  458,  459;  Des 
Ursins,  p.  552;  Douet  d'Arcq,  Pieces  Int'dites,  i.,  404. 


The  Bridge  of  Montereau  291 

order  as  became  those  who  served  under  the  colours ; 
so  his  men  deposed  him  and  chose  another  in  his 
stead.  These  brave  mercenaries  were  good  plun- 
derers on  their  own  account ;  but  they  kept  no  watch 
and  let  the  English  under  Clarence  reconnoitre  un- 
disturbed right  up  to  the  walls  of  Paris.  "  Our 
business,"  they  said,  "  is  to  hold  the  city,  and  not 
to  make  sorties."  However,  Henry  did  not  think 
it  expedient  to  attack  the  capital.  He  spent  a  fort- 
night at  Pontoise,  and  after  arranging  for  its 
garrison,  went  away  on  i8th  August  to  besiege 
Vauconvillicrs.  He  could  well  occupy  himself  with 
consolidating  his  conquests,  whilst  his  adversaries 
developed  their  politics. 

The  loss  of  Pontoise  was  a  severe  blow  to  the 
reputation  of  Burgundy,  and  as  a  consequence  en- 
couraged the  pretensions  of  his  extreme  opponents. 
The  compact  of  Pouilly  was  still  unfulfilled.  Tan- 
neguy  du  Chatel  and  the  President  Louvet,  who 
directed  the  Dauphin's  policy,  had  accepted  its 
terms  with  reluctance.  They  foresaw  that  their 
own  authority  would  be  at  an  end  on  the  day  that 
their  master  surrendered  his  separate  government 
and  returned  to  his  father's  Court.  Of  statesman- 
ship they  knew  nothing;  and  now  a  more  congenial 
path  seemed  to  open  before  them.  The  moderate 
party  at  Paris  and  the  Court  at  Troyes  were  press- 
ing for  the  performance  of  the  agreement.  Their 
anxiety  was  their  opponents'  opportunity.  In 
reply  to  Burgundy's  overtures  Tanneguy  and  his 
associates  proposed  another  interview.  For  the 
furtherance  of  their  scheme  they  came  to  Troyes 


292  Henry  V.  U419 

with  a  letter  from  the  Dauphin  couched  in  the  most 
affectionate  terms,  and  asking  the  Duke  to  meet 
him  at  Montereau-faut-Yonne.  It  was  then  Bur- 
gundy's turn  to  be  suspicious:  why  should  not  the 
prince  come  to  Troyes  as  had  been  intended  ? 
Tanneguy  was  artful,  and  made  a  pretence  of  seek- 
ing fresh  instructions.  He  returned  with  the  Bishop 
of  Valence,  whose  brother  was  one  of  Burgundy's 
principal  councillors.  The  Duke  declared  that  he 
had  been  warned  of  a  plot  to  compass  his  murder. 
It  was  all  a  baseless  lie,  replied  Tanneguy;  his  mas- 
ter had  no  desire  but  peace,  and  as  evidence  of  his 
good  faith  would  cede  the  castle  to  the  Duke  and 
lodge  himself  in  the  town.  The  Bishop  of  Valence, 
who  knew  of  no  plot,  added  his  assurances  with 
manifest  sincerity.  Burgundy  was  at  last  convinced 
and  promised  that  he  would  come  as  the  Dauphin 
wished. 

The  meeting  was  fixed  for  26th  August,  and  Bur- 
gundy left  Troyes  in  due  course.  But  when  he 
came  to  Bray  his  fears  revived.  Fresh  warnings 
reached  him ;  his  own  memories  of  treason,  and  his 
habitual  indecision,  prompted  delay.  He  would  go 
no  farther,  but  could  not  resolve  to  go  back.  Then 
Tanneguy  came  again  from  Montereau  with  fresh 
assurances  and  solicitations;  he  was  supported  by 
the  moderate  party,  who  wished  for  peace,  and  by 
the  influence  of  the  Dame  de  Giac.  Once  more 
Burgundy  yielded,  and  set  out  for  Montereau,  on 
loth  September,  in  the  company  of  Tanneguy  and 
a  number  of  nobles  of  his  own  party.  On  their 
arrival  the  Duke  went  to  rest  in  the  castle,  whilst 


1419]  The  Bridge  of  Montereau  293 

Tanneguy  departed  to  report  the  success  of  his 
mission  to  the  Dauphin. 

The  castle  of  Montereau  was  on  the  east  side  of 
the  river  opposite  the  town.  The  interview  was  to 
take  place  on  the  bridge  between.  The  ends  of  the 
bridge  were  strongly  barricaded,  and  it  was  agreed 
that  the  princes  should  each  bring  only  ten  follow- 
ers. Early  in  the  afternoon  the  Dauphin  sent  a 
message  that  he  was  ready  and  waiting  for  the  Duke. 
About  three  o'clock  Burgundy  left  the  castle.  Some 
of  his  friends  were  still  uneasy,  but  John  was  now 
resolved  and  put  aside  their  fears,  declaring,  "  We 
must  risk  something  in  the  cause  of  peace. "  At  the 
barrier  Tanneguy  met  him,  and  Burgundy  with  a 
friendly  greeting  said:  "  See,  here  is  one  to  whom 
I  trust  myself." 

As  soon  as  Burgundy  and  his  companions  had 
entered  the  enclosure,  the  Dauphin's  men  shut  the 
gate  and  locked  it  on  the  inner  side.  The  prince 
was  at  the  far  end  leaning  against  the  barrier.  John 
crossed  the  bridge  and  courteously  knelt  before  his 
cousin.  Some  words  passed  between  them,  but 
what  was  their  tenor  is  disputed.  The  conspirators 
sought  a  pretext  for  their  intended  violence.*  Bur- 
gundy's long  sword  had  got  entangled  as  he  knelt 
on  the  ground;  he  put  out  his  hand  to  replace  it. 
'  What!  would  you  touch  your  sword  in  my  lord's 
presence  ?  "  cried  Robert  de  Lair£.  "  It  is  time," 
said  Tanneguy,  and  struck  the  Duke  a  blow  with 

*  According  to  one  account  they  wilfully  insulted  the  Duke,  and 
when  he  made  a  show  of  resentment,  attacked  him.  In  the  narra- 
tive above  I  have  tried  to  harmonise  the  conflicting  stories. 


294 


Henry 


[1419 


his  axe.  Burgundy  stumbled,  and  before  he  could 
recover  himself  the  other  conspirators  despatched 
him  as  he  lay  on  the  ground,  whilst  Tanneguy 
lifted  the  terrified  Dauphin  over  the  barrier.  The 
Burgundians  were  taken  by  surprise,  and  their  com- 
panions outside  the  locked  gate  could  do  nothing  to 
help  them.  The  Sire  de  Noailles  was  killed  in  a  vain 
attempt  to  save  his  master,  the  others  were  forced 
to  yield  themselves  prisoners.  The  Duke's  body 
was  left  where  he  fell  till  the  morning,  when  it  was 
buried  without  reverence  in  the  church  at  Mon- 
tereau.  Thus  perished  John  of  Burgundy.  The 
author  of  so  many  intrigues  and  treasons  deserved 
little  pity.  But  though  the  policy  of  his  life  had 
been  ruinous  to  France,  there  was  nothing  in  it  so 
fatal  as  the  manner  and  moment  of  his  death. 


CHAPTER    XVIII 

THE   TREATY   OF   TROVES 
1419-1420 

DURING  the  last  months  of  his  life,  the  author- 
ity and  reputation  of  John  of  Burgundy  had 
been  on  the  wane.  His  indecision  and  his 
ill-success  inclined  many  of  his  own  party  to  favour 
an  agreement  with  the  Dauphin.  Even  in  Paris  he 
had  lost  his  old  popularity:  for  since  the  Armagnac 
massacres  he  had  treated  the  citizens  with  marked 
coldness.  The  murder  at  Montereau  restored  the 
strength  of  the  Burgundian  party;  all  were  now 
united  in  a  common  wish  for  revenge.  Philip  the 
new  Duke  at  Ghent,  Queen  Isabel  and  the  Court  at 
Troyes,  the  Parliament  and  the  citizens  at  Paris, 
regarded  with  equal  favour  the  prospect  of  an  Eng- 
lish alliance. 

Henry  must  have  realised  at  once  what  an  oppor- 
tunity Fortune  had  given  him.  Wisely  he  took  no 
steps  to  hasten  the  course  of  events,  but  left  French 
politics  to  their  necessary  and  natural  development. 
Meantime  he  showed  no  lack  of  energy  in  strength- 
ening his  own  position.  After  leaving  Pontoise  he 

295 


296  Henry  V.  [1419- 

paid  a  brief  visit  to  Rouen,  and  early  in  September 
went  to  direct  the  siege  of  Gisors.  The  town,  which 
had  been  besieged  six  months,  at  last  surrendered 
on  1 7th  September,  and  the  castle  yielded  a  week 
later.  The  garrison  of  Gisors  was  Burgundian;  but 
they  had  held  themselves  not  less  stoutly  than  did 
the  Dauphin's  men  at  the  same  time  in  Les  Ande- 
lys,  or  Chateau  Gaillard.  That  famous  fortress,  the 
"  Saucy  Castle  "  of  Richard  Cceur-de-Lion,  perched 
on  a  rocky  height  three  hundred  feet  above  the 
river,  commanded  the  passage  of  the  Seine  and  was 
of  essential  importance.  Its  isolation,  was,  how- 
ever, complete,  and  its  fall  was  only  a  question  of 
time.  Henry  therefore  left  the  siege  to  Exeter 
and  himself  went  on  to  Mantes. 

Overtures  had  already  been  received  from  Philip 
of  Burgundy,  and  from  the  governors  of  Paris. 
Henry  did  not  for  that  reason  relax  his  efforts,  in- 
tending to  be  ready  for  any  result.  At  Mantes  he 
could  conveniently  watch  the  negotiations,  and  at 
the  same  time  prepare  the  way  for  an  advance  on 
Paris.  The  first  step  was  to  capture  Meulan,  which 
was  but  a  little  town,  but  was  well  garrisoned  and 
protected  by  the  winding  Seine.  The  French  had 
thick  set  the  river  with  stakes  to  prevent  an  attack 
by  water.  The  English  collected  all  the  boats  they 
could  find  and  built  floating  castles  on  rafts,  under 
cover  of  which  they  contrived  to  clear  the  river  and 
approach  the  town.  Finding  their  resistance  hope- 
less, the  garrison  at  last  made  terms*  and  on  6th 

*  Chronique  de  Normandie,  p.  196  ;  Elmham,   Vita,  p.  240,  says 
2gth  October,  which  was  probably  the  date  of  the  "  appointment." 


14201  Ine  ireaty  oj  1  royes  297 

November  surrendered  the  town.  When  Meulan 
and  its  bridge  were  in  English  hands,  further  pro- 
gress was  easy.  Early  in  November  Humphrey  of 
Gloucester  took  Poissy  and  St.  Germain  with  the 
neighbouring  castle  of  Montjoye.  At  the  end  of 
the  month  Henry  left  Mantes  for  Rouen,  where 
within  a  few  days  he  received  the  welcome  news  of 
the  fall  of  Chateau  Gaillard. 

In  the  Norman  capital  Henry  spent  the  next 
four  months.  Thence  he  could  direct  the  course  of 
his  negotiations  with  the  French  princes,  whilst  at 
the  same  time  he  was  near  at  hand  to  his  advisers  in 
England.  But  what  most  required  his  personal  at- 
tention was  the  organisation  of  his  new  conquests. 
It  was  perhaps  to  assist  in  the  work  of  civil  admin- 
istration that  in  January,  1420,  Bedford  resigned  the 
Regency  of  England  to  Humphrey  of  Gloucester 
and  came  over  to  join  the  King  at  Rouen.  Henry 
still  pursued  in  Normandy  his  policy  of  conciliation, 
and  the  measures  which  he  adopted  began  to  bear 
fruit.  Commerce  revived ;  Breton  and  Flemish 
traders  revisited  once  more  the  Norman  ports,  and 
even  merchants  from  Paris  were  allowed  to  come 
and  go  freely  under  cover  of  truce.  The  natives  of 
Normandy  were  offered  every  inducement  to  accept 
the  English  rule;  numbers  of  the  lesser  gentry  and 
burgesses  made  their  submission,  and  were  con- 
firmed in  the  property  which  they  had  held  before 
August,  1417.  The  work  of  reorganising  the  gov- 
ernment went  on  apace;  almost  every  day  we  find 
recorded  the  appointments  of  sergeants,  verderers, 
receivers  of  taxes,  or  assisers  of  salt.  Such  minor 


298  Henry  V.  [1419- 

posts  were  held  generally  by  native  Normans.  The 
more  important  officers,  the  Treasurer,  the  Chancel- 
lor, and  the  Bailiffs,  were  still  English.*  So  much 
progress  had  been  made  that  it  was  possible  to  im- 
pose fresh  taxes,  and  thus  meet  in  part  the  great 
expenses  of  the  war.  English  interests  were  also 
considered,  and  a  renewed  attempt  was  made  to 
strengthen  the  colonies  in  the  ports  of  entry.  Dur- 
ing Henry's  stay  at  Rouen  over  a  hundred  grants  of 
houses  were  made  to  settlers  at  Harfleur,  Caen,  and 
Cherbourg;  though  some  of  these  were  bestowed  on 
courtiers,  the  majority  appear  to  have  been  given  to 
traders  and  craftsmen.  Nothing  could  illustrate 
better  how  much  the  work  of  government  owed  to 
Henry's  personal  direction  than  the  record  of  his 
stay  at  Rouen  contained  in  the  Norman  Roll  for  this 
year.f 

Whilst  the  King  of  England  was  thus  busy  with 
his  warfare  and  civil  government,  what  had  the 
Dauphin's  party  attempted  ?  The  murder  at  Mon- 
tereau  dismayed  his  more  moderate  supporters,  who 
were  not  privy  to  the  plot ;  the  authors  of  the  villainy 
had  never  stopped  to  consider  consequences.  Hence 
Charles  remained  inactive  for  ten  days  at  Montereau. 
However,  the  affair  had  to  be  made  the  best  of ;  and 
in  a  series  of  letters  addressed  to  the  chief  cities  of 
France,  it  was  endeavoured  to  put  the  blame  upon 

*  William  Alyngton  was  Treasurer  ;  Morgan  was  still  Chancellor. 
John  Assheton,  Roger  Ferrys,  John  Popham,  Gilbert  Halsale,  and 
Walter  de  Beauchamp  were  Bailiffs  respectively  of  the  Cotentin, 
Caux,  Caen,  Evreux,  and  Rouen. 

f  Calendar  of  Norman  Rolls,  ap.  Forty-second  Report  of  Deputy- 
Keeper,  pp.  332-371  ;  Fa-dera,  ix.,  852-888. 


14201  The  Treaty  of  Troyes  299 

Burgundy,  who  it  was  said  had  fallen  in  a  fair  fight 
caused  by  his  own  folly.  Such  a  version  found  little 
favour  in  northern  France,  where  the  old  hatred  for 
the  Armagnacs  revived  in  full  force.  The  Dauphin's 
advisers  seem  to  have  recognised  the  hopelessness  of 
their  cause  in  the  North;  they  "  were  not  men  of 
the  Kingdom,"  *  and  their  own  sympathies  and  asso- 
ciations were  chiefly  with  the  South.  They  showed 
their  sense  of  the  situation,  when,  after  spending  the 
autumn  at  Poitiers,  they  took  the  prince  for  a  pro- 
gress through  southern  France.  In  January,  1420, 
Charles  came  to  Lyons,  and  after  confirming  his 
authority  in  Dauphine,  passed  on  to  Toulouse. 
The  support  of  the  Count  of  Foix  f  secured  him  the 
adhesion  of  Languedoc,  and  almost  all  the  South 
accepted  his  government.  Equally  well  planned 
was  a  scheme  for  obtaining  foreign  assistance.  So 
early  as  the  spring  of  1419  the  Dauphin  had  been  in 
treaty  with  the  King  of  Castile  and  the  Regent  of 
Scotland.  It  was  proposed  to  bring  soldiers  from 
Scotland  in  ships  supplied  from  Spain.  Henry  had 
warning  of  their  intention  too  late.  The  Scots 
evaded  the  English  fleet  in  the  Channel,  and  in  Oc- 
tober six  thousand  men  landed  at  La  Rochelle  under 
the  command  of  John  Stewart,  Earl  of  Buchan  and 
son  of  the  Regent  Albany.  Three  months  later  the 
combined  French  and  Spanish  fleet  fell  in  with  the 
English  off  La  Rochelle  and  won  a  considerable 


*  Tanneguy  du  Chatel  was  a  Breton,  Louvet  a  Provencal,  Bar- 
bazan  and  the  Vicomte  de  Narbonne  Gascons. 

f  Brother  of  Gaston  who  took  Pontoise  for  Henry,  and  of  the  Sire 
de  Noailles  who  was  slain  at  Montereau. 


3OO  Henry  V.  [1419 

victory.  These  honourable  achievements  were, 
however,  marred  by  a  foolish  plot  in  another 
quarter.  Duke  John  of  Brittany,  when  his  efforts 
for  peace  failed,  had  determined  to  observe  a  strict 
neutrality.  Tanneguy  thereupon  formed  a  scheme 
to  displace  him  by  his  rival  the  Count  of  Penthievre, 
who  by  treachery  took  the  Duke  prisoner  and  car- 
ried him  off  to  Poitou.  The  faithful  Bretons  at 
once  rose  in  arms,  and,  after  a  struggle,  forced 
Penthievre  to  release  their  rightful  sovereign. 
Henry  was  prompt  to  take  advantage;  he  gave  the 
Duchess  Jeanne  *  his  active  sympathy,  and  allowed 
the  Duke's  brother  Arthur  de  Richemont  to  return 
from  England.  So  for  the  second  time  Tanneguy's 
clumsy  zeal  did  his  master  harm,  and  rendered  the 
English  King  unexpected  assistance. 

Let  us  now  turn  to  trace  the  course  of  the 
negotiations  which,  taking  their  start  from  the 
tragedy  at  Montereau,  ended  in  the  marriage  at 
Troyes.  Philip,  Count  of  Charolois,  was  twenty- 
three  years  of  age  when  he  became  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy. Young,  impulsive,  and  energetic,  his  one 
thought  was  to  take  vengeance  for  his  father's 
murder;  with  that  purpose,  he  resolved,  after  a 
brief  delay,  to  seek  an  alliance  with  England.  Both 
the  Court  at  Troyes  under  the  influence  of  Queen 
Isabel,  and  the  government  at  Paris,  of  which 
Philip's  cousin  the  Count  of  St.  Pol  was  the  nom- 
inal head,  made  overtures  to  Henry  without  waiting 
for  the  Duke's  decision.  On  24th  September,  Eng- 
lish commissioners  were  appointed  to  treat  with 

*  She  was  the  Dauphin's  sister. 


1420]  The  Treaty  of  Troyes  301 

Paris  and  the  French  King.*  Philip  opened  nego- 
tiations with  Henry  a  few  days  later,  though  his 
policy  was  not  formally  determined  till  a  conference 
which  met  at  Arras  on  i8th  October. 

During  the  next  six  weeks  messengers  were  pass- 
ing constantly  between  Mantes  and  Arras  and  Paris. 
At  last,  on  2nd  December,  Philip  of  Burgundy  gave 
his  assent  to  the  proposals  made  to  him  by  the  Earl 
of  Warwick  on  Henry's  behalf.  Henry  agreed  to 
marry  Catherine  of  France  and  leave  the  royal  dig- 
nity in  possession  of  Charles  and  Isabel,  on  the 
conditions  that  he  should  succeed  to  the  crown  at 
the  death  of  Charles,  and  during  the  King's  lifetime 
should  be  Regent;  the  Estates  of  France  were  to 
swear  obedience  to  him  in  a  prescribed  form.  Philip, 
on  his  part,  pledged  himself  to  use  all  his  efforts  to 
secure  the  acceptance  of  the  proposed  terms  by  the 
French  Court. f 

The  agreement  was  reported  to  Henry  at  Rouen 
a  few  days  later.  A  partial  truce  had  been  con- 
cluded with  the  Burgundian  governors  of  Paris  after 
the  capture  of  Poissy  and  St.  Germain,  and  had  since 
been  extended  from  time  to  time.  A  more  general 
truce  was  the  natural  sequel  to  the  agreement  at 
Arras,  and  the  preliminary  to  a  more  formal  treaty. 
On  Christmas  Eve  Philip  Morgan,  John  Kempe,  the 
Lord  FitzHugh,  Sir  Walter  Hungerford,  and  Sir 
John  Tiptoft,  as  Henry's  representatives,  concluded 
a  truce  to  last  till  1st  March.  It  was  in  effect  an 
offensive  and  defensive  alliance  between  England 


*  Fakhra,  ix.,  796,  797  ;  Du  Fresne  de  Beaucourt,  i.,  185-189. 
f  Fcedcra,  ix.,  816-818. 


302  Henry  V. 


11419 


and  Burgundy;  for  not  only  were  the  Dauphin  and 
his  supporters  expressly  excluded,  but  the  troops  of 
either  of  the  two  parties  were  to  have  access  through 
lands  in  occupation  by  the  other  for  the  purpose  of 
waging  war  on  their  common  enemy.  On  Christinas 
Day  Henry  formally  ratified  the  agreement  of  Arras ; 
he  would  treat  Philip  as  his  own  brother  so  long  as 
they  both  should  live;  he  would  spare  no  efforts  to 
secure  the  condign  punishment  of  the  Dauphin  and 
his  accomplices,  and  if  they  fell  into  his  hands 
would  not  ransom  them  without  the  Duke's  assent. 
The  truce  was  proclaimed  at  Paris  on  3  ist  December, 
and  the  treaty  ratified  by  Philip  at  Arras  on  5th 
January,  1420.* 

Between  Henry  and  the  French  Court  there  was 
as  yet  no  formal  treaty,  and  some  months  were  to 
elapse  before  the  terms  were  finally  settled.  But 
between  the  English  and  Burgundians  the  accord 
was  already  complete,  and  during  the  spring  of  1420 
they  waged  war  on  the  Dauphin  in  concert.  Even 
in  December,  1419,  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon  and  Sir 
John  Cornwall,  who  then  held  command  on  the 
borders  of  Vermandois,  had  joined  forces  with  John 
of  Luxembourg,  the  Burgundian  commander, 
against  the  Dauphin's  garrison  at  Compiegne.  In 
January,  1420,  they  captured  Fontaine  Lavaganne 
in  the  Beauvoisis  and  overran  the  whole  county  of 
Clermont.f  About  the  same  time  another  force  of 
English,  with  help  from  Paris,  took  Tremblay  and 
Dammartin,  and  expelled  the  Dauphin's  garrisons 

*  Fcedera,  ix.,  818-820,  825-827,  840-842. 
f  Chastelain,  i.,  98,  103,  106. 


THE  EARL  OF  WARWICK  AT  THE  FRENCH  COURT. 


1420]  The  Treaty  of  Troyes  303 

from  Valois.  The  Earl  of  Salisbury,  who  had  been 
sent  by  Henry  to  prosecute  the  war  in  Maine,  in 
March  laid  siege  to  Fresnay-le-Vicomte.  The 
French  and  Scots  under  the  Marechal  de  Rieux 
marched  to  its  relief;  Huntingdon  and  Cornwall 
came  up  in  haste  to  Salisbury's  assistance;  they 
encountered  de  Rieux  near  Le  Mans,  defeated 
him  with  great  slaughter  and  captured  the  banner 
of  William  Douglas,  the  Scottish  leader.*  So 
whilst  the  French  were  divided  "  did  the  King  of 
England  win  daily  of  them  castles  and  towns  and 
fortresses. f" 

Meanwhile  the  truce  had  been  again  and  again 
renewed  to  give  time  for  the  negotiations.  In  Feb- 
ruary the  Earl  of  Warwick,  accompanied  by  Sir 
Gilbert  Umfraville,  John,  Lord  Roos  of  Hamlake, 
and  Sir  Louis  Robsart,  came  to  Philip  of  Burgundy 
at  St.  Quentin.  Warwick  was  commissioned  to  go 
with  Philip  to  the  French  Court  and  negotiate  the 
proposed  treaty.  In  Vermandois  there  were  still 
many  fortresses  held  by  the  Dauphin's  garrisons, 
and  it  was  at  the  head  of  quite  an  army  that  War- 
wick and  Burgundy  set  out  for  Troyes.  Together 
they  took  Crepy  and  other  places  in  the  Laonnais, 
and  marching  by  way  of  Rheims  and  Chalons, 
reached  Troyes  on  2ist  March.  There  they  were 
received  with  great  rejoicing  by  the  French  Court. 
Charles,  the  unhappy  King,  was  quite  incapable 
and  content  to  agree  to  whatever  was  proposed ; 


*  Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  331,  where  the  date  i6th  May  is 
probably  an  error  for  i6th  March  ;   cf.  Fcedera,  ix.,  885. 
\  English  Chron.,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  9. 


304  Henry  V.  H419- 

"  whether  it  was  to  his  own  hurt  or  not,  it  was  all 
one  to  him."  Queen  Isabel,  whose  influence  was 
thus  supreme,  was  more  than  ever  hostile  to  her  son 
and  well  pleased  to  see  him  ousted  for  the  benefit 
of  her  favourite  daughter  Catherine.  Under  such 
auspices  the  negotiations  were  easy,  and  on  Qth 
April  Charles  was  made  to  put  his  seal  to  the  pre- 
liminaries of  the  treaty  which  was  to  deprive  himself 
of  his  authority  and  his  son  of  his  inheritance. 

The  terms  did  not  differ  materially  from  those 
arranged  at  Arras  in  December.  Provisions  were, 
however,  added  on  numerous  points  of  detail. 
Henry  undertook  to  govern  as  Regent  by  the  advice 
of  a  Council  chosen  from  the  nobles  of  Charles  VI.  's 
obedience.  He  would  endeavour  to  subdue  all 
places  that  adhered  to  the  so-called  Dauphin's  or 
Armagnac  party,  and  especially  such  as  were  north 
of  the  Loire.  At  his  succession  to  the  throne  Nor- 
mandy and  all  his  other  conquests  should  be  re- 
united to  the  French  Crown.  On  becoming  Regent 
he  would  take  the  oath  usual  to  the  kings  of  France 
at  their  coronation,  and  during  Charles's  life  would 
cease  to  use  the  title  of  King  of  France,  styling  him- 
self only  "  Henry,  King  of  England  and  Heir  of 
France."  Other  minor  points  were  also  provided 
for,  and  arrangements  made  for  the  intended  coming 
of  Henry  to  Troyes.  Either  Lagny-sur-Marne  or 
Charenton  and  the  towns  of  Provins  and  Nogent 
were  to  be  put  in  English  hands.  Each  King  might 
be  attended  by  fifteen  hundred  armed  men.  Both 
parties  swore  to  assist  one  another  against  any  in- 
sult or  injury  during  the  Conference,  and  pledged 


14201  The  Treaty  of  Troyes  305 

themselves   not   to   attempt   any   treachery   under 
cover  of  the  interview.* 

It  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  such  an  agreement 
passed  without  criticism.  At  Paris  in  the  previous 
autumn  the  citizens  had  accepted  the  idea  of  an 
English  alliance  only  as  the  less  of  two  evils,  to 
which  they  were  driven  by  fear  of  Armagnac  tyranny 
and  vengeance.  When  the  terms  became  known 
there  were  many  who  found  the  recognition  of  the 
King  of  England  as  Regent  of  France  and  the  put- 
ting aside  of  the  Dauphin  and  the  male  line  of  St. 
Louis  highly  distasteful.*  Some  even  of  the  Bur- 
gundian  party  would  not  acquiesce  in  such  a  treaty 
with  the  ancient  enemy  of  the  Crown  and  Kingdom 
of  France,  thinking  it  "  very  marvellous  and  shame- 
ful." On  the  English  side  there  had  been  some 
criticism  from  another  point  of  view:  the  recogni- 
tion of  the  title  of  Charles  VI.  as  King  of  France 
and  the  acceptance  by  Henry  of  the  style  of  Regent 
were  argued  to  be  an  undue  concession,  which  gave 
away  the  English  right  and  claim,  and  made  the 
whole  war  appear  unjust. f  Such  objections  were, 
however,  merely  formal ;  Henry  himself  was  too 
much  of  a  statesman  to  make  any  confusion  between 
the  shadow  and  the  substance.  For  England  the 
treaty  was  an  extraordinary  triumph.  For  France 
it  was,  indeed,  as  Des  Ursins  called  it,  marvellous 
and  shameful.  Yet  its  authors  were  not  without 
excuse  for  their  policy.  The  advisers  of  the  Dauphin 
did  not  understand,  and  apparently  did  not  wish  to 

*  Fosdera,  ix.,  877-882. 

\  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  377,  383,  437.         \  Goodwin,  p.  260. 


306  Henry  V.  H419- 

understand,  the  interests  and  necessities  of  the 
northern  and  traditional  centre  of  the  French  mon- 
archy. Their  own  ideas  were  derived  from  the 
South,  which  in  the  opening  years  of  the  fifteenth 
century  was  almost  as  foreign  to  Paris  as  England 
itself.  This  was  at  once  the  source  of  the  Dauphin's 
weakness  and  the  secret  of  his  eventual  strength. 
The  sentiment  of  French  patriotism  found  its  refuge 
at  Bourges;  and  when  Charles  VII.  at  last  returned 
to  be  King  at  Paris,  it  was  as  the  head  of  a  nation 
that  had  rid  itself  in  great  measure  of  the  old  feudal 
and  racial  divisions. 

Immediately  after  the  conclusion  of  the  prelim- 
inaries Warwick  and  his  colleagues  left  Troyes  to 
report  the  success  of  their  mission  to  the  English 
King.  About  the  middle  of  April  Henry  set  out 
from  Rouen.  First  he  stopped  at  Mantes,  and  then 
went  on  to  Pontoise,  where  he  rested  some  days 
whilst  his  retinue  assembled,  and  Warwick  concluded 
the  final  arrangements  for  the  meeting  at  Troyes. 
On  8th  May  Henry  left  Pontoise  accompanied  by 
the  Dukes  of  Clarence  and  Bedford,  the  Earls  of 
Warwick  and  Huntingdon,  and  a  force  of  fifteen 
hundred  men.  He  marched  through  St.  Denis, 
and  on  the  following  day  passed  close  under  the 
walls  of  Paris,  whence  the  people  gazed  in  wonder 
at  his  splendid  escort.  At  Charenton,  where  he 
crossed  the  Marne,  a  deputation  of  the  citizens  met 
him  with  a  present  of  wine.  From  Provins,  on  I4th 
May,  he  sent  a  message  to  the  French  King  to  an- 
nounce his  coming.  Six  days  later,  as  he  approached 
Troyes,  he  was  met  by  Philip  of  Burgundy,  who 


1420]  Ike  treaty  oj  Iroyes  307 

conducted  him  courteously  to  the  city,  one  half  of 
which  had  been  set  apart  for  his  reception. 

On  the  morrow,  Tuesday,  2ist  May,  1420,  the 
famous  Treaty  of  Troyes  was  solemnly  ratified  in 
the  Cathedral  Church  of  St.  Peter.  Henry  was  at- 
tended by  his  two  brothers,  forty  nobles,  knights 
and  squires,  and  by  the  Duchess  of  Clarence  with  a 
train  of  English  ladies.  On  the  French  side  Queen 
Isabel  and  Duke  Philip  appeared  as  commissaries  for 
Charles  VI.,  accompanied  by  the  Princess  Catherine 
and  an  equal  retinue.  Henry  and  Isabel  met  in  the 
middle  of  the  church,  and  walked  side  by  side  up  to 
the  High  Altar.  Then  the  articles  of  the  treaty 
were  recited,  sealed  and  sworn  to  by  Isabel  and 
Philip  in  the  name  of  King  Charles,  and  by  Henry 
on  his  own  behalf.  Next  Henry  and  Catherine  were 
solemnly  betrothed.  Finally  Philip  made  his  oath 
in  public  that  he  would  be  obedient  to  Henry  as 
Regent  of  France  during  the  lifetime  of  Charles,  and 
when  Charles  was  dead  would  become  his  liege 
subject.  As  soon  as  the  ceremony  in  the  Cathedral 
was  over,  the  Peace  was  proclaimed  and  the  articles 
of  the  Treaty  published  in  either  tongue  throughout 
the  whole  city  and  in  the  English  host. 

In  its  main  terms  the  Treaty  as  finally  ratified  fol- 
lowed the  preliminaries  arranged  in  April.  Some 
additions  were,  however,  made.  Henry  promised 
to  seek  from  the  Estates  of  France  and  England  a 
provision  to  the  following  effect : 

"  From  the  time  that  we  or  any  of  our  heirs  come  to  the 
same,  both  realms  shall  be  governed  not  severally,  but 
under  one  and  the  same  person  ;  keeping  none  the  less, 


308  Henry  V.  [1419-20] 

in  all  manner  other  things,  to  either  of  the  same  realms 
their  Rights,  or  Customs,  Usages  and  Laws.  Also  that 
henceforward  perpetually  shall  be  still,  rest,  and  shall 
cease  all  manner  of  Dissensions,  Hates,  Rancours,  En- 
mities and  Wars  ;  and  there  shall  be  for  ever  more  and 
shall  follow  Peace,  Tranquillity,  Good  Accord  and  Com- 
mon Affection,  and  Stable  Friendship  and  Stedfast 
between  the  same  Realms." 

All  three  parties  to  the  Treaty  bound  themselves  not 
to  "  begin  or  make  with  Charles  bearing  himself  for 
the  Dauphin  of  Vienne,  any  Treaty  of  Peace  or  Ac- 
cord but  of  the  assent  of  all  and  each  of  us  three."  * 

The  new  "  Great  Peace  "  was  proclaimed  at  Paris 
with  much  rejoicing  on  3Oth  May,  and  at  London 
on  i/j.th  June,  after  a  solemn  procession  and  sermon 
at  Paul's  Cross. 

The  marriage  of  Henry  and  Catherine  was  cele- 
brated in  St.  John's  Church  at  Troyes  on  Trinity 
Sunday,  2nd  of  June,  about  midday,  with  all 
solemnity  according  to  the  custom  of  France.  The 
ceremony  was  performed  by  Henry  de  Savoisy,  Arch- 
bishop of  Sens,  to  whom  the  King  gave  thirteen 
nobles  instead  of  thirteen  pence,  which  were  the 
ordinary  dues.  The  King  gave  also  to  the  Church 
two  hundred  nobles,  and  everyone  of  the  company 
gave  as  his  offering  three  nobles  at  the  altar.  And 
afterwards  there  was  the  sup  with  wine  in  the 
accustomed  manner,  and  the  blessing  of  the  nuptial 
couch. f 

*  Focdera,  ix.,  895-904  (the  treaty  in  French  and  Latin),  and  x. , 
916-920  (the  official  English  version). 

f  Des  Ursins,  p.  557  ;  see  also  Chastelain,  i.,  134. 


THE  MARRIAGE  OF  HENRY  V. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

THE   HEIR   OF   FRANCE 
I42O-I42I 

HENRY  had  at  last  attained  his  goal.  He  had 
won  the  bride  whom  he  had  sought  so  long, 
and  as  Regent  and  Heir  of  France  he  had 
apparently  secured  the  position  which  was  the  osten- 
sible purpose  of  his  war.  Yet  he  was  under  no  mis- 
apprehension as  to  the  magnitude  of  the  task  which 
still  lay  before  him.  To  the  young  knights  of  his 
company,  who  wished  to  celebrate  the  marriage  with 
jousts  and  a  tourney,  he  answered  that  on  the  mor- 
row they  should  all  start  for  the  city  of  Sens,  where 
each  might  have  jousts  and  tourneys  to  his  liking. 
On  Tuesday,  4th  June,  the  English  and  Burgundians 
set  out  from  Troyes,  marching  by  way  of  St.  Flor- 
entin  and  Villeneuve-le-Roi.  The  two  queens, 
Isabel  and  Catherine,  accompanied  the  army.  "  So 
there  lay  at  this  Siege  many  worthy  Ladies  and 
Gentlewomen,  both  French  and  English*;  of  the 
which  many  of  them  began  the  Feats  of  Arms  long 

*  Fcedera,  ix.,  911.     A  private  letter  from  one  Johan  Ofort  to  a 
friend  in  England. 

309 


310  Henry  V.  [1420- 

ago,  but  of  lying  at  Sieges  now  they  begin  first." 
The  townsfolk  of  Sens  had  no  love  for  their  Arma- 
gnac  garrison,  and  after  a  brief  resistance  asked  for 
terms.  Sir  John  Cornwall,  who  was  sent  to  parley 
with  them,  was  met  by  a  French  gentleman  with  an 
unkempt  beard;  but  he  would  not  parley  till  the 
other  had  his  beard  trimmed,  "  for  such  was  not  the 
manner  and  custom  of  England."  As  Henry  en- 
tered Sens  on  nth  June,  he  paid  the  Archbishop  a 
neat  compliment :  "  You  have  given  me  a  wife,  now 
I  restore  you  your  own — your  Church." 

From  Sens  Henry  and  Philip  went  on  to  besiege 
Montereau,  leaving  Charles  VI.  and  the  two  queens 
to  rest  at  Bray.  Montereau  was  held  by  a  strong 
garrison  of  French  and  Scots  under  the  Sire  de 
Guitry.  Shortly  after  the  siege  commenced,  Henry 
was  reinforced  by  fresh  troops,  whom  his  brother, 
John  of  Bedford,  brought  up  from  Normandy.  On 
Midsummer  Day  a  party  of  English  and  Burgun- 
dians  without  any  orders  stormed  the  town.  The 
garrison  fled  in  such  confusion  to  the  castle  that 
many  were  drowned  in  the  attempt  to  cross  the 
river;  some  sixteen  persons  of  distinction  were 
taken  prisoners.  As  soon  as  the  allies  had  occupied 
Montereau,  and  Duke  Philip  had  made  provision  for 
his  father's  honourable  re-interment,  Henry  turned 
his  arms  against  the  castle.  When  the  Sire  de 
Guitry  refused  to  surrender,  the  King  had  his  pris- 
oners all  hanged  before  the  gates.  Such  severity 
was  novel  to  Henry's  warfare;  but  in  his  excuse  it 
might  be  pleaded  that  the  French  were  now  rebels 
against  the  lawful  Regent.  After  all  de  Guitry 


1421]  The  Heir  of  France  311 

surrendered    on    1st    July,    a   tame    conclusion    for 
which  he  was  much  blamed  by  both  parties. 

Melun,  the  Dauphin's  stronghold  whence  his  mer- 
cenaries had  so  long  threatened  Paris,  was  the  next 
place  to  be  attacked.  With  its  towers  that  kissed 
the  sky,  its  deep  and  wide  fosse,  its  well-built  walls 
and  formidable  outworks,  it  was  the  fortress,  if  any, 
to  defy  Henry  with  success.*  The  garrison  was 
strong,  and  in  the  Sire  de  Barbazan  it  had  a  brave 
and  skilful  commander.  So  the  siege  was  one  of 
the  worst  of  the  war,  and  lasted  through  eighteen 
weeks  of  fierce  and  continued  fighting.  No  less 
than  twenty  thousand  men  were  mustered  before 
Melun.  The  young  King  James  of  Scotland  was 
brought  over  from  England,  in  the  hope  that  his 
presence  would  influence  his  countrymen;  but  the 
Scots  would  not  recognise  the  authority  of  their 
captive  sovereign,  nor,  in  spite  of  his  friendship  for 
Henry,  would  James  attempt  to  assert  it.  A  more 
powerful  ally  who  came  to  Henry's  assistance  from 
Germany  was  his  brother-in-law,  Louis,  the  Red 
Duke  of  Bavaria. 

The  siege  of  Melun  began  on  I3th  July.  Henry, 
with  his  brothers  Clarence  and  Bedford,  pitched 
their  tents  on  the  western  side.  Philip  of  Bur- 
gundy, with  the  Earls  of  Warwick  and  Huntingdon, 
had  their  camp  on  the  east.  To  keep  the  besieging 
forces  in  touch,  a  bridge  was  built  across  the  Seine, 
boats  were  collected,  and  the  river  patrolled. 
Within  a  few  days  Burgundy's  men  captured  a  strong 
outwork  after  a  sharp  fight,  in  the  course  of  which 

*  Elmham,  Vita,  p.  276, 


312  Henry  V.  [1420- 

Sir  Philip  Leche  was  slain.  Still  Henry,  with  sound 
judgment,  recognised  that  the  siege  would  be  a  long 
one,  and  made  his  preparations  accordingly.  His 
lines  were  fortified  with  trenches  and  palisades,  and 
his  numerous  guns  set  in  regular  embrasures, 
whence  they  kept  up  a  fierce  bombardment.  The 
position  of  the  allies  was  so  strong  that  the  Dau- 
phin, who  had  assembled  an  army  at  Chateau 
Renard,  did  not  venture  to  take  the  field,  though 
his  garrisons  in  neighbouring  fortresses  harassed 
the  English  with  frequent  skirmishes.* 

At  the  beginning  of  the  siege  Henry  had  taken 
the  two  queens  and  the  French  King  to  Corbeil,  be- 
tween Melun  and  Paris.  Since  the  Treaty  of 
Troyes  the  English  had  gone  freely  to  Paris  "  as 
oft  as  they  would,  without  safe-conducts  or  any 
letting,  "f  Henry  himself  seems  to  have  paid 
several  visits  to  the  capital  during  the  early  part  of 
the  siege,  dividing  his  time  between  Paris  and  Cor- 
beil and  Melun.  Later  on,  when  the  blockade  was 
well  established,  the  French  Court  removed  from 
Corbeil  to  the  camp  before  Melun.  It  was  hoped 
that  the  presence  of  their  King  in  the  besieging  host 
might  make  the  French  more  ready  to  seek  terms. 
The  unhappy  Charles  was,  however,  little  regarded 
and  had  no  such  state  as  became  his  rank.  Henry, 
on  the  other  hand,  had  never  been  so  nobly  accom- 


*  Elmham  (Vita,  p.  281)  alleges  that  Burgundy,  in  constant  panic, 
kept  asking  for  help,  which  was  as  often  sent,  though  never  needed. 
His  account  seems  to  have  been  written  nearly  twenty  years  later, 
after  Philip  had  abandoned  the  English  alliance. 

\  Focdera,  ix.,  911. 


1421]  The  Heir  of  France  313 

parried  and  kept  his  Court  with  great  pomp ;  outside 
the  royal  quarters  a  band  of  English  clarions  and 
other  instruments  played  every  day  for  an  hour  both 
at  sunrise  and  sunset. 

Meantime  the  siege  was  prosecuted  with  unabated 
vigour.  Louis  of  Bavaria,  who  arrived  some  time 
in  August,  took  up  his  quarters  with  Philip  of  Bur- 
gundy. Finding  how  much  progress  had  been  made 
with  the  bombardment,  he  urged  that  the  time  was 
ripe  for  an  assault.  Philip  replied  that  he  had  sev- 
eral times  suggested  it,  but  the  King  of  England 
was  not  of  that  opinion.  Louis  then  went  to 
Henry,  who  heard  him  patiently,  but  showed  how 
the  thing  was  very  perilous  and  not  free  from 
hazard.  Still,  since  Louis  was  bent  on  the  attempt, 
he  gave  his  assent,  and  advised  that  they  should 
prepare  scaling  ladders  and  fascines  to  fill  the  fosse; 
as  for  himself,  he  would  not  fail  in  his  duty  when 
the  time  came.  The  result  justified  the  King.  For 
Barbazan,  perceiving  what  was  intended,  made  pro- 
vision beforehand,  so  that  the  Germans  and  Bur- 
gundians  on  advancing  to  the  assault  met  with 
unexpected  resistance.  A  picked  body  of  cross- 
bowmen  manned  the  walls,  whilst  the  townsfolk 
poured  down  boiling  fat  and  showers  of  stones.  As 
soon  as  the  assailants  had  entered  the  fosse  and 
were  preparing  to  scale  the  walls,  Barbazan  with  a 
chosen  company  sallied  from  a  false  postern  and  took 
them  in  the  rear.  Between  two  fires  the  besiegers 
had  to  beat  a  retreat  with  heavy  loss.  Some  called 
it  a  mad  undertaking;  but  Henry  answered  that 
it  was  nobly  attempted,  such  feats  of  war  were 


314  Henry  V.  [1420- 

praiseworthy,  though    they   could    not   always   be 
successful.* 

Henry  on  his  own  side  showed  that  he  could  be 
not  less  valiant  than  prudent.  The  English,  who 
had  grown  skilful  in  sieges,  made  mines  to  sap  the 
walls.  Barbazan,  not  to  be  outdone,  made  counter- 
mines, and  after  a  while  was  successful  in  burning 
the  English  works.  Henry,  whom  no  failure 
daunted,  encouraged  his  men  to  fresh  efforts.  In 
spite  of  every  obstacle,  constant  fighting,  and  bad 
weather,  the  English  made  fresh  mines,  though 
they  had  to  work  knee  deep  in  water.  The  French 
responded  with  equal  vigour;  and,  as  soon  as  the 
miners  came  to  close  quarters,  Barbazan  had  barriers 
prepared  and  pushed  forward  to  prevent  the  English 
advancing  through  the  countermine  into  the  city. 
So  after  a  time  the  besieged  and  besiegers  met  and 
had  many  fierce  encounters  underground.  It  was  a 
weird  warfare,  in  which  the  combatants  on  either 
side  fought  in  the  narrow  mines  and  exchanged 
blows  by  torchlight  across  the  barriers  breast-high 
between  them.  Foremost  among  the  French  was 
young  Louis  Juvenal  des  Ursins.  Shortly  after  the 
countermine  was  first  pierced  Barbazan  met  his 
youthful  lieutenant  fully  armed  and  asked  him : 
"  Louis,  where  are  you  going  ?  "  When  Barbazan 
learnt  his  purpose  he  continued  :  "  Brother,  you  do 
not  yet  know  what  fighting  in  mines  means;  give 
me  your  axe."  Louis  did  as  he  was  told,  and  Bar- 
bazan cut  the  handle  short;  "  for  mines  are  sloping, 

*  We  owe  this  story  to  Des  Ursins  (p.  559),  whose  brother,  Louis 
Juvenal  des  Ursins,  was  serving  under  Barbazan. 


1421]  The  Heir  of  France  315 

tortuous,  and  narrow,  wherefore  short  handles  are 
very  needful.  "  Many  young  soldiers  on  either  side 
were  anxious  to  win  renown  in  these  meetings,  and 
even  the  commanders  on  occasion  took  part  in  them. 

"  It  fortuned  on  a  day  that  there  arose  a  contention 
betwixt  two  lords  of  the  King's  host,  who  should  have 
the  honour  to  go  first  into  the  mine  ;  so  the  King  (to 
avoid  the  strife)  entered  the  mine  himself  first  of  all 
other,  and  by  chance  came  to  fight  hand  to  hand  with 
the  lord  Barbazan,  who  was  likewise  entered  the  mine 
before  all  other  of  them  within  the  town." 

After  they  had  fought  a  good  season  together,  each 
of  them  admiring  the  valour  of  the  other,  they  made 
a  pause,  and  Henry  asked  his  opponent's  name. 
Then  said  the  French  lord:  '  I  am  Barbazan." 
"  And  you,"  answered  Henry,  "  have  fought  with 
the  King  of  England."  Whereupon  Barbazan,  per- 
ceiving with  whom  he  had  fought,  caused  the  bar- 
riers forthwith  to  be  closed,  and  withdrew  into  the 
city;  and  the  King  returned  back  to  his  camp.* 

Neither  by  escalade  nor  by  mines  could  the  Eng- 
lish take  the  city.  But  not  even  the  valour  of  Bar- 
bazan could  hold  out  against  famine.  By  the  end 
of  October  the  besieged  had  spent  all  their  bread, 
and  had  nought  to  eat  save  horseflesh,  "  which  is  a 
thing  that  hath  little  or  no  nourishment,  for  men 
who  must  be  fighting  everyday."  Still  Barbazan 
held  out,  hoping  always  for  succour,  or  for  some 
happy  chance  or  quarrel  that  might  compel  the 

*Holinshed,  iii.,  122  ;  Goodwin,  pp.  278,  279  ;  Chastelain,  i.,  157. 


316  Henry  V.  [1420- 

English  and  Burgundians  to  raise  the  siege.  Bar- 
bazan's  hopes  were  vain.  The  Dauphin  had  lost 
his  most  valiant  captain  by  the  death  in  August  of 
Philip,  Count  of  Vertus  and  brother  of  the  Duke  of 
Orleans;  Charles  himself  was  not  of  the  stuff  for 
the  field,  and  preferred  his  luxurious  dalliance  at 
Bourges.  So  when  a  last  appeal  from  Melun  came 
in  November,  the  Dauphin  answered  that  he  had  not 
the  power  to  raise  the  siege  and  Barbazan  must  make 
the  best  terms  he  could.  On  i/th  November  Melun 
surrendered  at  discretion.  It  was,  however,  under- 
stood that  all  save  those  who  were  concerned  in  the 
murder  of  Duke  John  should  be  free  to  depart,  on 
condition  that  they  did  not  again  bear  arms  against 
the  two  kings.  A  further  exception  was  made  for 
the  Scots  and  any  English  deserters,  who  were  to 
be  at  Henry's  mercy. 

The  deserters  and  some  twenty  of  the  chief  Scots 
got  but  a  short  shrift.  A  few  Frenchmen  were  also 
executed.  The  principal  nobles  and  captains  to  the 
number  of  six  or  seven  hundred  were  sent  prisoners 
to  Paris  till  they  had  given  security  for  the  future. 
Barbazan  himself  was  for  a  time  in  danger.  He  had 
been  present  at  Montereau  on  the  fatal  loth  of  Sep- 
tember, though  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  plot 
and  denounced  it  as  a  felon  act  that  robbed  his  mas- 
ter of  his  honour.  Nevertheless,  he  seems  to  have 
owed  his  life  less  to  his  innocence  than  to  the  chiv- 
alry of  the  English  King,  who  would  not  sanction 
the  death  of  one  with  whom  he  had  honourably 
crossed  swords. 

Henry's  treatment  of  his  prisoners  both  at  Mon- 


142 u  The  Heir  of  France  317 

tereau  and  Melun  seems  repellent  to  our  notions. 
Yet  he  was  not  wantonly  cruel,  as  were  too  often 
his  French  opponents  * ;  he  acted  only  as  he  be- 
lieved that  strict  justice  warranted  him  to  do.  In 
protecting  Barbazan  he  risked  a  quarrel  with  Philip 
of  Burgundy,  rather  than  trespass  against  his  own 
honour  and  conscience.  If,  moreover,  Henry  was 
severe,  he  was  sternly  impartial.  There  was  in  his 
household  a  Gascon  gentleman,  Bertrand  de  Chau- 
mont,  who  had  turned  English  at  Agincourt,  and 
since  that  time  by  his  valiant  conduct  won  the  warm 
esteem  of  his  master.  After  the  fall  of  Melun  this 
Bertrand  for  lucre  helped  two  French  squires,  who 
had  been  parties  to  the  murder  of  Montereau,  to 
escape.  The  thing  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Duke 
Philip,  who  reported  it  to  the  King.  Henry,  in 
spite  of  appeals  from  his  brother  Clarence,  and 
from  Philip  himself,  ordered  Bertrand  to  be  in- 
stantly executed.  He  would  have  no  traitors  in  his 
host;  yet  though  justice  must  be  done  for  an  ex- 
ample to  others,  he  would  rather  have  lost  fifty 
thousand  nobles  than  that  Bertrand  should  have 
shown  him  such  disloyalty. 

By  the  capture  of  Melun  the  Dauphin's  supporters 
were  driven  from  their  most  dangerous  proximity 
to  Paris.  The  citizens  of  the  capital  had  long  suf- 
fered at  the  hands  of  the  Armagnac  soldiery ;  so  his 
achievement  enabled  Henry  to  come  more  as  a  de- 
liverer than  a  conqueror.  The  Great  Peace  had 

*  Like  the  Bastard  of  Alei^on,  who  after  the  sea  fight  off  La 
Rochelle  massacred  all  his  English  prisoners  in  cold  blood,  as  a 
revenge  for  his  brother  who  fell  at  Agincourt. — Des  Ursins,  p.  556. 


3i 8  Henry  V.  [1420- 

indeed  been  welcomed  by  the  townsfolk  of  northern 
France,  with  "  joy  and  mirth,  every  holiday  in  danc- 
ing and  carolling."  *  Still,  the  opposite  party  had 
their  adherents,  and  some  even  of  the  Burgundians 
had  little  liking  for  the  Treaty. 

It  was  probably  by  reason  of  rumoured  disaffec- 
tion at  Paris  that  Henry  during  the  siege  of  Melun 
had  the  Bastille,  the  Maison  de  Nesle,  the  Louvre, 
and  Bois  de  Vincennes  put  in  his  hands.  One 
writer  states  openly  that  the  King  did  not  trust  the 
fidelity  of  the  Burgundian  garrisons,  and  therefore 
obtained  possession  of  the  Bastille  by  a  not  very 
creditable  trick.  According  to  this  story  an  English 
knight  was  sent  with  a  small  company  to  Paris. 
Leaving  most  of  his  men  in  hiding,  he  approached 
the  Bastille  and  asked  for  an  interview  with  the 
Captain.  The  portcullis  was  raised  and  the  draw- 
bridge lowered.  When  the  pretended  business  was 
concluded  the  English  knight  began  with  much 
courtesy  to  take  his  leave,  protesting,  after  the  man- 
ner of  a  high-born  noble,  that  he  must  do  the  other 
the  honour  to  withdraw  last.  The  Frenchman  re- 
plied with  equal  ceremony,  and  whilst  they  thus 
bandied  compliments  the  knight  contrived  to  edge 
his  way  forward.  Meantime  the  other  English  had 
come  up  unobserved,  and  as  soon  as  they  saw  their 
opportunity  rushed  across  the  bridge  and  through 
the  gate.  The  knight  snatched  the  keys  from  the 
French  captain,  who,  finding  himself  outwitted  and 
not  venturing  to  use  violence,  made  a  virtue  of 
necessity. 

*  Fader  a,  ix.,  911. 


142U  The  Heir  of  France  319 

This  story,  coming  from  an  English  writer,  who 
wished  to  discredit  Burgundian  loyalty,  lacks  au- 
thenticity.* Nevertheless,  there  was  probably  some 
friction  between  the  English  and  their  allies,  if  not 
between  Philip  and  Henry  himself.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  had  left  the  host  before  Melun  rather  than 
swear  fealty  to  the  King  of  England.  Even  John 
of  Luxembourg,  who  was  Burgundy's  cousin,  at 
first  refused  to  accept  the  Treaty,  and  only  gave 
way  at  Philip's  urgent  request.  Another  captain  of 
the  party  who  fell  out  with  the  English  was  the  Sire 
de  1'Isle  Adam,  then  Marshal  of  France.  L'Isle 
Adam  during  the  siege  of  Melun  attended  the  King 
one  day  on  some  business  touching  his  office, 
dressed  in  a  grey  riding-suit.  '  What!  L'Isle 
Adam,"  said  Henry  in  jest,  "  is  this  the  costume 
of  the  Marshal  of  France  ?"  L'Isle  Adam,  who 
was  nothing  of  a  courtier,  looked  him  in  the  face 
and  answered:  "  Sire,  I  put  it  on  to  come  by  boat 
across  the  Seine."  There  was  probably  some 
studied  insolence  in  his  manner,  for  Henry  asked 
him  angrily:  "  How  dare  you  thus  look  a  prince  in 
the  face  when  you  speak  to  him  ? "  "  'Tis  the 
French  custom,"  retorted  L'Isle  Adam,  "  not  to 
address  any  man,  whatever  his  estate,  with  a  down- 
cast countenance."  "  It  is  not  ours,"  replied 
Henry  and  turned  away.  The  King  may  well  have 


*  Elmham,  Vita,  pp.  282-284.  The  narrative  was  no  doubt  written 
after  Philip  had  abandoned  the  English  alliance.  The  English  were 
in  possession  of  the  Bastille  before  7th  September.  Cf.  Norman 
Rolls,  ap.  Forty-second  Report  Deputy-Keeper,  p.  307.  See  also  Chas- 
telain,  i.,  161,  etc. 


320  Henry  V.  [1420- 

felt  little  liking  for  the  man  who  had  made  a  fortune 
by  the  Armagnac  massacres,  and  for  the  sake  of  it 
failed  in  his  duty  at  Pontoise.  Whatever  the 
reason,  L'Isle  Adam  incurred  Henry's  displeasure, 
and  lost  his  office  of  Marshal,  and  before  long  his 
liberty  also.  L'Isle  Adam's  case  was  not  peculiar, 
for  one  by  one  as  occasion  offered  other  officers 
whose  loyalty  was  doubtful  were  removed  from  their 
posts.* 

On  the  1st  December  Henry  made  his  state  entry 
into  Paris.  The  streets  were  hung  with  rich 
draperies,  and  at  every  crossing  the  citizens  wel- 
comed him  with  shouts  of  "  Noel!"  Henry  rode 
at  the  head  of  the  procession  with  the  King  of 
France  on  his  right  and  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  on 
his  left.  At  intervals  they  were  met  by  monks  and 
priests  bearing  sacred  relics  from  the  churches. 
Charles  signed  to  Henry  that  he  should  be  the  first 
to  kiss  the  relics.  Henry  doffed  his  hat  and  with  a 
low  reverence  gave  place  to  the  French  King.  And 
so  they  did  all  the  way  till  they  came  to  Notre 
Dame,  where  they  made  their  offering  before  the 
High  Altar.  Then  the  two  Kings  remounted  and 
rode  away,  Charles  to  the  Hotel  de  St.  Pol,  and 
Henry  with  his  brothers  to  the  Louvre. 

Next  day  the  two  Queens  entered  with  like  cere- 
mony amid  great  rejoicing;  and  all  that  day  and  the 
following  night  the  fountains  at  the  crossroads  ran 
with  wine. 

So  the  two  Courts  kept  Christmas  at  Paris,  but  in 
very  different  fashion.  For  Charles  was  humbly 

*  Chastelain,  i.,  162,  179  ;  Monstrelet,  p.  491. 


1421]  The  Heir  of  France  321 

lodged,  and  few  came  to  do  him  reverence  save 
some  old  servants  and  men  of  low  estate.  But  no 
one  could  describe  sufficiently  the  pomp  and 
pageantry  in  which  Henry  and  Catherine  held  fest- 
ival at  the  Louvre.  Their  Court  was  of  regal  mag- 
nificence, and  in  all  things  Henry  acted  as  though 
he  were  really  sovereign,  removing  and  appointing 
officers  at  his  pleasure.  Early  in  December  the 
Estates  of  France  had  been  assembled  for  the  cere- 
monial ratification  of  the  Peace,  the  two  Kings 
presiding  in  equal  state.  Afterwards  there  had 
been  a  grand  "  Bed  of  Justice,"  when  Burgundy, 
supported  by  the  Dukes  of  Clarence  and  Bedford, 
appeared  before  Charles  and  Henry,  and  through 
his  orator  charged  the  so-called  Dauphin  of  Vienne 
and  his  chief  supporters  with  having  wickedly  and 
falsely  slain  his  father.  After  a  formal  trial  the  ac- 
cused were  declared  guilty  of  treason,  and  by  royal 
letters  patent  adjudged  incapable  of  succeeding  to 
any  property  or  exercising  any  rights,  dignities,  or 
prerogatives. 

After  the  Christmas  feast  was  over  the  princes 
dispersed.  Henry  had  been  absent  from  England 
more  than  three  years ;  and  now  in  response  to  an 
urgent  appeal  from  the  Parliament,  he  proposed  to 
revisit  his  ancestral  kingdom  and  take  his  Queen  to 
be  crowned  at  Westminster.  On  2/th  December, 
accompanied  by  Catherine  and  his  brothers,  he  left 
Paris  and  four  days  later  entered  Rouen.  In  the 
Norman  capital  Henry  spent  nearly  three  weeks, 
and  with  his  Queen  kept  open  feast  on  Twelfth 
Night.  Immediately  afterwards  there  was  a  great 


322  Henry  V.  [1420-211 

Parliament  of  the  Estates  of  Normandy,  wherein  a 
subsidy  was  voted  and  ordinances  passed  for  the 
promotion  of  better  government.  At  this  Parlia- 
ment Arthur  de  Richemont  did  homage  to  Henry 
for  the  Earldom  of  Ivry ;  he  had  been  present  under 
a  species  of  parole  at  Melun,  and  now  his  liberty 
was  further  enlarged  in  the  hope  that  he  would 
bring  over  Brittany  to  the  English  side.  There 
came  also  at  this  time  from  Gascony  representatives 
of  Charles  d'Albret  and  the  Count  of  Foix,  who 
had  quarrelled  with  the  Dauphin;  but  though  they 
promised  fealty  to  Henry,  they  proved  no  more 
faithful  to  him  than  they  had  been  to  their  French 
lord. 

On  iQth  January  Henry  left  Rouen  and  two  days 
later  entered  Amiens,*  whence  he  proceeded  to 
Calais,  by  way  of  Doullens,  St.  Pol,  and  Terouanne, 
close  by  the  field  of  Agincourt.  Before  he  left 
Rouen  Henry  appointed  his  brother  Thomas  of 
Clarence  to  be  his  Lieutenant  in  France  and  Nor- 
mandy. The  Duke  of  Exeter  had  been  made  Gov- 
ernor of  Paris,  and  Sir  Gilbert  Umfraville  Marshal 
of  France.  John  of  Bedford,  with  the  young 
King  of  Scots,  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  the 
Earls  of  March  and  Warwick,  returned  with  the 
King  to  England.  At  Calais  Henry  was  royally  re- 
ceived by  the  merchants  and  townsfolk,  who  were 
proud  to  be  the  first  of  his  native  subjects  to  wel- 
come their  Queen.  On  1st  February  he  crossed  the 
Channel,  having  been  in  France  exactly  three 
years  and  six  months. 
*  Monstrelet,  p.  496. 


CHAPTER   XX 

THE   STATE   OF   ENGLAND 

DURING  the  King's  long  absence  England 
under  the  rule  of  Bedford  was  quietly  and 
peaceably  governed.  A  firm  administration 
at  home  and  a  successful  foreign  policy  had  so  ap- 
peased the  various  elements  of  discontent  that  the 
Regent  found  himself  confronted  by  few  questions 
of  serious  difficulty.  The  Lollard  movement  was 
passing  out  of  its  political  phase  and  resuming  grad- 
ually its  more  purely  religious  aspect.  Henry's 
strong  hand  in  the  State,  and  the  temperate  and 
national  policy  with  which  Chichele  under  the 
King's  direction  governed  the  Church,  were  of  sure 
and  steady  effect.  Oldcastle's  intrigues  served  for 
a  time  to  keep  the  embers  alive,  and  as  long  as  he 
remained  at  large  the  attitude  of  the  royal  govern- 
ment was  one  of  watchful  anxiety. 

The  circumstances  which  had  driven  the  Lollard 
leader  into  a  course  of  political  treason  made  any 
retreat  impossible.  After  the  abortive  attempt  at 
St.  Giles's  Fields  Oldcastle  was  formally  outlawed, 
and  a  price  of  one  thousand  marks  was  put  upon  his 
head.  He  seems  to  have  found  a  hiding-place  in 

323 


324  Henry  V. 

his  native  county,  and  for  nearly  four  years  evaded 
successfully  all  attempts  to  capture  him.  In  Here- 
fordshire Lollardy  was  strong;  there  were  many  ad- 
herents of  the  claims  of  Mortimer,  and  perhaps  not 
a  few  secret  sympathisers  with  the  rebel  Welsh.* 
In  his  adversity  the  once  loyal  servant  of  the  House 
of  Lancaster  made  friends  with  all  who  resisted  the 
established  dynasty.  That  he  intrigued  with  the 
Scots  and  the  pseudo-king  Richard  there  seems  to 
be  little  doubt;  it  is  therefore  the  more  probable 
that  he  was  somehow  privy  to  the  Scrope  and  Cam- 
bridge plot  of  July,  1415.  With  the  collapse  of  that 
treason  Oldcastle  disappared  as  mysteriously  as  be- 
fore. But  neither  he  nor  his  more  extreme  ad- 
herents abandoned  their  intrigues;  and  there  was 
certainly  some  fresh  scheme  afoot  a  year  later.  In 
September,  1416,  one  Benedict  Wolman,  a  "  grete 
Lollard,"  was  executed  at  London  as  a  traitor  for 
having  sent  to  Sigismund  a  paper  in  favour  of  the 
pseudo-Richard. f  At  Christmas  there  was  dis- 
covered a  plot  to  have  taken  the  King's  life  at 
Kenilworth.  Fresh  proclamations  followed  for  the 
capture  of  Oldcastle,  the  "  Lollard  of  Lollards"  ;  and 
Thomas  Payne,  who  was  his  clerk  and  counsellor, 
was  arrested  on  the  charge  of  having  attempted  to 
carry  off  King  James  of  Scotland  from  Windsor.:}: 

*  John  Kent,  the  Welsh  bard  and  "magician,"  was  connected 
traditionally  not  only  with  Glendower,  but  also  with  Oldcastle. 
Chastelain  (i.,  338)  seems  to  imply  that  the  Welsh  rebellion  and 
Lollard  movement  were  popularly  supposed  to  have  some  connection. 

f  Riley,  Memorials  of  London,  p.  638  ;   Chron.  London,  p.  104. 

\  Ramsay,  i.,  254,  255  ;  Palgrave,  Antient  Kakndars  and  Inven- 
tories, ii.,  102, 


Tke  State  of  England  325 

It  was  now  also  that  the  famous  English  Hussite, 
Peter  Payne,  fled  to  Bohemia,  whether  to  escape 
martyrdom,  or,  as  his  enemies  alleged,  through  a 
charge  of  treason.*  Oldcastle  himself  is  alleged  to 
have  instigated  the  "  Foul  Raid  "  of  the  Scots,  who 
in  October,  1417,  invaded  England,  but  were  igno- 
miniously  repulsed  by  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  who  was 
then  in  Yorkshire,  raising  troops  for  the  French 
war. 

It  was  not  long  after  the  "  Foul  Raid  "  that  the 
Lord  Powys'  men  got  news  of  Oldcastle's  hiding- 
place  in  Montgomeryshire.  But  Oldcastle  was  only 
captured  after  a  desperate  struggle,  for  he  "  stood 
at  great  defence  long  time  and  was  sore  wounded 
ere  he  would  be  taken."  His  injuries  were  so 
serious  that  he  had  to  be  carried  to  London  in  a 
"  whirlicote,"  or  horse-litter,  f  By  Bedford's 
orders  he  was,  on  I4th  December,  brought  before 
the  Parliament  which  was  then  in  session.  The 
records  of  his  outlawry  and  conviction  for  heresy 
were  formally  produced,  and  upon  these  he  was 
without  further  trial  condemned.  The  same  day  he 
was  taken  back  to  the  Tower  and  drawn  through 
the  city  on  a  hurdle  to  St.  Giles's  Fields,  where  he 
was  hung  and  afterwards  burnt,  gallows  and  all.:}: 

Oldcastle  was  an  enthusiast  of  fine  quality,  whom 


*  See  Diet.  National  Biography,  xliv.,  114.  Peter  played  a  great 
part  in  the  Hussite  movement  for  nearly  forty  years.  At  Basle  in 
1433  he  was  accused  of  having  misled  Oldcastle.  He  had  been  prin- 
cipal of  St.  Edmund  Hall  at  Oxford  till  1414. 

\  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  7. 

\  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  IO8  ;  the  official  record  does  not  imply 
that  he  was  burnt  alive. 


326  Henry  V. 

an  unhappy  destiny  converted  into  a  traitor.  He 
died  a  martyr,  but  it  is  impossible  not  to  recognise 
that  his  political  conduct  in  his  last  days  had  made 
leniency  impossible.  Four  years  previously  the 
King  would  have  saved  him  if  he  could ;  we  may 
conjecture  that  Henry  was  not  sorry  to  avoid 
through  his  absence  in  France  any  direct  concern  in 
the  fate  of  his  old  comrade  in  arms. 

After  Oldcastle's  death  we  hear  no  more  of  do- 
mestic sedition.  The  other  political  troubles  of  the 
Government  were  due  to  the  complications  of  the 
war.  The  presence  of  French  princes  as  prisoners 
in  England  was  a  cause  of  no  little  anxiety.  Orleans 
especially  found  opportunity  to  intrigue  with  the 
Scots  and  with  his  friends  in  France.  In  the 
autumn  of  1417  Henry  wrote  home  that  he  had 
secret  information  of  a  threatened  plot : 

"  There  hath  been  a  man  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans  in 
Scotland  and  accorded  with  the  Duke  of  Albany  that  he 
shall  bring  the  mammet  of  Scotland  to  stir  what  he  may. 
Wherefore  I  will  that  the  Duke  be  kept  still 
within  the  castle  of  Pomfret ;  for  it  is  better  he  lack  his 
disport  than  we  be  deceived."* 

Two  years  later,  after  the  murder  at  Montereau, 
when  the  escape  of  the  princes  "  might  never  have 
been  so  harmful  nor  prejudicial  to  us  as  it  might  be 
now  if  any  of  them  escaped,  and  namely  the  said 
Duke  of  Orleans,"  Henry  wrote  to  Langley,  the 
Chancellor,  that  as  good  heed  should  be  taken  unto 


*  Ellis,  Original  Letters,  2nd  Series,  i. ,  I. 


The  State  of  England  327 

the  sure  keeping  of  the  Duke's  person  as  possible.* 
After  the  Treaty  of  Troyes  Arthur  de  Richemont 
and  the  Duke  of  Bourbon  were  released  upon  con- 
ditions, but  Orleans  was  kept  a  prisoner  in  England 
nearly  twenty  years  longer. 

Probably  the  danger  of  intrigue  with  the  King's 
enemies  in  France  furnishes  also  the  explanation  of 
a  mysterious  affair  which  befell  in  1419.  The  Queen 
Dowager  Joanna,  mother  of  John  of  Brittany  and  of 
Arthur  de  Richemont,  was  accused  on  the  confes- 
sion of  one  Friar  Randolph,  her  chaplain,  of  having 
"  compassed  and  imagined  the  King's  death  in  the 
most  horrible  manner  that  could  be  devised,  "f  In 
the  popular  Chronicles  the  charge  is  one  of  "  sor- 
cerye  and  nigramancye, "  practised  by  Randolph  at 
the  Queen's  exciting.  Randolph  fled  oversea,  but 
was  captured  in  Guernsey  and  brought  to  Henry  at 
Mantes;  thence  he  was  sent  to  the  Tower  of  Lon- 
don, where  some  years  later  he  was  killed  by  the 
parson  of  the  Tower  in  a  quarrel.  Poor  Joanna  lost 
her  estates,  and  for  three  years  was  under  arrest  at 
Pevensey;  but  shortly  before  his  death,  on  I3th 
July,  1422,  Henry  ordered  her  release.:}:  A  little 
light  is  thrown  on  the  matter  by  a  statement  that 
Henry  V.  had  "  banished  the  strangers  about  Queen 
Joanna,  who  gave  information  to  the  enemy  and 


*  Fcedera,  ix.,  801. 

f  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  118. 

\  Chron.  London,  p.  107  ;  "Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  331  ; 
English  Chronicle  Harley  MS.,  2256,  ff.  193,  194.  The  date  of  the 
"  plot  "  would  seem  to  be  May,  1419,  for  Randolph  was  captured  at 
Whitsuntide. 


328  Plenry  V. 

carried  much  treasure  out  of  the  country."  *  It  is 
possible  that  Joanna  or  her  attendants  may  have 
corresponded  too  freely  with  the  Breton  Duke, 
whose  attitude  in  French  politics  was  always  a 
source  of  anxiety  to  Henry  V. 

On  turning  to  review  the  social  state  of  England 
we  are  struck  at  once  by  the  meagre  references  in 
contemporary  chronicles.  Perhaps  it  is  fair  to  as- 
sume that  this  silence  is  the  best  proof  that  the 
country  was  on  the  whole  contented  and  prosper- 
ous. During  Henry's  second  absence  three  Parlia- 
ments were  held  in  his  name ;  the  first  two  by 
Bedford  in  November-December,  1417,  and  Octo- 
ber, 1419;  the  third  by  Gloucester  in  December, 
1420.  In  the  first  two  there  was  no  legislation  of 
constitutional  importance,  and  in  the  third  such 
matters  as  were  decided  had  reference  to  the  King's 
new  position  as  ruler  of  France.  A  Parliament 
summoned  by  the  Lieutenant  in  the  King's  absence 
was  not  to  be  dissolved  by  his  return ;  if  the  King 
was  out  of  England  petitions  were  not  to  be  en- 
grossed until  they  had  been  sent  oversea  for  the 
royal  assent;  the  statute  for  securing  English  liber- 
ties, which  had  been  passed  at  the  time  when  Ed- 
ward III.  assumed  the  title  of  King  of  France,  was 
solemnly  re-enacted.  But  in  this,  as  in  other  Parlia- 
ments of  the  reign,  the  chief  concern  of  the  Com- 
mons was  for  the  regulation  of  commerce,  the 
promotion  of  internal  navigation,  the  safeguarding 
of  the  seas,  the  improvement  of  the  coinage.  All 
this  bears  witness  to  the  growth  of  industry  and  to 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  306. 


The  State  of  England  329 

the  recognition  by  the  Government  of  the  increasing 
importance  of  commercial  questions.  The  burgesses 
of  the  towns  "  were  in  fact  the  guardians  of  English 
wealth,  and  the  arbiters  of  English  politics."  * 

On  the  other  hand,  there  is  little  legislation  that 
touches  agriculture.  In  the  first  Parliament  of  1414 
we  have  an  enactment  for  re-enforcing  the  Statute 
of  Labourers.  Otherwise  the  only  petitions  inspired 
directly  by  the  county  members  are  one,  in  1417, 
against  the  evil-disposed  persons,  "  probably  Lol- 
lards, traitors,  and  rebels,"  who  did  much  mischief 
by  the  frequent  breaking  of  parks,  forests,  and  chaces ; 
and  another  two  years  later  on  the  annoyance  caused 
by  Sunday  poaching  during  the  time  of  divine  serv- 
ice, f  Of  lawless  violence,  whether  in  town  or  coun- 
try, which  a  generation  later  was  only  too  common, 
we  hear  little. :{: 

Proceedings  in  Parliament  do  but  reflect  the  great 
change  that  was  taking  place  in  English  life.  In 
the  time  of  Edward  III.  England  was  still  chiefly 
an  agricultural  and  producing  country,  and  the  cus- 
toms on  the  export  of  wool  were  the  mainstay  of 
English  finance.  At  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth 
century  England  was  becoming  a  manufacturing 
country.  Corn  lands  were  turned  into  sheep  pastures, 
but  the  wool  trade  steadily  declined ;  on  the  other 
hand,  cloth  was  manufactured  in  such  quantities 

*  Green,  Town  Life  in  the  Fifteenth  Century,  i.,  12. 

f  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  20,  114,  122. 

\  An  almost  solitary  instance  is  the  complaint  in  1416  that  Rich- 
ard Oldcastle  (a  cousin  of  Sir  John)  had  seized  Robert  Whittington 
(Sir  Richard's  brother)  near  Hereford,  and  held  him  to  ransom, — 
Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  99. 


330  Henry  V. 

that  it  became  in  its  turn  one  of  the  principal 
English  exports.  The  chief  cloth-works  were  in 
the  eastern  counties  and  in  London ;  but  there  were 
others  in  the  West,  in  Devon,  Dorset,  Somerset, 
and  Gloucester. 

With  the  development  of  industry  wealth  grew 
apace,  and  there  came  into  existence  a  class  of  na- 
tive capitalists  who  gathered  into  their  own  hands 
more  and  more  of  the  business  of  the  country.  A 
hundred  years  before  even  internal  trade  had  been 
to  a  great  extent  in  the  hands  of  aliens;  at  the 
beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  native  merchants 
were  competing  with  foreigners  for  a  share  of  the 
caryring  trade  by  sea.  This  meant  the  develop- 
ment of  English  shipping,  and  the  growth  not  only 
of  places  like  Hull  and  Bristol  and  London,  but  of 
every  little  town  along  the  south  and  east  coasts 
from  Fowey  and  Dartmouth  to  Lynn  and  Boston.* 
In  the  reign  of  Richard  II.  English  shipmen 

"  Knew  wel  alle  the  havenes,  as  thei  were, 
From  Gootland  to  the  cape  of  Fynystere, 
And  every  cryke  in  Bretayne  and  in  Spayne."  f 

In  1392,  three  hundred  English  vessels  cleared  from 
Danzig,  and  eight  years  later  thirty-eight  English 
ships  sailed  from  Bristol  for  Ireland,  Gascony,  and 
Brittany  4 

The  seas,  however,  were  ill-kept,  and  there  was 

*  Cunningham,  Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce,  i., 
373,  3rd  ed. 

•j-  Chaucer,  Prologue,  407-409. 
\  Wylie,  i.,  56,  ii.,  74. 


The  State  of  England  331 

no  clear  line  between  piracy  and  peaceful  trade.  So 
it  is  difficult  to  know  whether  men  like  John  Haule 
of  Dartmouth  and  Harry  Pay  of  Poole  were  more 
corsairs  or  merchants.  Piracy  brought  no  ill-repute, 
and  John  Longe  of  Rye,  when  he  was  not  plunder- 
ing on  the  high  seas,  represented  his  native  town  in 
Parliament.  However,  the  English  were  no  worse 
than  other  nations, — Spaniards,  Bretons,  French, 
Flemings,  and  Scots.  Such  a  condition  of  affairs 
was  obviously  ruinous  to  trade,  and  the  evil  did  not 
escape  the  English  Government.  The  chief  aim  of 
English  commercial  policy  during  the  reign  of 
Henry  IV.  was  to  establish  better  relations  with 
foreign  powers,  and  especially  with  the  Hanse,  the 
Flemings,  and  Brittany.  A  vigorous  and  on  the 
whole  not  unsuccessful  endeavour  was  made  to  put 
down  English  piracy,  and  there  was  not  a  Parlia- 
ment in  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  in  which  stress 
was  not  laid  on  the  need  for  safe  keeping  of  the  seas. 
In  1414,  it  was  ordained  that  an  oath  should  be 
taken  of  the  captain  of  every  vessel  before  sailing, 
that  he  would  attempt  nothing  against  those  who 
were  subject  to  the  King's  truces  and  safe-con- 
ducts.* This  general  law  was  followed  by  repeated 
orders  for  the  repression  of  acts  of  piracy  committed 
by  English,  Bretons,  Flemings,  and  others.  Sir 
Thomas  Carew,  when  he  was  captain  at  sea  in  Feb- 
ruary, 1415,  had  special  orders  to  stop  plundering, 
whether  by  Englishmen  or  foreigners.  For  the 
protection  of  English  merchants  it  was  the  duty  of 
the  Admiral  to  see  that  the  ships  going  to  Gascony 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  22,  23. 


332  Henry  V. 

did  not  sail  singly,  but  in  company.*  Still  it  was 
impossible  to  suppress  piracy  altogether.  In  1416, 
the  Christopher  of  Hull  was  chosen  admiral  of  the 
fleet  returning  from  Bordeaux ;  but  on  the  way 
home  the  fleet  was  attacked  by  certain  carracks  of 
the  enemy,  and  the  Christopher  being  deserted  by 
her  fellows  was  captured.  The  English  did  not 
always  get  the  worst  of  it;  in  the  first  year  of  the 
reign  eight  ships  of  Dartmouth  and  London,  when 
bringing  home  Clarence's  troops  from  Gascony,  were 
assailed  by  two  "  hulks  of  Pruce,"  but  they  cap- 
tured their  aggressors  and  brought  them  prizes  to 
Southampton. f 

It  would  be  going  too  far  to  ascribe  a  purely  com- 
mercial basis  to  Henry's  war.  Yet  a  French  con- 
temporary some  years  later  alleged  that  the  wars  of 
the  English  were  in  reality  waged  against  the  mer- 
chants of  France,  Spain,  Denmark,  and  Scotland. :{: 
Moreover,  commercial  considerations  did  in  a 
marked  degree  affect  Henry  V. 's  diplomatic  and 
military  combinations.  He  was  careful  to  conciliate 
the  Hanse,  and  to  secure  the  neutrality  of  Brittany; 
even  when  Burgundy  was  counted  his  full  enemy 
the  truce  between  Flanders  and  England  for  fishers, 
pilgrims,  and  merchants  still  subsisted.  If  it  was  the 
pressure  of  the  French  war  that  made  maritime  su- 
premacy an  object  of  English  policy,  the  importance 
of  good  order  on  the  high  seas  was  not  lost  sight  of. 
If  the  building  of  "  the  great  dromons  "  was  in  the 


*  Foedera,  ix.,  47,  115,  116,  202. 
f  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv. ,  12,  85. 
\  Heralds'  Debate,  p.  49. 


The  State  of  England  333 

first  place  intended  to  make  the  English  navy  a 
match  for  the  Spaniards  and  Genoese,  it  served  also 
to  encourage  the  improvement  of  English  shipping. 
As  a  result  the  English  boasted  that  they  were  more 
richly  and  amply  provided  at  sea  with  fine  and 
powerful  ships  than  any  other  nation  of  Christen- 
dom, and  called  themselves  kings  of  the  sea.* 

Besides  cloth  and  wool  the  chief  English  exports 
were  leather,  hides,  fish,  lead  from  Derbyshire,  and 
tin  from  Cornwall ;  coal  was  extensively  worked  and 
considerable  quantities  were  shipped  abroad ;  there 
were  also  some  iron  mines,  but  the  English  iron 
was  considered  inferior  to  that  from  Biscay.  In 
return  the  merchants  of  Hull  and  the  east-coast 
ports  brought  furs  and  timber  (especially  yew  for 
bow-staves)  from  the  Baltic.  The  merchants  of 
Bristol  and  the  southern  ports  traded  with  their 
cloths  to  Brittany,  Gascony,  and  Spain,  and  brought 
back  salt  and  wine  and  iron.  Others  went  farther 
afield ;  and  in  spite  of  Danish  opposition  the  men 
of  Scarborough  sent  a  fleet  every  year  to  fish  off 
Iceland.  In  December,  1414,  the  Katrine  Benet, 
of  Dartmouth,  when  on  her  way  home  from  Algarve 
in  Portugal,  with  wax,  oil,  wine,  and  fruit,  was 
seized  by  the  Bretons.  As  yet  but  few  English 
traders  had  reached  the  Mediterranean,  but  every 

*  Heralds'  Debate,  p.  17.  If,  as  seems  probable,  The  Heralds'  De- 
bate was  written  by  Charles  of  Orleans,  the  description  of  England 
which  it  contains  would  belong  to  the  period  of  his  captivity,  1415- 
1440.  The  actual  date  of  composition  was  1458,  by  which  time  the 
condition  of  England  and  English  commerce  had  changed  for  the 
worse.  The  English  at  Constance  in  1416  claimed  the  kingdom  of 
the  sea.  See  p.  266  above. 


334  Henry  V. 

year  Italian  fleets  came  to  England.      Their  goods 
were  for  the  most  part  articles  of  luxury : 

"  The  grete  galees  of  Venees  and  Florence 
Be  wel  ladene  wyth  thynges  of  complacence, 
Alle  spicerye,  and  of  grocers  ware, 
Wyth  swete  vvynes,  alle  manere  of  chaffare, 
Apes  and  japes  and  marmosettes  taylede, 
Trifles,  trifles  that  litelle  have  availede. 

Thus  these  galeise  for  this  lykynge  ware, 
And  etynge  ware,  here  hens  our  best  chaffare, 
Clothe,  wolle,  and  tynne."  * 

The  exchange  seemed  to  the  writer  to  be  a  bad 
one.  But  the  balance  of  trade  nevertheless  went  in 
favour  of  England,  and  accomplished  what  unaided 
legislation  would  not  have  done;  for  it  secured  a 
sufficient  circulation  of  coined  money,  which,  in  the 
dearth  of  precious  metals,  was  a  difficult  matter  with 
mediaeval  statesmen.  So,  said  "  the  English 

o 

Herald,"    there   was    not    considering   the  size    of 
England  so  rich  a  country  in  Christendom. f 

Perhaps  what  most  impressed  the  foreign  observer 
in  the  fifteenth  century,  as  it  does  the  zealous 
investigator  in  our  own  time,  was  the  freedom 
and  independence  of  English  town  life.  Each 
borough  was  in  fact  a  free,  self-governing  com- 
munity; and  within  its  own  narrow  borders  was 
teaching  its  citizens  those  lessons  of  organisation 

*  Libclle  of  English  Policye,  ap.  Political  Songs,  ii.,  173, 
f  Heralds'  Debate,  p.  65.     We  may  compare  the  opinion  of  Sigis- 
mund,  see  p.  175  above. 


The  State  of  England  335 

and  self-help  which  were  to  prove  the  foundation  of 
English  greatness.*  The  middle  class,  which  has 
been  for  centuries  so  distinctive  of  England,  had 
already  come  into  existence;  "it  is  wonderful," 
says  the  Herald,  "  what  a  fine  and  abundant  popu- 
lation there  is  in  England  consisting  of  churchmen, 
nobles,  and  craftsmen,  as  well  as  common  people."f 
Sir  John  Fortescue,  in  the  middle  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  contrasts  the  poorly  fed,  ill-clothed  folk 
in  France,  who  "  go  crooked  and  be  feeble,  not  able 
to  fight  nor  to  defend  the  realm,"  with  his  pros- 
perous fellow-countrymen.  "  Blessed  be  God  this 
land  is  ruled  under  a  better  law ;  and  therefore  the 
people  thereof  be  not  in  such  penury,  nor  thereby 
hurt  in  their  persons,  but  they  be  wealthy  and  have 
all  things  necessary  to  the  sustenance  of  nature."  \ 
So  also  wrote  Philip  de  Comines:  "  In  my  opinion, 
of  all  the  countries  in  Europe  where  I  was  ever 
acquainted,  the  government  is  nowhere  so  well 
managed,  the  people  nowhere  less  exposed  to 
violence  and  oppression  than  in  England.  "§  This 
was  the  strength  of  England,  that  her  people  under- 
stood the  art  of  self-government,  and  that  her 
rulers  had  the  wisdom  to  value  rightly  the  friend- 
ship of  the  commercial  class.  In  the  Parliaments 
of  Henry  V.  the  burgesses  of  the  towns  were  the 
foremost  representatives  of  national  feeling,  and 
King  and  Commons  worked  together  in  mutual 

*  Green,  Town  Life,  ch.  i. 

\  Heralds'  Debate,  p.  61. 

\  Governance  of  England,  pp.  114,  115. 

§  Memoirs,  v. ,  c.  18. 


336  Henry  V. 

self-confidence.  It  was  to  the  Mayor  and  Alder- 
men of  London  that  Henry  reported  the  continued 
successes  of  his  arms  in  France.  Between  the 
King  and  the  citizens  of  his  capital  there  was 
such  an  exchange  of  favour  and  good-will  as  it 
would  be  difficult  to  match  abroad. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  fifteenth  century  London 
was  the  wealthiest  city  of  Western  Europe.*  If 
the  King  was  in  need  of  money  the  citizens  of  the 
capital  advanced  him  more  than  all  the  other  towns 
of  England  put  together. f  To  the  poll  tax  of  1379 
the  Mayor  of  London  was  assessed  at  £4  like  an 
earl  or  bishop.  With  wealth  there  came  power,  and 
the  great  merchants  of  the  capital  were  of  little  less 
consequence  than  the  nobles  with  whom  they  con- 
sorted on  almost  equal  terms.  In  the  reign  of  Rich- 
ard II.  the  son  of  a  Hull  and  London  merchant  had 
become  Earl  of  Suffolk  and  Chancellor  of  England. 
In  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  we  have  Sir  Thomas 
Knolles,  ancestor  of  the  Earls  of  Banbury,  and  Sir 
Robert  Chichele,  who  was  brother  to  the  Archbishop 
of  Canterbury;  Knolles  and  Chichele  had  both 
sprung  from  the  prosperous  class  of  country  yeo- 
men. Others,  like  Sir  William  Sevenoke,  who  was 
Mayor  in  1418,  were  men  of  the  humblest  origin; 

*  The  population  was  perhaps  50,  ooo.  We  can  hardly  credit  the 
statement  that  30,000  people  died  of  the  plague  in  London  in  1406. 
Cf.  Wylie,  iii.,  in,  413. 

f  In  1397,  in  1412,  and  in  1415  the  London  merchants  lent  10,000 
marks.  In  the  complete  list  for  1397  the  other  towns  contributed 
together  7522^  marks.  See  Cunningham,  English  Industry  and 
Commerce,  i.,  385.  The  contributions  of  the  smaller  towns  vary  ;  in 
1397,  Bristol  was  second  with  1200  marks. 


LONDON  IN  THE  FIFTEENTH  CENTURY. 


The  State  of  England  337 

others  again,  like  the  famous  Richard  Whittington, 
were  men  of  gentle  birth. 

Whittington  himself,  as  the  most  celebrated  Eng- 
lish merchant  of  the  Middle  Ages,  deserves  more 
than  a  passing  mention.  His  father,  Sir  William 
Whittington  of  Pauntley,  in  Gloucestershire,  died 
in  1360,  and  Richard,  being  a  younger  son,  was  sent 
to  seek  his  fortune  in  London.  There,  if  we  may 
trust  the  legend,  he  became  an  apprentice  of  Sir 
John  (or  Ivo)  Fitzwarren,  a  friend  and  perhaps  a 
kinsman  of  his  mother's  family.  When  Richard 
grew  to  manhood  he  married  his  master's  daughter, 
and  succeeded  him  in  his  business  as  a  Mercer  and 
Merchant  Adventurer.*  He  was  still  young,  but 
already  wealthy,  when,  in  1393,  he  was  chosen  Alder- 
man and  served  as  Sheriff.  Five  years  later  he  be- 
came Mayor,  and  thus  held  office  at  the  time  of  the 
revolution  of  1 399.  Throughout  his  life  he  continued 
a  loyal  supporter  of  the  House  of  Lancaster,  and  was 
the  trusted  financial  agent  both  of  Henry  IV.  and 
Henry  V.  Time  after  time  he  advanced  large  sums 
of  money  for  the  King's  service. f  According  to  the 
popular  story  he  entertained  Henry  and  Catherine 
with  princely  luxury,  and  after  the  feast  produced 
bonds  for  money  lent  to  the  King,  which  he  had 
taken  up  and  discharged,  to  the  amount  of  ;£ 60,000 
sterling;  all  these  out  of  splendid  patriotism  he 


*  However,  as  an  historical  person,  Sir  Ivo  Fitzwaryn  appears  only 
as  a  wealthy  landowner  in  Devon  and  Dorset. 

fin  1406,  .£4621;  in  1407,  ^"1000 ;  in  1408,  .£2833;  in  1413, 
;£iooo  ;  in  1415,  700  marks,  and  so  on.  Wylie,  ii,,  416,  iii.,  65,  256, 
iv.,  103;  Fcedera,  ix.,  310. 


338  Henry  V. 

burnt  as  a  compliment  to  his  royal  guests.  Whit- 
tington  was  Mayor  for  the  third  time  in  1419;  and 
when  he  died,  in  1423,  left  the  whole  of  his  vast  for- 
tune to  charitable  purposes.  It  is  not  surprising 
that  he  should  have  been  styled  "the  sunne  of  mar- 
chaundy,  that  lode-starre  and  chief  chosen  flower." 
No  prince  of  commerce  has  ever  become  the  hero  of 
so  many  myths  and  legends : 

"  That  pen  and  paper  may  not  me  suffice 
Him  to  describe,  so  high  he  was  of  price."* 

The  commercial  prosperity  of  the  country  was  by 
no  means  confined  to  London.  Bristol  and  Nor- 
wich came  next,  as  they  still  did  three  centuries 
later.  Most  of  the  flourishing  towns  were  seaports 
like  Dartmouth  and  Lynn,  or  places  easily  reached 
from  the  sea  like  Exeter  and  York.  But  there  were 
some  inland  towns  of  wealth  and  importance  like 
Coventry,  and  many  "  such  great  and  populous 
villages  that  if  only  they  were  enclosed  within  walls 
they  might  be  called  great  towns."  f  In  spite,  too, 
of  the  agricultural  disturbance  caused  by  the  change 
from  wheat  growing  to  sheep  grazing  there  was  an 
abundance  of  wealth  in  the  rural  districts,  and 
many  a  franklin  lived  in  such  plenty, 


*  Political  Songs,  ii.,  178.  The  story  of  the  cat  is  a  myth  common 
to  the  folk-lore  of  many  countries  ;  it  attached  itself  to  Whittington 
during  the  sixteenth  century.  The  legend  of  Bow  Bells  is  about  as 
old  and  as  baseless. 

f  Heralds'  Debate,  p.  61.  The  French  Herald  retorted  that  in 
France  there  were  more  than  a  dozen  walled  towns  for  one  in  Eng- 
land. An  unintended  witness  to  the  more  peaceful  lot  of  England. 


The  State  of  England  339 


"  Hit  snewede  in  his  hous  of  mete  and  drynke."' 

Even  a  generation  later  Sir  John  Fortescue  f  de- 
scribed how  almost  every  small  village  had  its  knight 
or  squire  or  franklin  ;  and  the  general  prosperity  was 
not  less,  before  the  long  war  had  drained  the  re- 
sources of  the  country. 

The  French  Herald  might  boast  of  the  numerous 
fine  castles,  the  great  open  chaces  and  forests  of  his 
own  country;  but  we  shall  find  the  English  repre- 
sentative better  justified  by  his  many  simple  manor 
houses,  the  wide  expanse  of  cultivated  lands,  which 
left  little  room  for  forests,  the  enclosed  parks  and 
pleasure  grounds,  the  abundant  stock  of  oxen,  cows, 
swine,  and  horses,  and  the  flocks  of  sheep  "  which 
produced  the  finest  and  choicest  wool  that  can  be 
found  anywhere."  J  At  one  point  France  had  the 
advantage:  there  was  little  fruit  grown  in  England, 
except  in  Kent,  and  that  was  ill-flavoured ;  there 
was,  says  the  French  Herald,  sarcastically,  a  fine 
garden  at  Cheap  Cross  in  London,  but  all  the  fruit 
in  it  came  from  Flanders  or  Normandy. § 

No  doubt  there  was  another  side  to  this  picture, 
and  in  spite  of  good  government  and  commercial  de- 
velopment there  were  in  the  England  of  Henry  V. 
many  elements  of  distress.  Such  elements  are  in- 
evitable in  any  period  of  social  and  industrial 
change;  but  our  own  age  affords  sufficient  evidence 


*  Chaucer,  Prologtie,  345. 

f  De  Latidibtis  Legum  Anglite,  c.  29. 

%  Heralds'  Debate,  pp.  6,  10,  61,  75. 

§  Id.,  279.     The  Fruit  Market  was  in  Cheapside. 


Henry  V. 


that  agricultural  depression,  and  trade  disturbances 
pressing  hardly  in  some  particular  direction,  are  not 
inconsistent  with  great  general  prosperity.*  The 
reign  of  Henry  V.  forms  a  happy  break  between  two 
periods  of  social  disorder.  The  evil  effects  of  the 
Black  Death  and  the  first  French  wars  were  passing 
away,  and  the  renewed  warfare  had  not  as  yet  over- 
taxed the  resources  of  the  nation.  The  troubles  of 
the  reign  of  Richard  II.  may  be  put  down  to  an  ill- 
managed  foreign  war,  the  factious  strife  of  an  oligar- 
chical nobility,  and  the  corruption  of  a  denationalised 
Church.  The  heart  of  the  nation  was,  however, 
sound,  and  Henry's  government  had  gone  far  to 
correct  the  evils  of  the  past.  His  successful  conduct 
of  the  war,  and  his  skilful  diplomacy,  by  restoring 
English  prestige  and  maritime  supremacy,  fostered 
commerce.  His  personality  commanded  the  obedi- 
ence of  the  nobles,  whilst  his  great  schemes  furn- 
ished a  sufficient  scope  for  their  ambitions.  His 
ecclesiastical  policy,  at  once  orthodox  and  patriotic, 
restored  to  the  Church  for  the  time  somewhat  of  her 
national  position.  The  first  effects  of  a  victorious 
war  are  generally  stimulating,  and  probably  Henry's 
soldiers  brought  home  as  much  wealth  as  did  their 
grandsires,  in  whose  time  there  was  no  household  of 
position  which  could  not  display  a  share  of  the  plun- 
der of  Normandy.  f  But  the  drain  of  money  and 
men  was  already  beginning  to  tell.  The  financial 


*  Mr.  Denton,  in  his  England  in  the  Fifteenth  Century,  takes  a 
gloomy  view.  I  question  whether  it  is  not  altogether  too  gloomy, 
but  in  any  case  it  is  applicable  rather  to  the  England  of  Edward  IV. 
than  to  that  of  Henry  V.  \  Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  i.  272. 


The  State  of  England  341 

difficulty  might  be  met  for  the  time  by  various  ex- 
pedients: by  loans  from  English  capitalists,*  by  the 
taxation  of  the  conquered  provinces,  and  perhaps 
most  commonly  of  all  by  leaving  claims  to  run  un- 
paid, f  Nothing  could  supply  the  lack  of  men ; 
England  could  not  make  good  the  waste  of  war  and 
disease,  let  alone  supply  the  reinforcements  which 
the  constantly  extending  sphere  of  operations  made 
necessary.  The  strain  was  felt  as  early  as  March, 
1419,  when,  in  consequence  of  an  appeal  from  the 
King,  the  Council  in  England  issued  letters  of  privy 
seal  to  the  various  counties  for  the  enlistment  of 
fresh  troops.  The  commissioners  in  Norfolk  replied 
that  they  had  communed  with  many  persons  accord- 
ing to  their  instructions.  "  Truly,  what  for  poverty 
and  certain  infirmities  of  many  of  them,  we  cannot 
get  one  that  will  with  his  good  will  go ;  for  a  reason- 
able cause  is  that  those  persons  of  this  shire  that 
most  be  able  are  over  in  service  of  our  sovereign 
lord."  \  Henry  himself  was  keenly  alive  to  the 

*  Seeabove,  pp.  118,  336.  The  loans  from  London  merchants  were 
generally  for  short  periods.  But  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  who  in 
1416  advanced  ;£i4,ooo,  had  to  wait  years. 

•j-  Like  those  of  the  Earl  of  Huntingdon,  who  was  owed  ^8000  for 
the  campaign  of  Agincourt,  but  could  not  raise  money  for  his  ransom 
after  Bauge. 

\  Nicolas,  Proc.  Privy  Council,  ii.,  246;  Goodwin,  p.  214.  See 
also  a  letter  of  Robert  Waterton  in  1420,  ap.  Fcedera,  ix.,  883,  and 
the  statement  of  the  Cardinal  of  St.  Mark  in  December,  1419,  that 
the  English  were  hard  pressed  for  men  and  money,  ap.  Du  Fresne 
de  Beaucourt,  i.,  329.  At  a  moderate  estimate  there  must  have 
been  in  all  20,000  English  abroad.  And  this  does  not  allow  for  the 
troops  on  the  Welsh  and  Scottish  Marches,  and  in  garrison  at  Calais. 
The  population  of  the  country  was  only  about  two  and  a  half 
millions. 


342  Henry  V. 

dangers  of  his  position ;  and  it  was  for  this  reason 
that  he  was  so  anxious  to  find  effective  allies  on  the 
Continent. 

Still,  in  spite  of  the  growing  burdens  of  war,  the 
last  years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  were  probably 
the  happiest  for  England  during  the  whole  of  the 
fifteenth  century.  It  was  no  servile  flattery  with 
which  the  citizens  of  London  addressed  the  King  in 
September,  1419,  and  what  was  true  of  the  capital 
was  true  no  doubt  of  the  whole  country. 

"  Thank  God  lowly  that  ever  He  sent  us  so  gracious 
and  so  virtuous  a  sovereign  lord  to  reign  and  have  lord- 
ship over  us.  If  it  like  your  sovereign  highness  to  hear 
of  the  estate  of  your  city  of  London,  please  it  your 
kingly  majesty  to  conceive  that  in  more  quiet  nor  peace- 
able rest,  as  far  forth  as  absence  of  you  that  are  our 
most  gracious  and  sovereign  lord  may  suffer,  never  was 
earthly  city  nor  place  ;  blessed  be  God  !  "  * 


*  Delpit,  p.  228. 


CHAPTER    XXI 

HENRY   IN   ENGLAND 
1421 

IT  was  out  of  pure  affection,  rather  than  from  any 
political  necessity,  that  the  Commons  made  one 
of  their  first  petitions  in  the  Parliament  of  De- 
cember,   1420,  a  prayer  that  the  King  "  with  the 
gracious  Lady  his  Companion  would  shortly  return 
and  visit  this  realm."     Henry  assented  to  their  re- 
quest in  a  like  spirit,  and  the  few  short  months  that 
he  spent  in  his  native  kingdom  were  devoted  more 
to  pageants  and  progresses  than  to  affairs  of  state. 

Henry  and  Catherine  reached  Dover  on  Candle- 
mas Day  in  the  morning.  When  the  royal  ship 
neared  the  shore  the  worthy  Barons  of  the  Cinque 
Ports,  carried  away  by  their  enthusiasm  and  forget- 
ful of  their  fine  holiday  attire,  waded  through  the 
breakers  in  eager  rivalry  for  the  honour  of  carrying 
their  sovereign  and  his  bride  on  their  shoulders  to 
the  land.  Great  numbers  of  people  of  all  classes 
had  assembled  at  Dover  to  welcome  the  King,  and 
the  knights  and  gentry  of  Kent  were  there  in  good 
array  to  form  a  royal  escort.  So  they  brought  the 
King  and  Queen  to  Canterbury,  where  they  were 

343 


344  Henry  V.  [142i 

worthily  received  by  much  people,  and  did  not  leave 
them  till  they  had  reached  the  royal  manor  of  Elt- 
ham  on  the  very  border  of  the  county. 

Henry  desired  that  Catherine  should  not  enter 
London  until  all  things  were  ready  for  her  reception 
in  state.  He  made  his  own  entry  beforehand,  on 
St.  Valentine's  Day.  It  was  just  a  week  later  that 
Catherine  came  from  Eltham,  and  was  met  on  Black- 
heath  by  a  great  company  of  the  citizens  in  white 
cloaks  with  red  hoods  and  capes.  The  men  of  every 
craft  were  distinguished  by  a  diversity  on  their 
garments";  they  all  rode  on  horseback,  and  they 
had  brought  with  them  "  clarions  and  all  other  loud 
minstrelsies  in  honour  and  comfort  of  the  King  and 
his  Queen  and  the  glorious  and  royal  sight  of  strang- 
ers that  came  with  them  from  over-sea."  *  The 
pageants  and  decorations  in  the  streets  rivalled 
those  of  five  years  previous;  triumphal  arches  and 
castles,  bands  of  singing  boys  and  maidens,  foun- 
tains running  with  wine,  giants  of  a  huge  stature 
ingeniously  constructed  to  bow  at  the  right  mo- 
ment, lions  which  could  roll  their  eyes  and  make 
other  appropriate  gestures,  were  all  prepared  for  the 
welcome  of  Catherine  to  the  capital  of  her  husband's 
kingdom. f 

Catherine,  as  was  fitting,  spent  her  first  night  in 
London  at  the  Tower.  Next  morning,  being  the 
eve  of  the  day  appointed  for  the  Queen's  coronal  ion, 
the  Mayor,  Aldermen,  and  craftsmen,  in  their  best 
clothing,  with  all  their  melodies  and  minstrelsies, 

*  English  Chronicle,  Harley  MS.,  2256,  f.  195. 
f  Elmham,   Vila,  pp.  297,  298. 


1421]  Henry  in  England  345 

went    on    foot   to    bring    Catherine    through    the 
city. 

"  And  they  showed  to  her  all  the  royalty  of  sights  that 
might  be  done  to  her  comfort  and  pleasure,  and  every 
street  richly  hung  with  cloth  of  gold  and  silks  and  vel- 
vets and  cloth  of  Arras  the  best  that  might  be  got.  So 
they  brought  her  through  the  city  to  the  King's  palace 
at  Westminster."  * 

On  Sunday,  23rd  February,  Catherine  was  crowned 
in  the  Abbey,  and  afterwards  held  her  solemn  feast 
as  Queen  in  the  Hall.  It  was  the  season  of  Lent, 
so  the  banquet  consisted  entirely  of  fish  except 
that  a  collar  of  brawn  was  served  in  the  first  course. 
Etiquette  did  not  permit  the  King  to  be  present  at 
the  Queen's  coronation  feast.  Catherine  sat  by  her- 
self; on  her  right  were  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury and  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  on  her  left  was 
King  James  of  Scotland.  The  great  officers  of  state 
performed  their  accustomed  services;  Humphrey  of 
Gloucester,  as  Overseer,  stood  before  the  Queen 
bareheaded,  and  the  Earl  of  Worcester,  acting  as 
Marshal,  rode  up  and  down  the  Hall  to  keep  order. 
The  Barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  the  Vouchers  of 
the  Chancery,  the  Mayor  and  Aldermen  of  London, 
the  Bishops,  and  lords  and  ladies  of  the  Court  were 
all  ranged  in  their  proper  order  of  precedence.! 

*  English  Chronicle,  Harley  MS.,  2256,  f.  195. 

f  The  full  programme  of  the  dinner,  with  its  three  courses  and 
"  subtilties,"  has  been  preserved.  Perhaps  it  is  enough  to  quote 
"  the  servyce  at  the  first  Course  "  : 

"Brawne  with  mustarde.  Dedel  in  Borneux.  Furmente  with 
baleyne.  Pike.  Lamprey  powdred.  Great  Elis  poudred.  Trought. 


346  Henry  V.  11421 

After  the  festivities  of  the  Queen's  coronation 
were  over,  Henry  left  London  for  a  progress 
through  the  provinces.  First  by  himself  he  visited 
the  counties  of  the  Welsh  border.  On  4th  March 
he  was  at  Shrewsbury ;  on  the  7th  at  Weobly,  and 
on  the  1 5th  at  Coventry.  On  the  igth  he  reached 
Leicester,  where  Catherine  met  him,  and  the  King 
and  Queen  kept  Easter  in  the  old  palace  of  the 
Earls  of  Lancaster.  From  Leicester  they  went  on 
to  York,  where  they  were  received  with  great  honour 
by  the  citizens  and  clergy  of  the  northern  capital. 
Whilst  Catherine  visited  her  cousin,  Charles  of  Or- 
leans, at  Pontefract,  the  King  went  on  a  sort  of  pil- 
grimage to  the  shrines  of  St.  John  of  Bridlington, 
the  pretended  prophet  of  Lancastrian  prosperity, 
and  of  St.  John  of  Beverley,  on  the  feast  of  whose 
Translation  the  victory  of  Agincourt  was  won. 
Henry  was  thus  engaged  when  there  came  the  news 
of  the  greatest  disaster  that  had  yet  befallen  the 
English  in  France. 

Before  he  left  Normandy  the  King  had  arranged 
that  his  brother  Thomas  of  Clarence  should  take 
the  field  early  in  the  spring  to  reopen  the  war  in 
Maine  and  Anjou.  Clarence's  first  operations  were 


Codlyng.  Plaies  and  merlyne  fried.  Crabbes  great.  Lech  lum- 
barde  florisshid  with  colars  of  esses  and  brome  coddes  of  Gold  in  a 
Target  with  the  armes  of  the  Kyng  and  the  Quene  departid.  Jarves. 
A  Sotelte,  callid  a  pellican  on  hire  nest  with  briddis  and  an  ymage 
of  Seint  Katerine  with  a  whele  in  hire  hande  disputyng  with  the 
Hethen  clerks,  having  this  Reason  in  hir  hande  MADAME  LA 
ROIGNE  ;  the  Pellican  answeryng  CEST  ENSEIGNE  ;  the  briddes  an- 
sweryng  EST  DU  ROY  PUR  TKNIR  JOIE.  A  TOUT  GENT  IL  MET 
SENTENT." — C/iron.  London,  p.  164. 


1421]  Henry  in  England  347 

entirely  successful,  and  by  Good  Friday  (2ist 
March)  he  was  at  Beaufort-en-Vall£e  near  the  Loire 
with  a  strong  body  of  troops.  On  that  same  day 
the  French  and  Scots,  under  the  Earl  of  Buchan, 
reached  Baug£,  which  was  a  little  in  the  rear  of  the 
English  position.  Next  day  Clarence  learned  from 
his  scouts  how  close  the  enemy  were,  and  though  it 
was  already  late  in  the  afternoon,  determined  on  an 
immediate  attack.  In  spite  of  the  remonstrances  of 
Huntingdon,  who  urged  him  at  least  to  wait  till  his 
full  force  was  assembled,  Clarence  started  in  haste 
with  a  small  troop  of  cavalry.  When  he  was  near 
Baug£,  Sir  Gilbert  Umfraville  came  up  with  only 
five  horsemen,  and  in  his  turn  begged  the  Duke  to 
be  prudent;  it  was  better  to  "  keep  the  Church  and 
God's  service,"  and  after  the  Easter  feast  to  seek 
the  enemy  on  more  favourable  terms.  Clarence,  in 
childish  impatience,  taunted  Umfraville  with  having 
got  so  much  worship  that  he  grudged  others  their 
fame:  "  If  thou  art  afraid,  go  home,  and  keep  the 
Church."  "  Nay,  my  Lord,"  answered  Umfraville, 
"  you  have  no  company  to  fight;  see,  my  cousin 
Grey  and  I  have  but  ten  men  with  us  and  no  more ; 
yet  you  shall  never  say  that  we  thus  left  you."  So 
they  rode  on  together,  chiding  by  the  way,  till 
they  came  to  Bauge,  crossed  the  bridge,  and 
drove  in  the  Scottish  outposts.  Off  went  the  main 
body  of  the  English  in  hot  pursuit,  leaving  the 
Duke  with  only  a  few  personal  attendants.  Sud- 
denly the  enemy  appeared  in  force  from  behind 
some  rising  ground;  down  they  charged  on  Clar- 
ence and  his  little  company,  and  cut  them  to  pieces 


348  Henry  V.  [1421 

before  help  could  arrive.  The  Duke  himself  was 
slain ;  so  also  were  Umfraville,  Sir  John  Grey  of 
Tankerville,  Lord  Roos  of  Hamlake,  and  half  a 
score  of  knights.  Huntingdon,  the  Earl  of  Somer- 
set and  his  brother  Edmund,  the  Lord  FitzWalter, 
and  many  others  were  taken  prisoners.  The  skirm- 
ish, for  it  was  no  more,  was  hardly  over  when  the 
Earl  of  Salisbury  came  up  with  the  English  archers, 
drove  off  the  Scots  and  French,  and  rescued  the 
bodies  of  the  dead.  It  was  a  pitiful  blunder,  due 
entirely  to  the  rashness  of  Clarence  and  his  over- 
anxiety  to  perform  some  feat  of  arms  that  might 
compare  with  Agincourt.*  Yet  he  was  a  brave  and 
gallant  soldier  and  had  no  equal  in  knightly  prowess. 

The  news  of  this  disaster  reached  Henry  on  leav- 
ing Beverley.f  With  the  extraordinary  composure 
which  he  seems  to  have  always  shown  in  adversity, 
he  made  no  mention  of  the  news  to  his  companions 
till  the  following  morning.  Nor  did  he  change,  nor 
apparently  hasten,  the  arrangements  which  had 
already  been  made  for  his  early  return  to  France. 
He  kept  an  appointment  to  be  present  for  the  con- 
secration of  Richard  Fleming  at  Lincoln,  on  I5th 
April,  rejoined  Catherine  at  York  three  days  later, 
and  then  came  quietly  south  to  be  present  at  the 
meeting  of  Parliament  early  in  May. 

The  session  was  opened  by  Bishop  Langley,  the 

*  Hardyng,  pp.  284,  285  ;  English  Chronicle,  Cotton.  MS.,  Claud., 
A.  viii.,  f.  10 ;  Gesta,  p.  149;  Elmham,  Vita,  pp.  301-304;  Mons- 
trelet,  pp.  501,  502;  Chastelain,  i.,  223-227  ;  Du  Fresne  de  Beau- 
court,  i.,  220. 

|  Probably  on  nth  April,  on  which  day  he  was  at  Howden,  pre- 
sumably on  his  way  to  Lincoln, — Elmham,  Vita,  pp.  304-307. 


THOMAS,  DUKE  OF  CLARENCE. 

FROM   HIS  TOMB. 


1421]  Henry  in  England  349 

Chancellor,  with  a  speech  in  which  he  compared 
Henry's  modesty  in  success  to  that  of  the  "  valiant 
Emperor  Julius  Caesar,"  and  his  patience  in  advers- 
ity to  that  of  Job.  The  Commons  took  for  their 
Speaker,  Thomas  Chaucer,  the  son  of  the  poet.  For 
the  most  part,  the  legislation  of  the  session  was  not 
of  an  important  character.  The  Treaty  of  Troyes 
was  solemnly  approved  and  ratified.  An  ordinance 
was  made  for  the  reformation  of  the  gold  currency, 
which  would  be  recoined  free  of  charge  up  to  Christ- 
mas, but  after  that  date  only  taken  by  weight.* 
Other  matters  of  political  interest  were  the  settle- 
ment of  the  long-standing  disputes  with  the  Gen- 
oese, who  now  abandoned  the  French  alliance ;  and 
the  conclusion  of  a  preliminary  agreement  for  the 
return  of  King  James  to  Scotland. 

In  spite  of  his  political  preoccupations  Henry 
found  time  to  attend  a  Chapter  of  the  Benedictine 
monks  that  was  being  held  at  Westminster,  and  to 
give  the  weight  of  his  authority  in  support  of  cer- 
tain desirable  reforms. f  He  was  indeed  never  so 
busy  that  he  could  not  devote  to  the  affairs  of  the 
Church  some  portion  of  his  wonderful  mastery  of 
detail.  During  the  stress  of  his  diplomacy,  in  1416, 
he  had  set  afoot  a  scheme  for  the  establishment  of 
two  great  religious  foundations  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  London.  The  property  held  by  Alien  Prio- 
ries in  England,  after  long  threatening,  had  at  last 
been  taken  into  the  King's  hands  on  the  eve  of  the 
French  war  in  1414.  The  motive  for  confiscation 

*  Rolls  of  Parliament,  iv.,  129  seq. 

f  Walsingham,  Hist.  Angl.,  ii.,  537,  538. 


35°  Henry  F.  M42i 

was  purely  political,  and  there  was  no  intention 
to  divert  the  endowments  of  the  Church  to  secular 
uses.  Henry  devoted  a  large  portion  of  the  funds 
thus  placed  at  his  disposal  to  new  foundations,  the 
one  a  house  of  the  order  of  St.  Bridget  at  Sion,  near 
Brentford,  the  other  a  Charter-house  at  Sheen,  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  Thames.  In  these  two 
houses  he  was  to  be  prayed  for  perpetually ; 

"  when  they  of  Sion  rest,  they  of  the  Charter-house  do 
their  service,  and  in  like-wise  when  they  of  the  Charter- 
house rest  the  others  go  to,  and  by  the  ringing  of  the 
bells  of  either  place  each  knoweth  when  they  have  ended 
their  service."  * 

At  Sion  there  was  provision  for  the  daily  distribu- 
tion of  alms,  and  at  the  Charter-house  a  number  of 
children  were  always  to  be  kept  at  school.  Though 
the  charters  of  foundation  were  granted  in  1416  and 
confirmed  by  Pope  Martin  in  1418,  we  may  fairly 
conjecture  that  a  portion  of  Henry's  time  during 
his  last  visit  to  England  was  occupied  with  the  con- 
clusion of  so  congenial  an  undertaking.  Another 
of  Henry's  designs  was  the  foundation  of  a  great 
college  at  Oxford ;  though  this  last  scheme  never 
reached  maturity  it  may  have  helped  to  suggest  to 
Archbishop  Chichele  the  endowment  of  his  College 
of  All  Souls  in  memory  of  his  royal  master  and 
those  who  fell  at  Agincourt.  It  was  in  part  realised 
when  Henry's  son  enriched  his  colleges  at  Eton  and 
Cambridge  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  suppressed 
Alien  Priories. 


*  English  Chronicle,  Cotton  MS.,  Claud.,  A.  viii.,  f.  12.     See  the 
foundation  Charters  in  Dugdale's  Monasticon  Anglicanum,  vi.,  31. 


14211 


Henry  in  England 


351 


However,  domestic  affairs  and  schemes  of  phil- 
anthropy had  alike  to  give  way  to  the  imperative 
demands  of  the  French  war.  The  brief  session  of 
Parliament  was  scarcely  over  when  Henry  left  Eng- 
land for  the  last  time.  His  personal  influence  had 
been  of  more  avail  in  obtaining  fresh  troops  than 
the  loyal  endeavours  of  his  councillors.  It  was  at 
the  head  of  a  substantial  force  of  over  a  thousand 
men-at-arms  and  archers  that  the  King  set  sail  from 
Dover  on  loth  June,  1421.  Queen  Catherine  was 
expecting  her  confinement  and  remained  at  home 
under  the  care  of  Bedford,  now  for  the  third  time 
Regent  of  England. 


CHAPTER    XXII 

THE  LAST  CAMPAIGN 
I42I-I422 

AFTER  the  death  of  Clarence  at  Baug6,  the 
English,  under  the  skilful  guidance  of  the 
Earl  of  Salisbury,  fell  back  without  further 
disaster  to  Normandy.  In  the  face  of  adverse  for- 
tune Salisbury  showed  himself  a  true  general.  He 
gathered  a  fresh  force  from  the  English  garrisons, 
and  after  a  brief  interval  took  the  field  once  more. 
Meantime  the  enemy  had  advanced  through  Maine, 
and  now  lay  before  Alen^on.  Salisbury  at  his  first 
attempt  failed  to  raise  the  siege;  but  the  French 
found  themselves  too  weak  to  maintain  their  posi- 
tion, and  in  their  turn  retreated  to  Dreux.  The 
English  commander  followed  up  his  advantage  with 
vigour,  and  harried  Maine  and  Anjou  with  such  suc- 
cess that  his  "  runners  ran  before  Angers,"  and 
brought  home  from  their  raid  "  the  fairest  and 
greatest  prey  of  beasts  that  ever  men  saw."  On 
Henry's  arrival  in  Normandy  Salisbury  was  able  to 
report  that  "  your  liege  people  never  dread  less  your 
enemy  than  they  do  at  this  day,  and  this  part  of 

352 


^\>1TO 

««Mf]?HW& 


THE  EARL  OF  SALISBURY  AND  JOHN  LYDQATE. 

FROM  A  CONTEMPORARY  MINIATURE. 


142H422]  The  Last  Campaign  353 

your   land  stood   in  good  plight  never  so  well   as 
now."* 

Though  Salisbury  had  thus  saved  the  situation  on 
the  Norman  border,  the  moral  effect  of  Baug6  was 
in  other  quarters  not  inconsiderable.  At  Paris  it  re- 
quired all  Exeter's  address  to  hold  his  own  against 
the  changeful  moods  of  the  commune.  In  Picardy, 
the  Dauphin's  supporters,  under  Jacques  de  Har- 
court  and  the  Gascon  La  Hire,  began  to  make  head 
against  the  Burgundians.  The  English  position 
was  therefore  sufficiently  critical  when  Henry  landed 
in  France  for  the  last  time  at  Calais,  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  day  that  he  sailed  from  Dover.  A  part 
of  the  English  troops  were  sent  forward  in  haste  to 
Paris,  but  the  King  himself  remained  for  a  few  days 
in  Picardy  in  order  to  arrange  a  plan  of  campaign 
with  the  Duke  of  Burgundy.  Philip  joined  Henry 
at  Montreuil,  and  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Abbe- 
ville, where  the  allies  parted  company  ;  it  was  agreed 
that  the  Duke  should  return  to  direct  operations 
against  Jacques  de  Harcourt,  whilst  the  English 
were  to  take  the  field  against  the  Dauphin,  who  had 
lately  won  some  places  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Chartres.  From  Abbeville  Henry  marched  by  way 
of  Beauvais  and  Gisors  to  Mantes,  where  he  left  his 
army  under  the  command  of  Gloucester  and  made  a 
hurried  visit  to  Paris.  In  the  capital  he  spent  but 
four  days,  and  having  informed  himself  of  the  state 
of  affairs  both  military  and  political,  rejoined  his 
army  on  Qth  July  and  at  once  took  the  field. 

The  news  of  Henry's  coming  had  acted  like  a 

*  Fcedera,  x.,  131,  under  date  2ist  June. 
23 


354  Henry  V.  [1421- 

charm.  The  English  recovered  their  ancient  con- 
fidence, and  the  Dauphin  retreated  in  haste  beyond 
the  Loire.  Henry  determined  first  to  reduce  Dreux, 
the  garrison  of  which  had  long  threatened  the  peace 
of  Normandy. 

The  town  of  Dreux  was  strongly  fortified,  and  its 
castle,  perched  on  a  rocky  eminence,  seemed  to  defy 
attack.  The  weak  point  was  a  walled  vineyard  on 
one  side  of  the  castle,  on  which  the  English  concen- 
trated their  efforts.  After  a  three  weeks'  siege  the 
outer  defences  were  carried,  and  on  8th  August  the 
garrison  made  an  agreement  of  the  usual  kind  to 
surrender  if  no  rescue  came  within  twelve  days. 
The  fall  of  Dreux  was  followed  by  the  surrender  of 
many  minor  fortresses  between  that  town  and  Char- 
tres.  His  communications  with  Normandy  and 
Paris  being  thus  secured,  Henry  resolved  to  carry 
his  warfare  boldly  into  the  enemy's  country. 

Towards  the  end  of  August  the  English  set  out 
from  Dreux,  hoping  to  bring  the  Dauphin's  forces 
to  a  decisive  action.  The  French,  however,  fell 
back  as  Henry  advanced,  and  allowed  Beaugency 
on  the  Loire  to  be  occupied  without  resistance.  At 
Beaugency  the  King  halted  for  a  few  days,  whilst 
his  light  troops,  under  the  Earl  of  Suffolk,  raided 
the  country  beyond  the  river.  But  the  French, 
who  had  learned  prudence  from  experience,  clung  to 
their  Fabian  tactics,  till  dearth  and  sickness  com- 
pelled the  English  to  retire.  From  Beaugency 
Henry  marched  slowly  up  the  right  bank  of  the 
Loire.  He  captured  the  suburbs  of  Orleans  by  as- 
sault, but  did  not  venture  to  attack  the  city  itself. 


1422]  The  Last  Campaign  355 

On  1 8th  September  he  reached  Nemours,  and  four 
days  later  was  at  Villeneuve-le-Roi  on  the  Yonne. 
The  latter  town,  which  was  one  of  the  Dauphin's 
recent  acquisitions,  was  recovered  after  a  brief  siege. 
By  the  close  of  September,  Henry  was  back  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Paris,  at  Lagny-sur-Marne. 

Since  the  French  would  not  face  him  in  the  field, 
Henry  had  no  alternative  but  to  resume  the  piece- 
meal conquest  of  northern  France,  fortress  by  for- 
tress. He  determined  to  employ  the  winter  months 
in  the  reduction  of  Meaux,  which,  since  the  fall  of 
Melun,  had  been  the  chief  Armagnac  stronghold  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Paris.  The  Duke  of  Exeter, 
in  command  of  the  English  van,  appeared  before  the 
town  on  6th  October.  Henry  himself  remained  till 
ten  days  later  at  Lagny,  mustering  his  forces  and 
preparing  his  train  of  siege  artillery.  On  his  arrival 
before  Meaux,  the  King  took  up  his  quarters  at  the 
Abbey  of  St.  Faro-les-Meaux  to  the  north;  Exeter 
had  command  on  the  west,  the  Earl  of  March  on 
the  east,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick  on  the  south. 

The  city  of  Meaux  had,  in  the  hands  of  its  Ar- 
magnac garrison,  become  a  fortress  of  exceptional 
strength.  The  river  Marne  divided  it  into  two 
parts,  "  the  Town  "  on  the  north,  and  "the  Market" 
on  the  south.  The  Town  was  well  defended  with 
walls  and  foss,  but  was  not  nearly  so  strong  as  the 
Market;  for  the  latter  was  almost  entirely  sur- 
rounded by  the  broad  and  rapid  Marne.  The  nomi- 
nal captain  of  Meaux  was  Messire  Louis  Gast;  but 
the  real  leader  of  the  garrison  was  the  Bastard  of 
Vaurus,  a  Gascon  soldier  of  fortune  whose  name, 


356  Henry  V.  [H2i- 

even  in  that  time  of  rapine  and  disorder,  had  be- 
come a  byword  for  ferocious  cruelty.  Vaurus  and 
his  Armagnac  mercenaries  were  the  terror  of  Brie; 
for  they  plundered  the  country  far  and  wide,  held  the 
inhabitants  to  ransom,  and,  if  their  hapless  victims 
could  not  find  the  wherewithal  to  purchase  their 
lives,  hung  them  wantonly  on  a  tree  before  the  city. 
Meaux  was  indeed  a  nest  of  robbers,  who  gathered 
to  themselves  the  scum  of  the  soldiery  of  all  nations, 
French,  Scots,  and  English,  desperate  men  who 
were  certain  to  resist  to  the  bitter  end. 

The  siege  of  Meaux  thus  promised  to  be  even 
worse  than  that  of  Melun.  Henry  commenced  oper- 
ations in  his  usual  methodical  and  careful  way:  a 
bridge  of  boats  was  built  across  the  Marne;  the 
English  lines  were  protected  by  entrenchments;  and 
the  artillery  posted  in  well  chosen  positions.  But 
fortune  was  from  the  first  adverse.  The  Marne  rose 
in  flood  and  laid  the  whole  country  under  water,  so 
that  the  four  divisions  of  the  besieging  host  were 
completely  isolated.  Nearly  all  the  available  boats 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  garrison,  whose  flotillas 
harassed  the  English  on  every  side.  Communica- 
tions were  so  difficult  that  Henry  was  compelled, 
for  want  of  forage,  to  send  all  his  horses  away. 
Then  the  river  fell  as  suddenly  as  it  had  risen,  and 
the  French  cavalry  wore  out  the  English  with  per- 
petual alarms  and  excursions.  Supplies  could  be 
obtained  only  by  dint  of  constant  fighting,  whilst 
on  the  top  of  all  other  disasters  sickness  made  its 
appearance  in  the  camp.  Still  Henry  pursued  his 
purpose  with  dogged  persistence ;  his  artillery  kept 


1422]  The  Last  Campaign  357 

up  a  merciless  bombardment,  mines  were  driven 
daily  nearer  to  the  walls,  and  under  cover  of  the 
"  sows  "  a  constant  endeavour  was  made  to  fill  the 
foss.  The  garrison  replied  with  equal  vigour;  their 
sorties  were  incessant,  and  whatever  damage  was 
done  to  walls  or  foss  was  made  good  before  the  be- 
siegers could  reap  any  advantage.  Then,  as  though 
there  were  not  troubles  enough  at  Meaux,  came 
news  that  the  French  had  captured  Avranches,  and 
Henry  had  to  drain  his  overtaxed  host  to  send  rein- 
forcements to  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Suffolk  on 
the  Norman  border.  For  the  first  time  in  the  war 
the  English  began  to  lose  heart,  and  some,  on  one 
pretext  or  another,  made  excuse  to  go  home.  Even 
the  gallant  Sir  John  Cornwall,  stricken  with  sickness 
and  by  the  loss  of  his  only  son,  who  was  slain  before 
his  eyes,  took  a  vow  to  fight  no  longer  against 
Christians,  and,  abandoning  the  war,  returned  to 
England. 

For  five  months  the  Town  of  Meaux  held  Henry 
at  bay.  In  the  spring  of  1422  the  garrison  were 
looking  hopefully  to  be  relieved  by  Guy  de  Nesle, 
the  Sire  d'Offemont.  On  the  Qth  March  Guy,  with 
a  chosen  band,  stole  through  the  English  lines  by 
night.  Most  of  his  men  had  safely  crossed  the  foss, 
and  were  already  ascending  the  wall  by  the  aid  of 
those  within  when,  as  ill  luck  would  have  it,  Guy 
slipped  on  a  plank  and  fell  into  the  foss.  Those  in 
front  went  back  to  help  their  captain ;  but  the 
noise  had  alarmed  the  English  guard,  who,  turn- 
ing out  in  force,  took  Guy  and  his  little  company 
prisoners.  The  failure  of  this  attempt  at  relief  so 


358  Henry  V. 


[1421- 


disheartened  the  garrison  of  Meaux  that  on  the 
following  morning  they  abandoned  the  Town  and 
withdrew  across  the  bridge  to  the  Market. 

Henry  now  occupied  the  Town  and  brought  up 
his  artillery  to  batter  the  bridge,  which  was  still 
held  by  the  enemy.  To  help  in  the  assault,  a  great 
structure  of  wood  was  built  and  pushed  forward 
through  the  streets  on  wheels  until  its  forepart  pro- 
jected into  the  river  and  towered  high  above  the 
bridge.  Under  cover  of  this  novel  fortress  and  by 
the  aid  of  their  artillery,  the  English,  after  much 
fighting,  got  the  victory,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
bridge  was  captured.  Underneath  the  north  wall 
of  the  Market  by  the  river  were  a  number  of  flour- 
mills,  the  successors  of  which  still  form  a  prominent 
feature  in  the  modern  town.  After  their  victory 
on  the  bridge  the  English  made  the  capture  of 
these  mills  their  chief  concern.  A  portion  of  the 
artillery  were  lodged  on  a  little  island  in  mid-stream, 
and  under  cover  of  a  heavy  bombardment  the  mills 
were  assaulted.  Richard  Beauchamp,  the  Earl  of 
Worcester,  who  led  the  English  attack,  was  killed 
by  a  cannon-ball;  but  his  men  captured  the  mills 
and  so  secured  a  position  from  which  the  walls  of  the 
Market  might  be  approached  without  needless 
exposure. 

Meanwhile,  the  siege  was  being  pressed  with 
equal  vigour  in  other  quarters.  On  the  south  side, 
where  the  Market  was  most  open  to  attack,  the 
Earl  of  Warwick's  division,  under  cover  of  a  "  sow," 
succeeded  in  capturing  an  important  outwork.  On 
the  west,  the  Marne  and  its  branches  had  long  pre- 


1422]  The  Last  Campaign  359 

vented  the  English  from  making  any  direct  attack 
on  the  walls.  But  at  last,  after  many  sharp  en- 
counters, Sir  Walter  Hungerford's  company  got  a 
footing  on  the  far  bank  of  the  river,  where,  in  the 
face  of  repeated  sorties  by  the  enemy,  they  con- 
structed shelters  for  their  artillery  and  set  their 
miners  to  work.  Though  the  walls  were  soon 
breached  and  crumbling,  the  garrison  refused  every 
summons  to  surrender,  and  with  stubborn  per- 
sistence again  and  again  repelled  the  assaults  of  the 
English.  On  the  eastern  side,  the  Marne  flowed 
with  so  wide  and  swift  a  stream  as  to  make  any  at- 
tack seem  hopeless.  In  that  quarter  little  progress 
had  been  made  when  the  Easter  feast  brought  to 
both  armies  a  brief  respite.  But  at  the  end  of  the 
truce,  which  his  respect  for  religion  had  dictated, 
Henry  concentrated  his  efforts  on  this  portion  of 
the  siege.  Two  large  barges  were  lashed  together, 
and  on  the  platform  thus  obtained  a  huge  tower  was 
built,  to  match  the  height  of  the  walls  above  the 
river.  Henry's  design  was  to  float  his  monstrous 
structure  down  the  stream  and  grapple  it  to  the 
wall  by  a  drawbridge  provided  in  the  upper  story  of 
the  tower.  Before,  however,  any  trial  could  be 
made  of  this  novel  engine,*  the  remnant  of  the  gar- 
rison at  last  sought  for  terms. 

On  1st  May  an  agreement  was  concluded,  under 
which  the  Market  of  Meaux  was  to  surrender  abso- 
lutely if  no  rescue  came  within  ten  days.  All 

*  Henry  was  so  interested  in  his  device  that,  after  the  surrender 
of  the  Market,  an  experiment  was  made  which  proved  completely 
successful. 


360  Henry  V.  M42i- 

English,  Irish,  or  Scots  were  to  be  at  the  King's 
mercy,  as  likewise  were  any  who  had  shared  in  the 
murder  of  Montereau,  or  had  at  any  time  made  oath 
of  the  final  peace.  A  round  dozen  of  the  chief  leaders 
were  also  excepted  by  name;  of  these  four,  namely 
Sir  Louis  Gast,  the  Bastard  of  Vaurus,  Denis  de 
Vaurus,  and  John  Roumes,  were  to  have  doom  and 
justice  done  and  ministered  to  them;  the  others 
were  to  be  kept  prisoners  until  all  towns  and  fort- 
resses over  which  they  had  authority  were  yielded 
to  the  King.  The  Bastard  of  Vaurus  and  his  kins- 
man were  hanged  on  their  tree  at  Meaux,  a  fate 
which  they  richly  deserved.  We  may  feel  more  pity 
for  the  gallant  Louis  Gast,  for  John  Roumes,  and 
an  unlucky  trumpeter,  whose  crime  was  that  he  had 
blown  a  horn  during  the  siege;  these  three  were 
sent  to  Paris  and  there  executed.*  Some  other  of 
the  principal  prisoners  were  long  kept  in  captivity 
at  Paris  or  in  England.  But  the  great  majority 
were  suffered  to  go  free,  though  all  the  stores  and 
treasure  in  Meaux  became  the  booty  of  the  con- 
querors.f 

Meaux  was  but  a  second-rate  town,  and  the  im- 
portance of  its  capture  depended  rather  on  its 
strength  and  the  audacity  of  its  defenders.  In  itself 

*  Feeder  a,  x.,  212-214.  The  horn-blower  was  perhaps  one  of  those 
who  insulted  Henry  by  beating  an  ass  till  he  brayed,  when  they 
shouted,  "  Ane  rit,"  and  asked  the  English  if  they  heard  their  King 
calling  for  help  (Fenin,  p.  612). 

f  The  chief  authority  for  the  siege  of  Meaux  is  Elmham,  Vita, 
pp.  315-328  ;  but  see  also  Monstrelet,  pp.  513,  516,  517,  520  ;  Chron. 
St.  Denys,  vi.,  449-451  ;  Fenin,  pp.  612,  613  ;  Des  Ursins,  pp.  562, 
563  ;  Chastelain,  i.,  283,  294-306. 


14221 


Last  Campaign  361 


it  was  not  worth  the  price  which  its  reduction  cost  ; 
for  the  English  had  suffered  terrible  losses  by  sick- 
ness and  the  sword.  Yet  the  fall  of  Meaux  was  of 
considerable  moral  effect,  and  marks  a  definite  stage 
in  the  course  of  the  English  conquests.  In  accord- 
ance with  the  terms  of  surrender  the  French  cap- 
tains, who  were  taken  prisoners,  yielded  possession 
of  any  neighbouring  castles  or  fortresses  over  which 
they  had  authority.  Other  places  of  importance,  like 
Compiegne,  also  abandoned  the  hope  of  further  re- 
sistance. In  the  course  of  May  and  June  nearly  all 
the  remaining  Armagnac  garrisons  in  Valois  and  the 
Beauvoisis  surrendered  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick,  so 
that  the  position  of  the  English  and  Burgundian 
forces  to  the  north-east  of  Paris  seemed  now  secure. 
In  other  quarters  success  had  not  been  wanting. 
After  a  series  of  skirmishes,  Philip  of  Burgundy  and 
John  of  Luxembourg  had  brought  Jacques  de  Har- 
court  to  a  decisive  action  at  Mons-en-Vimeu  on  3Oth 
August,  1421,  and  by  their  victory  driven  the  Dau- 
phin's supporters  out  of  Picardy.  On  the  Norman 
border  Salisbury  had  recovered  Avranches,  whilst 
Suffolk  had  defeated  Sire  Oliver  de  Mauny,  the 
sometime  Captain  of  Falaise,  who,  though  under  an 
oath  not  to  bear  arms  against  the  English,  had 
stirred  a  formidable  revolt  in  the  Cotentin.  Oliver 
de  Mauny  was  taken  prisoner  and  sent  by  Suffolk 
to  Meaux.  On  his  arrival  Henry  upbraided  him 
for  his  conduct: 

"  You  are,"  said  the  King,  "  an  ancient  knight,  and 
ought  to  have  observed  your  faith  and  honour,  and  by 
the  law  of  arms  deserve  to  die  ;  but  we  give  you  your 


362  Henry  V.  11421 1422] 

life  and  will  only  send  you  into  England,  where  you  may 
learn  the  language  and  better  maxims  of  Honour."  * 

The  combined  result  of  these  successes  had  been 
to  consolidate  the  English  position.  Henry  was 
now  master  of  all  Normandy,  Picardy,  and  the  Isle 
of  France,  together  with  northern  Champagne  and 
a  considerable  part  of  Maine  and  the  Orleannais.f 
In  the  two  latter  provinces  many  places  were  still 
held  for  the  Dauphin ;  and  even  farther  north  his 
supporters  maintained  themselves  with  heroic  per- 
sistence in  a  small  territory  round  Boulogne  and  at 
Mont  St.  Michel.  Charles  had,  however,  no  real 
authority  north  of  the  Loire,  and  with  the  approach 
of  summer  an  early  extension  of  the  English  con- 
quests appeared  to  be  imminent.  But  Henry's  re- 
sources had  been  overstrained  by  the  hardships  of 
the  long  winter  siege.  His  troops,  worn  out  with 
fighting  and  sickness,  needed  rest  before  they  could 
again  take  the  field.  The  capture  of  Meaux  was 
destined  to  be  his  last  achievement. 


*  Hall,  Chronicle,  pp.  108,  109. 

f  At  Henry's  death  the  English  conquests  had  nearly  reached  their 
limit.  Afterwards  the  Earls  of  Salisbury  and  Suffolk  completed  the 
reduction  of  Champagne  and  won  some  further  territory  in  the  west. 


CHAPTER    XXIII 

PLANS   FOR   THE   FUTURE 

IN  the  midst  of  his  busy  warfare  Henry  had  never 
lost  sight  of  the  necessities  of  the  diplomatic 
situation.  In  his  foreign  policy  he  had  kept 
steadily  in  view  two  chief  objects :  the  first  to  iso- 
late his  French  opponents;  the  second  to  secure 
armed  assistance  for  himself.  Though  during  the 
past  year  the  English  cause  had  made  good  pro- 
gress, the  prospect  for  the  future  was  still  fraught 
with  dangers  and  difficulties.  The  Dauphin's  party 
had  been  taught  by  adversity  to  husband  and  con- 
centrate their  strength,  and  were  seeking  fresh  sup- 
port from  their  allies  in  Spain  and  Scotland.  On 
the  other  hand,  the  long  siege  before  Meaux  had 
shown  how  nearly  the  resources  of  England  were 
exhausted.  Henry  had  recognised  from  the  first 
that  he  could  not  accomplish  his  purpose  by  war 
alone.  But  his  diplomacy  had  not  so  far  achieved 
the  results  which  he  hoped  for.  Unless  he  was  to 
modify  his  plans  he  must  procure  from  his  own 
allies  more  direct  assistance,  and  also  deprive  the 
Dauphin  of  the  support  which  he  received  from 
friends  abroad.  To  this  task  Henry  devoted 

363 


364  Henry  V. 

himself  with  unabated  resolution,   in  spite  of   the 
distractions  of  the  siege  of  Meaux. 

It  was  natural  that  Henry  should  have  made  an 
intimate  alliance  with  Sigismund  the  first  aim  of  his 
diplomacy.  The  prestige  of  the  Imperial  name  and 
the  real  power  of  the  German  kingdom  pointed  alike 
in  this  direction.  The  weak  point,  as  the  result 
proved,  was  the  personal  character  of  the  Emperor 
himself.  Sigismund,  in  spite  of  his  great  ideals, 
lacked  the  stability  of  purpose  that  would  have  made 
him  a  trustworthy  ally ;  he  pursued  his  most  import- 
ant ends  fitfully,  and  his  attention  was  diverted  easily 
to  the  passing  interests  of  the  moment.  He  was 
not  wilfully  disloyal  to  his  English  ally,  whilst  for 
the  reform  of  the  Church  and  for  the  Crusade  he 
had  a  genuine  enthusiasm.  But  when  the  crisis  of 
Constance  was  past  he  was  soon  absorbed  in  the 
affairs  of  his  German  kingdom,  of  Hungary,  Bo- 
hemia, and  Poland.  Sigismund's  political  aim  in 
the  Treaty  of  Canterbury  was  avowedly  the  re- 
covery of  the  lands  of  the  Empire.  With  that  pur- 
pose he  was  to  have  joined  Henry  on  the  French 
frontier  in  the  summer  of  1417.  In  excuse  for  his 
failure,  he  had  pleaded  the  delays  of  the  Council, 
but  was  confident  that  he  would  keep  his  engage- 
ment in  the  following  year.  Even  in  April,  1418, 
he  was  much  annoyed  that  Pope  Martin  should 
have  overlooked  his  concern  in  the  Anglo-French 
war.*  When,  however,  Louis  of  Bavaria,  who  was 
the  warmest  advocate  in  Germany  of  the  English 
alliance,  quarrelled  with  some  of  the  other  princes, 

*  Feeder  a,  ix.,  569. 


Plans  for  the  Fiiture  365 

Sigismund  took  part  against  him  and  alleged  that 
this  dispute  had  made  the  passage  to  France  impos- 
sible. Louis  complained  bitterly  to  Henry  of  the 
Emperor's  conduct;  and  in  the  end  proved  his  own 
loyalty  by  coming  to  the  help  of  the  English  at 
Melun.* 

Sigismund  himself,  whilst  still  professing  that  he 
would  fulfil  his  compact,  declared  that  he  must  first 
settle  the  affairs  of  Germany,  and  suppress  the  Hus- 
site movement  in  Bohemia.  When  this  was  done,  he 
would  collect  an  army  and  come  to  Henry's  assist- 
ance, f  As  usual  he  talked  of  great  schemes,  but  in 
action  was  shiftless  and  dilatory.  He  wasted  all  the 
autumn  of  1418  in  a  vain  endeavour  to  arrange  terms 
with  the  Bohemians,  and  then  found  himself  in- 
volved in  a  further  quarrel  with  the  Poles  and  Teu- 
tonic Knights.  Henry,  whilst  recognising  that 
"  the  matter  touching  the  Feith  against  the  Here- 
tiks  and  Lollardes  of  Boeme"  was  God's  cause,  was 
anxious  to  see  it  set  in  such  a  way  that  the  Em- 
peror might  be  free  to  render  the  promised  assist- 
ance.^: With  this  intention,  in  May,  1419,  he  sent 
his  confessor,  Thomas  Netter  of  Walden,  on  a  mis- 
sion to  induce  Wladislaw  of  Poland  and  Michael,  the 
Grand  Master  of  the  Teutonic  Knights,  to  withdraw 
their  support  from  the  Bohemians. §  The  choice  of 
such  an  envoy  perhaps  indicates  Henry's  concern 
for  a  settlement  that  would  be  favourable  to  the 
Catholic  Church.  However,  in  spite  of  the  King's 

*  Faedera  ix.,  605-612.  f  /</.,  ix.,  604.  \  Id.,  x.,  613. 

§  44th  Report  Deputy  Keeper,  p.  611  ;  cf.  Diet.  National  Bio- 
graphy, xl.,  232. 


366  Henry  V. 

efforts,  Sigismund's  political  and  religious  troubles 
continued,  to  the  detriment  of  the  Anglo-German 
alliance.  On  28th  April,  1420,  Sir  Hartank  van 
Clux,  who  had  remained  as  an  English  agent  at  the 
Imperial  Court,  wrote  to  his  master  from  Schweid- 
nitz: 

"  The  Emperor  said  to  me  plainly,  that  I  should  not  go 
from  him  unto  time  I  should  wit  whether  he  might  come 
to  you  this  summer  or  not.  And  now  I  know  well  that  he 
may  not  come,  for  this  cause  that  many  of  the  great  lords 
of  Bohemia  have  required  him  for  to  let  them  hold  the 
same  belief  they  be  in.  ...  Therefore  the  Emperor 
gathers  all  the  power  he  may  for  to  go  into  Bohemia 
upon  them  .  .  .  and  has  charged  me  abide  and  see 
an  end."  * 

This  report  must  have  made  it  clear  to  Henry  that 
there  was  no  hope  of  help  from  Sigismund.  But 
the  Treaty  of  Troyes  was  on  the  point  of  conclusion, 
and  the  King  may  have  believed  that  after  all  he 
would  finish  the  work,  which  he  had  so  well  begun, 
without  foreign  assistance.  The  Emperor,  when 
informed  of  the  Treaty,  gave  his  assent  to  its  terms, 
and  certified  anew  his  alliance  with  England ;  but 
his  friendship  did  not  go  beyond  a  formal  expression 
of  satisfaction. f  The  disaster  at  Bauge"  and  the 
pressure  of  the  siege  of  Meaux  compelled  Henry  to 
make  a  fresh  attempt  to  obtain  active  assistance. 
In  December,  1421,  Richard  Fleming,  Bishop  of 
Lincoln,  and  two  colleagues,  were  commissioned  to 


*  Fcrdera,  x.,  208  ;  cf.  Lenz,  p.  205,  as  to  correct  date, 
f  Fa'dera,  x.,  14. 


Plans  for  the  Future  367 

go  on  an  embassy  to  Sigismund  and  the  other 
princes  of  Germany.  They  were  to  represent  how 
they  had  been  sent  by  the  King  "  for  to  have  Suc- 
cours of  men,  the  which  might  never  be  more  be- 
hoveful  unto  him,  considered  that  he  is  now  in  the 
point  and  conclusion  of  his  Labour,  and  through 
God's  grace  and  help  of  his  Allies  and  Friends 
shall  soon  have  an  end  of  his  war."  There  were, 
however,  certain  persons,  "as  he  that  clepeth  him 
Dauphin  and  his  adherents,"  who  still  opposed 
the  Treaty  of  Troyes;  therefore  Henry,  "  think- 
ing that  he  had  never  more  necessity,"  prayed 
his  friends  and  allies  to  do  him  service  at  his 
wages  such  as  he  gave  to  his  own  subjects.  Surely 
they  would  not  fail  him  ' '  no  more  than  strangers  men 
do  to  his  adversary,"  whose  wage  to  his  mercenaries 
from  Castile  and  Scotland  was  paid  in  money  "  so 
feeble  that  it  passeth  not  a  good  English  noble  a 
month."  The  greatness  of  Henry's  need  is  revealed 
in  the  urgency  that  was  impressed  on  the  ambassa- 
dors, and  in  the  liberal  terms  which  they  were  em- 
powered to  offer  for  five  hundred  lances  to  serve  six 
months  from  the  beginning  of  May.  Fleming  and 
his  colleagues  were  to  go  first  to  the  princes  of  the 
Rhine,  and  then  to  Sigismund  himself,  whom  they 
were  to  pray  to  "  come  and  do  the  King  Succurse 
after  his  many  Promises  and  often  times  writ- 
ing."* 

We  do  not  know  how  this  embassy  fared  in  Ger- 
many.   But  though  it  did  not  produce  any  palpable 

*  Fader  a,  x.,  161-163.    They  did  not  leave  England  till  February, 
1422. 


368  Henry  V. 

result,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  Henry  still  en- 
deavoured through  his  agents  to  effect  a  reconcili- 
ation between  Sigismund  and  his  rebellious  subjects, 
and  thus  achieve  the  purpose  with  which  he  had 
concluded  the  Treaty  of  Canterbury.* 

In  his  anxiety  to  reap  some  practical  advantage 
from  the  Anglo-German  alliance  Henry  had  not  lost 
sight  of  the  possibilities  of  success  in  other  direc- 
tions. After  long  negotiation  a  treaty  had  been 
concluded  with  Genoa  on  2Qth  May,  1421,  under 
which  the  Italian  Republic  promised  to  render  no 
further  assistance  to  the  Dauphin,  Castile,  or  Scot- 
land, f  The  definite  withdrawal  of  the  Genoese 
fleet  from  the  French  service  seemed  likely  to  be  of 
real  advantage ;  but  again  the  actual  results  were 
disappointing,  for  before  the  end  of  the  year  the 
Republic  succumbed  to  the  power  of  Filippo  Maria 
Visconti,  the  Duke  of  Milan.  Ultimately,  no  doubt, 
Henry  would  have  endeavoured  to  displace  French 
influence  in  the  Italian  peninsula,  and  the  abortive 
proposal  for  the  adoption  of  John  of  Bedford  by 
Joanna  of  Naples  may  have  formed  part  of  such  a 
scheme.:}:  For  the  time,  however,  his  efforts  were 
concentrated  where  they  promised  to  be  of  more 
immediate  advantage. 

In  beginning  his  warfare  by  the  invasion  and  con- 
quest of  Normandy,  Henry  had  shown  that  he  re- 
cognised the  importance  to  England  of  securing 
undisputed  command  of  the  narrow  seas.  But  he 
was  not  blind  to  the  use  that  might  be  made  of  the 


* Lenz,  pp.  213,  214.         \Fcedera,  x.,  117-122.        \Id.,  ix.,  706. 


Plans  for  the  Future  369 

English  possessions  in  Aquitaine,  and  as  time  went 
on  gave  affairs  in  that  region  increasing  attention. 
The  territory  which  the  English  held  in  southern 
France  had  been  much  curtailed  since  the  reign  of 
Edward  III.,  and  was  confined  to  a  comparatively 
narrow  district  round  Bordeaux  and  Bayonne. 
Commercial  ties  bound  the  people  of  these  cities  to 
England,  and  their  loyalty  was  strengthened  by 
hostility  to  their  Spanish  rivals  in  trade.  But 
amongst  the  nobles  of  the  country  districts  the  long 
wars  had  fostered  a  spirit  of  independence,  so  that 
they  rendered  little  obedience  to  either  King.  One 
of  the  chief  Gascon  lords  at  this  time  was  John, 
Count  of  Foix,  whose  brother  Gaston  had  taken 
Pontoise  for  King  Henry  and  been  made  Count  of 
Longueville,  whilst  a  third  brother,  Archambault, 
Sire  de  Noailles,  had  died  by  the  side  of  John  of 
Burgundy. 

After  the  Treaty  of  Troyes  Henry  sent  Gaston  to 
Aquitaine,  with  the  manifest  intention  of  winning 
over  to  the  English  side  the  Count  of  Foix,  who  in 
the  previous  January  had  accepted  the  governorship 
of  Languedoc  from  the  Dauphin.  At  the  same 
time  Sir  John  Tiptoft  returned  to  his  old  post  as 
Seneschal  at  Bordeaux.  By  their  conciliatory 
policy,  Tiptoft  and  Longueville  succeeded  in  ar- 
ranging terms  with  a  number  of  the  Gascon  lords, 
and  thus  induced  Charles  d'Albret  and  the  Count 
of  Foix  to  tender  their  homage  to  Henry  at  Rouen 
in  January,  1421.  The  Count  sent  a  fresh  embassy 
to  Meaux  in  October,  promising  to  rule  Languedoc 
and  Bigorre  in  Henry's  name  and  to  supply  forces 


370  Henry  V. 

for  the  war  with  the  Dauphin.  He  was  rewarded  in 
March,  1422,  by  a  formal  commission  as  governor  of 
Languedoc  and  Bigorre.*  It  was  no  doubt  as  a 
part  of  his  scheme  for  extending  English  influence 
in  southern  France  that  Henry  had,  in  July,  1421, 
directed  John  Stokes  and  Sir  Walter  de  la  Pole  to 
treat  with  Sigismund  for  a  grant  of  the  Imperial 
rights  in  Dauphin^  and  Languedoc.  f  A  more 
substantial  advantage  had  been  secured  previously 
by  the  adhesion  of  the  Duke  of  Savoy  to  the  Anglo- 
Burgundian  alliance  in  April,  14.20.$ 

In  the  North  John  of  Brittany  still  pursued  his 
temporising  policy.  After  Baug6  he  went  so  far  as 
to  make  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  the  Dauphin,  but 
soon  reverted  to  his  old  neutrality  and  renewed  the 
truce  with  England. §~  In  this  he  was  perhaps  influ- 
enced by  his  brother  Arthur  de  Richemont,  who, 
during  Henry's  lifetime,  observed  faithfully  the 
terms  upon  which  he  had  received  his  release  from 
captivity. 

If  Henry  was  anxious  to  obtain  fresh  allies,  he  de- 
sired not  less  to  deprive  his  opponents  of  all  foreign 
assistance.  During  the  earlier  stages  of  the  war  the 
French  had  been  helped  by  the  Castilian  fleet ;  and 
in  1420  the  Dauphin  still  hoped  that  his  Spanish 
friends  would  make  a  diversion  in  his  favour  by  at- 
tacking the  English  possessions  in  Aquitaine.  But 
that  same  year  the  Infants  of  Aragon  quarrelled 


*  Fcedera,  ix.,  914,  915  ;  x.,  41,  45,  46,  129,  177-196. 
f  Id.,  x.,  143,  144.  \  Id.,  ix.,  890. 

§/</.,  x.,   116,   152,    157;    cf.   Du  Fresne  de  Beaucourt,  Charles 
VII.,  i.,  223-225. 


Plans  for  the  Future  371 

with  their  cousin,  John  of  Castile,  and  stirred  up  a 
civil  war  which  soon  reduced  both  kingdoms  to  a 
state  of  hopeless  anarchy.  So,  though  Henry's 
diplomacy  had  failed  to  detach  the  Spaniards  from 
their  traditional  alliance,  the  course  of  events  re- 
lieved him  of  any  fears  from  that  quarter.  Henry 
had,  moreoever,  a  trusty  ally  in  the  King  of  Portu- 
gal, to  whom  Sir  Thomas  Carew  was  sent  in  Janu- 
ary, 1422,  with  a  confident  appeal  for  further 
assistance.* 

Perhaps  the  greatest  service  that  the  Spanish  had 
rendered  the  Dauphin  was  to  bring  over  the  troops 
who  came  from  Scotland  in  October,  1419.  After 
the  victory  of  Bauge,  Pope  Martin  is  said  to  have 
remarked  :  "  Truly  the  Scots  are  an  antidote  for  the 
English  ";  and  Henry  himself  must  have  felt  more 
than  ever  the  importance  of  placing  his  relations 
with  the  northern  kingdom  on  a  better  basis.  The 
state  of  affairs  in  Scotland  was  somewhat  peculiar. 
The  young  King  James  had  been  taken  prisoner  by 
the  English  in  1406,  when  only  eleven  years  old. 
Since  his  own  accession  to  the  throne,  Henry  V. 
had  treated  James  with  special  kindness,  hoping 
through  his  influence  to  win  over  the  Scots  to  the 
side  of  England.  But  Robert,  Duke  of  Albany, 
who  ruled  in  Scotland,  was  on  the  whole  hostile  to 
the  English ;  and  it  may  be  that,  as  some  have 
suggested,  he  had  no  wish  to  see  his  nephew  re- 
turn home,  and  so  put  an  end  to  his  own  regency. 
At  all  events,  during  Robert's  lifetime  Henry's 
repeated  endeavours  to  arrange  terms  for  the 

*  Feeder  a,  x.,  167. 


372  Henry  V. 

restoration  of  the  young  King  met  with  no  success. 
However,  in  the  autumn  of  1420,  Robert  of  Albany 
died  and  was  succeeded  as  Regent  by  his  son  Mur- 
dach,  who  proved  an  unpopular  and  incompetent 
ruler.  Thus,  in  spite  of  their  success  in  France,  the 
Scots  began  to  favour  an  agreement  with  England ; 
and  in  the  following  summer  negotiations  were  re- 
opened with  better  prospects.  Still  it  was  not  till 
nearly  two  years  after  the  death  of  Henry  V.  that 
James  returned  to  his  native  land,  taking  with  him 
as  his  Queen,  Jane  Beaufort,  daughter  of  the  Earl 
of  Somerset  and  cousin  of  the  English  King.  The 
Scottish  affair  is  the  one  point  on  which  Henry's 
successors  were  able  to  carry  out  his  policy.  The 
practical  advantage  was,  however,  slight;  for,  as 
King  of  Scotland,  James  showed  little  inclination 
to  favour  the  interests  of  England. 

The  record  of  Henry's  diplomacy  is  disappoint- 
ing. The  threads  were  broken  abruptly  by  his 
death,  and  no  one  apparently  had  the  knowledge  or 
authority  to  pick  them  up.  What  he  might  have 
accomplished  had  he  lived  it  is  impossible  to  conjec- 
ture. But  this  much  seems  certain,  that  Henry's 
success  in  treaty-making,  as  in  his  warfare  and  civil 
government,  depended  chiefly  on  his  own  person- 
ality. He  attracted  friendship  and  inspired  confi- 
dence. Sigismund  in  England  was  a  different  man 
to  the  shiftless  politician  from  whom  in  later  years 
the  English  agents  could  extract  nothing  but  vain 
promises.  Young  princes,  like  Philip  of  Burgundy, 
James  of  Scotland,  and  Arthur  de  Richemont, 
looked  up  to  Henry  with  something  both  of  awe 


Plans  for  the  Future  373 

and  affection.  Him  perhaps  they  would  have  been 
content  to  follow  as  a  leader  under  whom  all  might 
serve  with  honour. 

Did  Henry  himself  anticipate  the  entire  success 
of  his  diplomacy  ?  Or  was  he  prepared  for  an 
eventual  compromise,  that  would  be  "  a  moderyng 
of  his  hole  title  to  the  crown  of  France,"  whilst 
securing  him  the  practical  supremacy  in  Christen- 
dom ?  As  a  statesman  Henry  was  compelled  to 
adapt  his  avowed  intentions  to  the  circumstances  of 
the  moment;  the  "  Heir  of  France"  could  not 
publicly  admit  any  flaw  in  his  pretensions.  But  we 
know  that  he  had  never  overrated  the  value  of  a  mere- 
ly nominal  dignity,  nor  underestimated  the  risk  of 
driving  his  opponents  to  an  extremity.  Before  the 
campaign  of  Agincourt  he  would  have  accepted  the 
Treaty  of  Bretigny  as  the  basis  for  a  permanent 
peace.  Three  years  later  he  viewed  with  alarm  the 
prospect  of  a  prolonged  war,  and  was  anxious  for 
terms  that  would  secure  him  in  the  possession  of 
Normandy.  At  Meulan  his  demands  had  increased, 
but  he  would  still  have  exchanged  his  claims  to  the 
French  Crown  for  more  substantial  advantages. 
Even  in  March,  1422,  it  is  said  that  he  suggested  to 
Philip  of  Burgundy  the  wisdom  of  finding  some 
means  to  treat  with  his  adversary  for  a  conclusion 
of  the  war.*  It  is  admissible  to  conjecture  that 
Henry  would  have  agreed  to  an  arrangement  by 
which  he  retained  his  northern  conquests  and  his 
ancient  territory  in  Aquitaine.  Such  a  compromise 
is  indicated  in  his  dying  advice,  that  the  English 

*  Du  Fresne  de  Beaucourt,  Hist.  Charles  VII.,  i.,  339. 


374  Henry  V. 

should  make  no  peace  which  did  not  secure  them 
the  full  sovereignty  of  Normandy.  To  conquer  all 
France  by  force  of  arms  would,  as  Henry  realised, 
be  perilous  and  tedious.  But  in  a  country  where 
the  sentiment  of  national  unity  was  still  so  weak, 
and  the  tradition  of  provincial  independence  still  so 
strong,  a  different  policy  may  not  have  appeared 
hopeless.  Henry  had  already  accomplished  more  by 
playing  off  the  French  princes  and  nobles  one 
against  another,  than  by  dint  of  battle.  A  further 
development  on  the  same  lines  might  have  brought 
him  all  that  he  desired  as  the  acknowledged  over- 
lord of  France. 

The  princes  of  France  and  the  West  were  not, 
however,  likely  to  sink  their  differences  and  aban- 
don their  personal  ambitions  except  on  behalf  of 
some  common  cause  that  appealed  to  the  imagina- 
tion and  interests  of  all  alike.  The  tradition  of  such 
a  cause  still  survived,  and  probably  none  would 
have  denied  the  duty  of  the  Crusade  as  the  supreme 
ideal  for  Christian  men.  It  was  the  glory  of  the 
Crusades  that  they  had  brought  together  people  of 
all  degrees  and  divers  lands  in  the  pursuit  of  a  single 
end.  If  the  practical  result  had  been  too  often  a 
renewed  outburst  of  discord  and  jealousy  the  inspir- 
ation of  a  noble  ideal  was  not  wasted.  Thus  had 
the  unity  of  Christendom  been  made  manifest;  and 
if  the  restoration  of  that  unity  was  to  be  more  than 
a  vain  pretence,  Christian  princes  must  once  more 
prove  themselves  capable  of  common  action. 

To  Henry  the  Crusade  was  a  real  thing;  it  was  at 
once  an  end  and  a  means  to  an  end.  The  stories  of 


Plans  for  the  Future  375 

his  father's  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  and  warfare  for 
the  Cross  in  Lithuania  were  amongst  the  earliest 
memories  of  his  boyhood.  As  a  youth  his  imagina- 
tion had  been  fired  by  the  adventures  of  Godfrey  de 
Bouillon  and  the  early  Crusaders.  As  a  King  and 
practical  statesman  he  had  laboured  to  restore  the 
shattered  unity  of  Christendom.  Through  his 
friendship  with  Sigismund,  to  whom  as  King  of 
Hungary  the  Turks  were  an  ever-present  danger,  he 
must  have  gained  a  fuller  insight  into  the  political 
aspect  of  the  Eastern  Question.  In  a  new  Crusade, 
to  recover  Jerusalem  from  the  Infidels  and  to  drive 
back  the  Turks  from  Constantinople,  there  pre- 
sented itself  to  him  an  enterprise  which  should 
afford  both  a  motive  and  an  object  for  the  re-union 
of  Christendom.  Henry  showed  his  grasp  of  both 
sides  of  the  question  when  he  appealed  to  the 
princes  of  Germany  for  their  support  in  his  French 
war  on  account  of  "the  good  and  profit  that  might 
arise  if  there  were  Peace  and  Rest  amongst  Christ- 
ian princes,  for  then  might  they  together  intend 
against  Miscreants,  in  increase  and  augmentation  of 
the  Christian  Faith,  as  well  as  to  the  good  of  the 
Church."  * 

That  Henry  V.  had  long  contemplated  the  possi- 
bility of  a  new  Crusade  is  a  fair  conclusion  from  the 
facts  of  his  own  and  his  father's  life.  But  the  idea 
seems  first  to  have  taken  a  definite  shape  during  the 
siege  of  Melun,  when  Henry  and  Philip  of  Bur- 

*  Feeder  a,  x.,  162.  The  policy  described  above  is  almost  identical 
with  that  commended  to  Henry  by  Hoccleve  in  1412.  France  and 
England,  says  Hoccleve,  ought  to  be  one  in  heart  ;  he  was  "stuffed 


376  Henry  V. 

gundy  are  said  to  have  pledged  one  another  to  un- 
dertake the  recovery  of  Jerusalem  as  soon  as  affairs 
in  France  were  settled.  In  the  following  year  Sir 
Gilbert  de  Lannoi,  a  Burgundian  knight,  and  the 
Duke's  chamberlain,  was  sent  by  Henry  on  a  mis- 
sion to  the  East  to  collect  information  on  the  state 
of  the  Mohammedan  power  and  the  best  course  by 
which  a  Christian  armament  might  advance.  Gilbert 
went  first  to  Alexandria,  and  thence  travelled 
through  Syria  and  the  eastern  coasts  of  the  Medi- 
terranean to  Constantinople.  He  did  not  return 
home  till  after  Henry's  death,  when  the  progress  of 
events  had  made  his  errand  fruitless.  The  record 
of  his  journey  has,  however,  been  preserved  to 
prove  the  sincerity  of  his  master's  intentions.* 

The  dim  outline  in  which  we  can  trace  Henry's 
plans  for  the  future  is  not  wanting  in  pathetic  in- 
terest. In  the  hour  of  death  it  was  still  the  passion 
of  his  life  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  But 
the  fulness  of  his  conception  and  the  power  of  exe- 
cution alike  went  with  him  to  the  grave. 


with  woe  "  to  see  the  mischief  caused  by  foreign  war  and  civil  dis- 
cord. Purchase  peace  by  way  of  marriage;  and  let  him,  that  right 
heir  is,  cease  all  strife.  Then  might  the  two  realms  make  war  upon 
the  miscreants,  and  bring  them  into  the  faith  of  Christ  ;  which 
is  the  way  to  conquer  Heaven's  bliss.  (Regiment  of  Princes  stanzas 

756-777). 

*Sir  Gilbert  de  Lannoi's  Report  was  printed  in  Archaologia,  xxi., 
281,  from  the  manuscript  at  Lille.  In  the  English  Chronicle  (Cotton. 
MS.,  Claudius,  A.  viii.,  f.  12)  the  mission  is  ascribed  to  Sir  Hugh  de 
Lannoi.  Gilbert  and  Hugh  were  brothers  and  for  many  years  held 
high  places  in  the  service  of  the  Dukes  of  Burgundy. 


CHAPTER    XXIV 

BOIS   DE   VINCENNES 
1422 

AFTER  the  surrender  of  Meaux  Henry  went  to 
join  his  Queen  at  Paris.  In  the  darkest  days 
of  the  long  winter  siege  the  news  that  Cath- 
erine had  been  safely  delivered  of  a  son  (6th  Decem- 
ber, 1421)  came  to  the  English  camp  as  a  ray  of 
gladness.  Later  tradition,  prophetic  after  the 
event,  represents  the  King  as  foreboding  the  child's 
unhappy  destiny:  "  I,  Henry,  born  at  Monmouth, 
shall  small  time  reign  and  get  much;  and  Henry, 
born  at  Windsor,  shall  long  reign  and  lose  all ;  but 
God's  will  be  done."  * 

As  soon  as  Catherine  was  recovered  sufficiently 
from  her  confinement  she  had  made  her  preparations 
to  rejoin  her  husband  in  France.  But  from  one 
cause  or  another  her  departure  was  delayed  till  I2th 
May,  1422  when  she  crossed  over  under  the  charge 
of  Bedford,  whose  place  in  England  was  taken  by 
his  brother  Humphrey. 

Henry  and  Catherine  met  at  Bois  de  Vincennes 


*  Hall,  p.  108. 


377 


378  Henry  V.  11422 

on  25th  May,  and  four  days  later  entered  Paris. 
The  English  King  and  his  Queen  lodged  at  the 
Louvre,  where  on  Whit-Sunday  they  kept  open 
feast,  sitting  at  table  in  public,  and  wearing  their 
crowns  with  royal  pomp.  The  unhappy  Charles 
of  France  was,  as  before,  almost  forgotten ;  though 
some  mourned  in  secret  for  his  low  estate,  none 
dared  murmur  openly,  since  the  fear  of  King  Henry 
lay  upon  them  all. 

In  Paris  Henry  remained  for  over  a  fortnight, 
busy  with  affairs  of  state.  But  the  long  anxiety 
and  hardships  of  the  previous  winter  had  broken 
his  health  and  impaired  his  ancient  energy.  The 
hand  of  death  was  indeed  upon  him  ;  though  Henry, 
thinking  that  the  early  summer  heat  had  made  the 
capital  unwholesome,  hoped  to  recover  himself  by 
rest  in  the  better  air  of  the  country.*  So  on  nth 
June,  accompanied  by  Catherine  and  the  French 
Court,  he  removed  to  Senlis.  There  for  a  time  his 
health  seemed  to  mend,  and  at  Midsummer  he  was 
well  enough  to  pay  a  brief  visit  of  inspection  to 
Compiegne,  which  had  just  surrendered.  A 
rumoured  plot  to  betray  Paris  to  the  Dauphin  next 
recalled  him  for  a  little  to  the  capital,  but  finding 
no  serious  cause  for  alarm  he  returned  again  to  Senlis. 

Though  Henry's  untiring  zeal  would  not  let  him 
rest  undisturbed,  he  had  so  far  been  content  to 
leave  the  direction  of  the  war  to  John  of  Bedford 
and  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  But  in  the  latter  part  of 
July  there  came  an  urgent  appeal  from  Philip  of 
Burgundy.  The  Dauphin's  advisers,  thinking  that 

*  English  Chronicle,  Harley  MS.,  2256,  f.  197  v.° 


1422]  Bois  de  ISincennts 

the  King  of  England  was  far  away,  had  plucked  up 
courage  to  take  the  offensive,  and  besieged  the  town 
of  Cosne-sur-Loire.  The  Burgundian  garrison,  be- 
ing hopelessly  overmatched,  soon  agreed  to  surren- 
der unless  rescued  within  six  weeks.  All  help  must 
come  from  a  distance,  and  since  the  appointed  in- 
terval would  expire  on  i6th  August,  if  the  town 
was  to  be  saved  there  was  no  time  to  be  lost. 
When  the  news  reached  Senlis,  Henry  at  once  de- 
clared that  he  would  go  in  person  to  the  help  of  his 
ally  at  the  head  of  his  whole  army. 

Though  in  spirit  courageous  as  ever,  Henry  was 
too  weak  to  ride,  and  had  to  travel  in  a  litter.  Still 
his  sickness  increased  daily,  and  the  fatigue  of  the 
journey  exhausted  his  scanty  store  of  strength.  At 
Corbeil  he  was  compelled  to  abandon  his  enter- 
prise and  resign  the  command  of  the  English 
forces  to  his  brother  John.  After  a  few  days' 
rest  the  King's  health  was  so  much  better  that  he 
started  to  go  by  water  down  the  Seine  to  Paris.* 
His  unconquerable  will  prompted  him  to  encourage 
his  friends  by  a  show  of  energy.  On  reaching 
Charenton  he  made  a  brave  endeavour  to  take  his 
proper  place  at  the  head  of  his  men.  For  the  last 
time  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  though  in  great 
pain  managed  to  ride  a  little  distance.  But  the 
motion  proved  too  much  for  his  weakened  frame. 
Sadly  he  suffered  his  servants  to  place  him  once 
more  in  his  litter  and  carry  him  through  the  park  to 


*  Henry  was  at  Corbeil  on  2$th  July  and  6th  August.  Cf.  42nd 
Report  of  Deputy  Keeper,  pp.  445,  452.  He  reached  Bois  de  Vin- 
cennes  about  i$th  August. 


380  Henry  V.  ti422 

the  royal  castle  of  Bois  de  Vincennes,  outside  the 
walls  of  Paris.  There,  as  the  days  wore  away  with- 
out any  sign  of  improvement,  it  became  manifest 
that  the  end  was  approaching.  Bedford,  who  had 
successfully  accomplished  his  mission  for  the  relief  of 
Cosne,  returned  in  haste  to  receive  his  brother's  last 
commands.  Not  even  the  nearness  of  death  could 
disturb  the  composure  and  soundness  of  Henry's 
judgment.  With  prudent  forethought  the  dying  King 
made  the  best  provision  possible  for  the  welfare  of  his 
infant  son,  and  the  governance  of  his  double  realm. 
The  last  few  days  of  his  life  were  spent  by  Henry 
in  constant  converse  with  his  brother  Bedford,  his 
uncle  the  Duke  of  Exeter,  the  Earl  of  Warwick, 
and  others  of  his  most  trusted  councillors.  He 
charged  them  solemnly  to  pursue  to  a  successful  end 
the  great  war  which  he  had  undertaken,  not,  as  he 
declared  before  God,  through  any  lust  for  earthly 
/  dominion,  but  from  a  firm  belief  in  his  own  just 
title,  and  in  the  earnest  desire  to  establish  lasting 
peace.^  John  of  Bedford  was  to  have  as  a  special 
trust  the  care  of  his  infant  son,  and  was  to  be  regent 
of  France  and  governor  of  Normandy.  Humphrey 
of  Gloucester  was  to  retain  the  regency  of  England, 
but  was  to  act  as  his  brother's  subordinate.  The 
Duke  of  Exeter,  the  Bishop  of  Winchester,  and  the 
Earl  of  Warwick  were  to  be  governors  and  tutors  of 
the  little  King.  If  we  may  believe  the  Burgundian 
chroniclers,  Henry  foresaw  with  the  prophetic  in- 
stinct of  a  dying  man  the  dangers  that  chiefly 
threatened  his  great  design.  He  warned  his  coun- 
cillors to  be  careful,  so  far  as  in  them  lay,  to  avoid 


1422]  Bois  de  Vincennes  381 

all  cause  of  quarrel  with  Philip  of  Burgundy.  To 
his  brother  Humphrey,  whose  weak  ambition  he  un- 
derstood, he  sent  a  last  message,  entreating  him  not 
to  prefer  his  private  interest  to  the  public  weal.  He 
reminded  them  all,  that  if  there  should  arise  any 
misunderstanding  between  the  English  and  their 
allies,  "  then  would  the  needs  of  this  realm  where 
our  business  is  now  so  well  advanced,  be  brought 
utterly  to  ruin."  Whatever  happened,  they  were 
never  to  make  terms  of  peace  which  did  not  secure 
to  England  the  full  sovereignty  of  Normandy;  and 
under  no  circumstances  were  they  to  release  the 
Duke  of  Orleans  from  his  captivity.* 

If  Henry  was  confident  to  the  last  in  the  justice  of 
the  broad  principles  which  had  inspired  his  policy, 
he  recognised  with  the  humility  of  true  greatness 
that  he  might  have  erred  in  details.  He  prayed 
that  he  might  be  forgiven  for  whatever  wrong  he 
had  done  unwittingly  to  any  man  ;  and  directed  that 
restitution  should  be  made  to  those  who,  like 
Queen  Joanna  and  the  heirs  of  Scrope,  had  suffered 
harsh  treatment.  His  own  and  his  father's  debts 
were  to  be  paid  in  full,  and  the  services  of  his 
friends  were  rewarded  by  fitting  legacies. 

J  O          O 


*  There  is  some  disagreement  as  to  the  exact  character  of  Henry's 
political  dispositions.  The  Burgundian  writers  allege  that  Philip 
was  to  have  the  refusal  of  the  regency  of  France.  It  seems  clear, 
however,  that  Bedford  was  to  have  all  the  real  authority,  and  was  to 
rely  upon  the  support  of  the  Beauforts  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick. 
Humphrey  of  Gloucester  was  not  trusted  further  than  could  be 
helped.  Cf.  Monstrelet,  p.  530 ;  Elmham,  Vita,  pp.  332,  333 ; 
Gesta,  p.  159  ;  Hardyng,  p.  387.  See  also  Stubbs,  Const.  Jfist.,  iii., 
Q5,  98,  and  Ramsay,  i.,  303. 


382  Henry  V.  [1422 

When  he  had  thus  put  his  worldly  affairs  in  order, 
Henry  turned  his  thoughts  to  other  things,  and 
made  his  preparation  for  death  with  the  same  sin- 
cere devotion  and  calm  self-confidence  that  had 
never  failed  him  in  life.  On  the  evening  of  the  last 
day  of  August,  feeling  that  his  end  was  near,  he 
bade  the  physicians  tell  him  how  long  he  had  yet  to 
live.  After  a  vain  attempt  at  evasion  they  an- 
swered: "  Sire,  think  on  your  soul!  For  saving 
the  mercy  of  God  we  judge  not  that  you  can  sur- 
vive two  hours."  Then  Henry  made  his  confession, 
and,  after  he  had  received  the  last  Sacraments  of 
the  Church,  asked  the  priests  who  stood  about  him 
to  recite  the  Seven  Penitential  Psalms.  Now  that 
the  hot  August  day  was  done,  and  it  was  near  mid- 
night the  King,  worn  out  and  weary,  lay  propped 
up  in  the  arms  of  his  confessor,  Thomas  Netter  of 
Walden.  Through  the  long  night-watch  the  chap- 
lains chanted  psalm  by  psalm,  whilst  their  master 
made  no  sign  save  for  the  silent  movement  of  his 
lips,  which  showed  how  his  thoughts  still  followed 
them.  When,  however,  the  priests  came  to  the 
words:  "  Benigne  fac,  Domine,  in  bona  voluntate  tua 
Sion,  ut  cedificentur  muri  Jerusalem,'1*  Henry 
stopped  them,  saying:  "  Good  Lord!  Thou  know- 
est  that  mine  intent  hath  been,  and  yet  is,  if  I 
might  live,  to  re-edify  the  walls  of  Jerusalem." 
For  a  little  longer  the  dying  King  lay  unconscious 
in  the  arms  of  his  faithful  confessor,  whilst  the 
other  priests  renewed  their  prayers  and  psalms. 

*  Psalm  li.,  1 8  :  "  O  be  favourable  and  gracious  unto  Sion  :  build 
thou  the  walls  of  Jerusalem." 


1422]  Bois  de  Vincennes  383 

Once  again,  at  the  very  moment  of  death,  he  spoke, 
when,  as  though  in  strife  with  some  ghostly  antago- 
nist, there  came  the  low  muttered  words:  "  Thou 
liest!  Thou  liest!  My  portion  is  with  the  Lord 
Jesus."  Thus,  unconquered  to  the  end,  did  the 
Christian  soldier  pass  from  his  earthly  warfare 
through  the  portals  of  that  heavenly  Jerusalem  on 
which  his  hopes  were  ever  set. 

It  was  about  two  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  1st 
September  *  that  Henry  breathed  his  last.  He  had 
but  just  completed  his  thirty-fifth  year,  and  his  un- 
timely end  was  deeply  mourned  as  well  in  France 
as  in  England.  The  people  of  Paris  would  have 
been  glad  to  claim  him  for  their  own,  but  Henry's 
English  subjects  felt  rightly  that  there  was  only 
one  place  in  which  the  remains  of  their  hero  could 
be  laid  to  rest.  The  body  was  therefore  embalmed, 
and  preparations  were  made  for  its  removal  to  Eng- 
land. The  funeral  car  was  of  great  magnificence; 
above  the  silk-covered  coffin  there  rested  on  a  scar- 
let cushion  a  life-sized  effigy  of  the  dead  King,  clad 
in  the  royal  robes,  with  the  crown  upon  its  head 
and  the  sceptre  in  its  hand.  The  four  horses  which 
drew  the  car  were  splendidly  caparisoned ;  the  first 
with  the  ancient  arms  of  England ;  the  second  with 
the  arms  of  France  and  England,  quarterly,  as 
Henry  bore  them  in  his  lifetime;  the  third  with  the 
arms  of  France ;  and  the  fourth  with  the  arms  of 


*  The  official  date  was  considered  to  be  3ist  August ;  the  reign  of 
Henry  VI.  dated  from  1st  September. — Faedera,  x.,  253.  The  cause 
of  death  was  probably  dysentery,  aggravated  by  the  hardships  of  war. 
The  room  where  he  died  is  still  shown  ;  it  is  now  used  as  an  armoury. 


384  Henry  V.  M422 

the  noble  King  Arthur,*  who,  like  Henry,  had 
never  been  conquered.  Upon  either  side  of  the  car 
there  went  a  great  company  of  torch-bearers  dressed 
in  white.  The  escort  was  formed  by  five  hundred 
men-at-arms,  all  in  black  armour,  riding  on  black 
barbed  horses,  and  bearing  their  lances  point  down- 
ward. Behind  came  the  mourners,  King  James  of 
Scotland  and  the  Duke  of  Bedford  at  their  head, 
and  a  long  train  of  English  knights  and  nobles  fol- 
lowing in  the  rear. 

The  funeral  procession  started  from  Bois  de  Vin- 
cennes  on  I4th  September,  and  without  enter- 
ing Paris,  came  to  the  Abbey  of  St.  Denis,  the 
ancient  burial-place  of  the  French  Kings.  There  a 
solemn  service  was  held  in  the  evening  and  a 
requiem  sung  on  the  morrow.  From  St.  Denis  the 
journey  was  continued  by  way  of  Pontoise  to 
Rouen,  which  latter  city  was  reached  on  iQth  Sep- 
tember. At  Rouen  the  coffin  was  to  rest  for  some 
days  in  state,  whilst  the  final  preparations  for  the 
passage  home  were  completed.  Before  all  was 
ready,  the  news  that  King  Charles  lay  dying  re- 
called Bedford  to  Paris  and  compelled  him  to  leave 
to  others  the  duty  of  escorting  his  brother's  re- 
mains to  England.  It  was  late  in  October  when 
the  procession  resumed  its  route,  and  passing  by 
way  of  Abbeville,  Hesdin,  and  Boulogne,  came  to 
Calais.  Queen  Catherine  had  preceded  her  hus- 
band's remains  to  Rouen,  and,  accompanying  the 
procession  from  that  city,  crossed  over  to  England, 
probably  on  the  last  day  of  October. 

*  Azure,  three  crowns  or. 


CHANTRY  OF  HENRY  V.  IN  WESTMINSTER  ABBEY. 


14221  Bois  de  Vincennes  385 

So  they  brought  the  body  of  their  dead  King  to 
Dover,  not  quite  seven  years  after  the  triumphal  re- 
turn from  Agincourt.  By  the  old  familiar  route 
the  sad  procession  wound  its  way  through  Kent. 
At  each  halting  place,  at  Canterbury  before  the 
shrine  of  St.  Thomas  in  the  Cathedral,  at  Ospringe, 
at  Rochester,  and  at  Dartford,  there  was  a  solemn 
service  in  the  evening,  and  a  requiem  mass  at  morn 
before  the  journey  was  resumed.  For  the  last  time 
the  Mayor  and  citizens  of  London  assembled  on 
Blackheath  to  do  honour  to  their  beloved  prince. 
At  London  Bridge  a  goodly  band  of  Bishops, 
priests,  and  monks  were  waiting  to  receive  the  dead 
with  solemn  chant  and  psalm.  Across  the  Bridge, 
through  Lombard  Street,  and  up  Cheapside  the 
long  procession  moved  till  it  reached  the  great 
Gothic  Cathedral,  where  Henry  in  his  life  had  come 
so  often  with  prayer  and  thanksgiving.  At  St. 
Paul's,  where  a  solemn  dirige  was  sung,  the  body 
rested  all  night  before  the  high  altar.  Next  morn- 
ing after  mass  came  lords  and  knights  and  all  the 
commons  of  the  city,  and  escorted  the  funeral  car 
from  St.  Paul's  by  the  Strand  to  Westminster.  On 
the  following  day,  /th  November,  the  victor  of 
Agincourt  was  carried  to  his  last  resting-place  near 
the  shrine  of  St.  Edward,  with  such  mingled 
mourning  and  splendour  as  had  never  been  wit- 
nessed at  the  funeral  of  any  of  his  predecessors. 

Henry  the  Fifth's  Chantry  stands  in  the  midst  of 
the  tombs  of  the  Plantagenet  Kings,  rising  above 
them  all  and  holding,  as  was  fit,  the  foremost  place 
in  the  Abbey,  which  owed  its  practical  completion 


386  Henry  V.  [1422 

to  his  munificence.*  No  expense  was  spared  that 
might  do  honour  to  a  prince  whom  the  succeeding 
generation  reverenced  not  less  as  saint  than  as  hero. 
The  Confessor's  Chapel  was  curtailed  to  make  room 
for  the  new  shrine,  and  even  the  tombs  of  former 
kings  did  not  escape  injury.  The  Chantry  itself, 
built  in  the  shape  of  the  letter  H,  and  adorned  with 
splendid  sculpture,  was  on  such  a  scale  as  to  make 
it  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  objects  in  the  Abbey. 
Above  it  still  hang  the  helmet,  saddle,  and  shield, 
that  formed  part  of  the  original  funeral  equipment,  f 
Upon  the  tomb  was  placed  a  recumbent  effigy  of 
the  King;  the  head  was  of  solid  silver,  and  the 
body  of  oak  covered  with  plates  of  silver-gilt.  :£ 
Such  a  wealth  of  precious  metal  excited  the  cupidity 
of  an  irreverent  age.  During  the  troubles  of  the 
Reformation,  thieves  broke  into  the  Abbey  and 
stripped  the  figure  of  its  too  splendid  ornament. § 


*  Six  bays  of  the  nave  were  built  at  Henry's  expense  under  the 
superintendence  of  Whittington. — Fcedera,  ix.,  78.  A  thousand 
marks  a  year  were  devoted  to  this  purpose. 

f  Not  "  the  bruised  helmet"  of  Agincourt.     Cf.  Fadera,  x.,  257. 

\  An  example  of  similar  work  still  exists  in  the  monument  of 
William  de  Valence  in  the  adjoining  Chapel  of  St.  Edmund  ;  but  in 
this  case  the  material  is  copper  chased  with  gold  and  enamelled. 

§  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council^  New  Series,  i.,  328.  30  January,  1546, 
Inquisition  ordered  "  after  suche  persons  as  of  late  had  broken  in 
the  nyght  season  into  the  Churche  of  Westminstre  and  robbed  away 
the  ymage  of  King  Henry  of  Monmouthe,  being  all  of  sylver  plates." 
Some  damage  had  been  done  previously  in  the  reign  of  Edward  IV., 
when  two  teeth  were  knocked  out  and  stolen.  Addison  (Spectator, 
329)  makes  comment  on  the  ruined  monument  :  "  Some  Whig,  I  '11 
warrant  you  "  (says  Sir  Roger) ;  "you  ought  to  lock  up  your  Kings 
better  ;  they  will  carry  off  the  body  too  if  you  do  not  take  care." 


BADGES,  SHIELD,  HELMET,  AND  SADDLE  OF  HENRY  V. 


14221  Bois  de  Vincennes  387 

Since  that  date,  the  bare  and  headless  effigy  has 
borne  pathetic  witness  to  the  transitory  glory  of 
Henry's  achievements.  The  original  inscription, 
"  Gallorum  mastrix  jacet  hie  Henricus  in  urna. 
Anno  MCCCCXXIL  Domat  omnia  virtus,"  has  also 
vanished.  But  Henry's  best  epitaph  was  written 
in  the  Acts  of  his  son's  Council:* 

"  Departed  this  life  the  Most  Christian  champion  of 
the  Church,  the  beam  of  prudence  and  the  example  of 
righteousness,  the  invincible  King,  the  flower  and  glory 

*  Nicolas,  Proc.  Privy  Council,  iii.  3.  Accounts  for  the  expenses  of 
Henry's  funeral  and  tomb,  amounting  to  ^1052.  i$s.  ~jd.,  are  given 
in  the  Fadera,  x.,  256,  257.  The  iron  work  was  made  by  Roger  John- 
son of  London,  (id.,  x.,  490).  The  cost  of  the  effigy  was  defrayed  by 
Queen  Catherine.  Poor  Catherine  herself  was  unhappy  both  in  life 
and  in  death.  She  was  a  beautiful  woman,  but  weak  and  insignifi- 
cant in  character.  Some  time  after  her  first  husband's  death  she 
contracted  a  clandestine  marriage  with  Owen  Tudor,  a  Welsh  squire 
in  her  household,  by  whom  she  had  three  sons,  Edmund  (father,  by 
Margaret  Beaufort,  of  Henry  VII.),  Jasper,  Duke  of  Bedford,  and 
Owen,  a  monk  at  Westminster.  She  died  in  1437  and  was  buried  in 
the  Lady  Chapel  at  Westminster.  Her  tomb  was  removed  by  her 
grandson,  when  he  built  the  new  Chapel  which  bears  his  name.  The 
Queen  s  body,  loosely  wrapped  in  lead,  lay  for  nearly  three  centuries 
by  her  husband's  grave  in  a  rough  wooden  chest.  Pepys,  describing 
how  he  visited  the  Abbey,  on  the  23rd  February,  1668-69,  says  :  "  I 
took  them  to  Westminster  Abbey,  and  there  did  show  them  all  the 
tombs  very  finely  .  .  .  and  here  did  we  see  by  particular  favour  the 
body  of  Queen  Katherine  of  Valois  ;  and  I  had  the  upper  part  of  her 
body  in  my  hands  and  I  did  kiss  her  mouth,  reflecting  upon  it  that  I 
did  kiss  a  Queen,  and  that  this  was  my  birthday,  thirty-six  years  old 
that  I  did  first  kiss  a  Queen  "  (Diary,  viii.,  236,  ed.  Wheatley).  In 
1778,  the  Queen's  remains  were  removed  from  public  gaze  to  the 
Percy  vaults,  and  at  last,  in  1878,  by  the  care  of  Dean  Stanley,  re- 
ceived a  fitting  tomb  in  the  chantry  of  her  royal  husband  (Archaolo- 
gia,  xlvi.,  281-293). 


388 


Henry  V. 


114221 


of  all  knighthood,  Henry  the  Fifth  since  the  Conquest, 
King  of  England,  Heir  and  Regent  of  the  realm  of 
France,  and  Lord  of  Ireland,  at  the  Castle  of  Bois  de 
Vincennes  near  Paris  on  the  last  day  of  August  in  the 
year  of  Our  Lord  one  thousand  four  hundred  and  twenty- 
two,  and  of  his  reign  the  tenth." 


CHAPTER  XXV 

CONCLUSION 

FOR  two  centuries  Henry  remained  the  peculiar 
darling  of  the  English  people. .  Not  even  the 
naval   glories  of   the  Elizabethan  age  could 
dim  the  memory  of  his  martial  renown.     With  the 
playgoers    and   the    playwrights   of    the    time    of 
Shakespeare,  the  "  Famous  Victories  of  Henry  the 
Fifth  "    were  a  favourite   theme,  and  the  national 
sentiment  was  well  reflected  in  Drayton's  ballad  : 

"  O  when  shall  English  men 
With  such  acts  fill  a  pen, 
Or  England  breed  again 
Such  a  King  Harry." 

Yet  a  century  afterwards,  when  "  Arms  and  Battles 
and  Victories  and  Glory  were  become  familiar  and 
an  every-day  entertainment,"  the  courtly  historio- 
grapher could  find  no  nearer  parallel  for  the  victor 
of  Blenheim  and  Ramillies  than  the  conqueror  of 
Agincourt.*  Now,  almost  in  our  own  time,  the 
charge  at  Balaclava  has  added  fresh  lustre  to  St. 
Crispin's  Day,  and  year  by  year  the  anniversary  of 

*  Rymer,  Preface  to  Fadera,  vol.  ix. 
389 


390  Henry  V. 

the  modern  battle  recalls  to  memory  the  hero  of  the 
ancient  victory. 

To  his  contemporaries  Henry  was  the  flower  of 
Christian  chivalry,  the  most  virtuous  of  all  princes 
of  his  time.*  He  stands  in  history  as  the  true  type 
of  the  mediaeval  hero-king:  stately  in  bearing  and 
prudent  in  speech,  valiant  in  arms  and  provident  in 
counsel,  a  lover  of  religion  and  a  great  justicer.f 
No  ruler  had  ever  a  higher  conception  of  his  rights 
or  was  more  stern  in  their  enforcement.  His  strong 
sense  of  personal  dignity  and  of  the  importance  of 
his  kingly  office  made  him  seem  proud  and  formal 
on  ceremonial  occasions.  By  his  subjects,  his  coun- 
cillors and  captains,  and  even  his  kinsfolk  he  was 
held  in  such  fear  and  reverence  that  none  dared 
transgress  his  orders.  Disobedience  and  every  form 
of  disloyalty  he  punished  with  merciless  severity.:}: 

Henry  must  have  been  as  terrible  in  his  wrath  as 
was  his  great  ancestor,  the  first  Edward.  But  un- 
derneath his  stern  demeanour  there  lay  a  gentle  con- 
sideration for  others  to  which  Edward  was  a 
stranger.  In  his  ordinary  relations  he  showed  him- 
self courteous  and  affable  to  all  men.§  He  was  not 
vindictive  and  bore  no  malice  ;  an  offence  forgiven 
was  forgotten.  Those  who  served  him  faithfully  had 
never  reason  to  complain  that  their  services  went 
unrewarded.  In  spite  of  his  strict  discipline  he  was 
careful  for  his  soldiers,  and  asked  of  them  nothing 
which  he  would  not  do  himself;  he  shared  all  their 
hardships  and  encouraged  them  by  the  example  of 


*  Gregory's  Chronicle,  p.  148.  f  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  480. 

\  Id.,  ib.\  Monstrelet,  p.  532.  §  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  380. 


Conclusion  391 


his  conspicuous  valour.  Harsh  in  his  treatment  of 
those  who  resisted  him,  He  was  yet  merciful  to  de- 
fenceless opponents,  and  tender  to  women  and  men 
of  religion.  To  Henry  it  was  a  sufficient  recom- 
mendation to  be  weak  and  poor;  "let  right  and 
equity  be  done,  and  in  especial  see  that  the  poorer 
party  suffer  no  wrong  "  is  the  King's  endorsement 
on  a  petition,  and  is  a  fair  example  of  how  Henry  an- 
swered the  complaints  of  his  humblest  subjects.* 
Scrupulous  himself  of  the  rights  of  others,  he  hated 
oppression  and  extortion.  f 

"  He  was  a  prince  of  a  high  understanding  and  of  a 
great  will  to  keep  justice.  Wherefore  the  poor  folk 
loved  him  above  all  others.  For  he  was  prone  and 
careful  to  preserve  the  lesser  folk,  and  to  protect  them 
from  the  violence  and  wrong  that  most  of  the  nobles  had 
done  to  them.  .  .  .  Now,  King  Henry,  when  at 
Paris,  wrested  from  the  citizens  their  love  and  obedience, 
for  he  had  justice  strictly  observed  and  duly  rendered  by 


No  conqueror  ever   received  greater  homage  than 
this  from  the  conquered. 

In  his  personal  conduct  Henry  was  chaste    and 
temperate,  so  austere  in  his  self-restraint  as  to  be 


*  See  for  this  and  other  instances,  Gesta,  Preface,  p.  xxiv. 

\  "  Et  tout  premier  il  estoit  prince  de  justice  tant  envers  soy  meme, 
par  exemple,  comme  envers  autruy  par  equite  droituriere  :  ne  sup- 
portoit  personne  par  faveur  ni  forfais  ne  laissoit  impunis  par  affinite 
de  sang." — Chastelain,  i.,  334. 

\  Pierre  Fenin,  p.  615  ;  cf.  also  Chron,  St.  Denys,  vi.,  160-162, 
480  (two  different  writers). 


39 2  Henry  V. 

almost  ascetic.  Drunkenness  and  duelling  he  de- 
tested,* and  the  use  of  oaths  or  strong  language  was 
as  abhorrent  to  him  as  to  his  son.  No  harlots  were 
permitted  in  his  camp,  as  was  the  French  custom, 
/and  all  wantonness  was  sternly  repressed.  In  religion 
(/  he  was  profoundly  orthodox,  not  only  as  regarded 
outward  observances,  but  with  a  simple  piety  that 
entered  into  every  action  of  his  daily  life.  His 
earnestness  of  purpose,  and  the  firmness  of  his  con- 
victions inspired  him  with  a  resolution  that  never 
wavered.  Neither  reverses  nor  success  disturbed 
his  marvellous  composure  of  soul.  If  any  mishap 
befell  his  arms  he  would  bid  his  friends  remember 
that  the  issues  of  war  were  changeful :  "  Would  you 
have  Fortune  smile  on  you,  meet  her  with  a  firm  and 
high  countenance!"  His  decisions  were  quickly 
formed  and  once  made  seldom  altered.  Though  he 
could  on  occasion  speak  forcibly  and  to  the  point, 
he  was  not  a  man  of  many  words,  and  would  seldom 
say  more  than:  "  It  is  impossible,"  or  "  It  shall  be 
done."  When,  however,  he  had  thus  spoken  he  felt 
as  firmly  pledged  as  though  he  had  called  Christ  and 
all  the  saints  to  witness,  f 

Some  have  accused  Henry  of  cruelty,  both  as  a  re- 
ligious persecutor  at  home  and  as  a  conqueror  in 
France.  So  far  as  regards  the  charge  of  religious  per- 
secution, we  need  not  question  that  the  opinions  of 

*  Versus  Rythmici,  p.  115  ;   Hardyng,  p.  383. 

f  See,  generally,  Chron,  St.  Denys,  vi.,  380,  and  Chastellain,  i., 
334.  There  is  a  pithy  humour  about  many  of  Henry's  recorded 
sayings  ;  see  pages  140,  254,  309,  310.  Once  he  answered  some 
complainants  grimly  :  "War  without  fire  is  like  sausages  without 
mustard — worth  nothing"  (Des  Ursins,  p.  561). 


Conclusion  393 


Badby  and  Oldcastle  were  to  Henry  horrible.  That 
heresy  might  be  punished  justly  with  death  was  a 
theory  which  he  accepted  in  common  with  other  or- 
thodox princes  of  his  time.  That  he  had  any  desire 
to  adopt  extreme  measures,  where  they  might  con- 
sistently be  avoided,  we  have  no  reason  to  believe. 
As  Prince  he  had,  for  whatever  reason,  opposed  the 
harsh  policy  favoured  by  Archbishop  Arundel.  As 
King,  he  inspired  the  more  moderate  course  which 
Chichele  pursued  with  better  success.  Those  Lol- 
lards who  were  executed  during  Henry's  reign 
suffered  rather  for  their  alleged  political  offences 
than  for  their  religious  opinions.* 

Henry's  treatment  both  of  the  Lollards  and  of 
those  who  too  stubbornly  resisted  him  in  arms  was 
founded  upon  a  firm  belief  in  his  own  rights  and  in 
the  justice  of  his  cause.  His  success  in  war  he  at- 
tributed not  to  any  merit  of  his  own,  but  to  the 
favour  of  Heaven.  After  Agincourt  he  told  his  pris- 
oners: It  was  no  wonder  he  had  the  victory  over 
them,  though  he  claimed  no  glory  for  himself.  That 
was  the  work  of  God,  who  was  wroth  for  their  sins; 
it  was  great  wonder  that  worse  had  not  befallen 
them,  since  there  was  no  ill-deed  of  which  they  had 
not  been  guilty,  f  To  such  a  temperament  toler- 
ance of  opponents,  whether  in  thought  or  in  action, 
was  an  impossibility.  In  Henry's  eyes,  to  be  just 

*  The  most  notable  exception  is  John  Claydon,  executed  in  August, 
1415,  during  the  King's  absence.  William  Taylor,  who  was  burnt  at 
Smithfield  early  in  the  next  reign  (ist  March,  1423),  had  previously 
recanted  and  been  pardoned  under  Henry  V.,  but  relapsed. 

f  Des  Ursins,  p.  520;  Chron,  St.  Denys,  v.  581;  St.  Remy,  i., 
261. 


394  Henry  V. 

with  sternness  was  a  King's  first  duty.  His  execu- 
tion of  prisoners  was  based  always  on  some  real  or 
supposed  transgression ;  whether  a  breach  of  the 
laws  of  war,  as  in  the  case  of  Alain  Blanchard ; 
monstrous  crimes,  as  in  that  of  Vaurus;  or  the 
technical  rebellion  of  those  taken  in  arms  against 
their  lawful  sovereign.  Of  vindictive  or  wanton 
bloodshed  there  is  no  trace  in  Henry's  treatment 
either  of  domestic  or  foreign  enemies.  It  is  a 
French  writer  who  describes  how  the  English 
soldiers  told  the  people  of  Harfleur:  "  Fear  not 
that  we  shall  do  you  any  harm !  We  shall  not  be- 
have towards  you  as  did  your  countrymen  towards 
the  people  of  Soissons,  for  we  are  good  Christians."* 
His  own  contemporaries  admired  the  strictness  of 
Henry's  justice  and  the  firmness  of  his  discipline. 
The  general,  who  punished  so  sternly  unlicensed 
plundering  and  violence,  was  not  likely  himself  to 
go  beyond  what  he  believed  to  be  lawful. 

It  was  owing  to  his  confidence  in  himself  and  his 
mission  that  Henry  was  able  to  perform  what  he 
did.  No  prince,  wrote  one  who  had  good  oppor- 
tunity to  judge,  was  better  endowed  with  the  quali- 
ties needful  for  a  successful  conqueror,  f  All  men 
and  all  things  yielded  to  the  charm^of  his  personal- 
ity or  to  the  strengtrTof  his  will.  Nothing  seemed 
too  great  for  him  to  attempt ;  nothing  did  he  think 


*  Des  Ursins,  p.  509.  Soissons  was  captured  by  the  Armagnacs  in 
1414 ;  the  citizens  were  treated  with  outrageous  violence,  and  many 
of  the  garrison — which  included  some  English  archers — executed  in 
cold  blood. — Monstrelet,  p.  337. 

\  Chron.  St.  Denys,  vi.,  480. 


Conclusion  395 


too  trivial  for  his  notice.*  Vast  schemes  of  policy 
and  the  minor  details  of  administration  alike  bore 
witness  to  his  vigorous  direction.  As  a  general  he 
laid  his  plans  with  care  and  forethought,  and  exe- 
cuted them  with  patient  strategy  or  prudent  daring, 
as  the  occasion  required.  But  his  share  in  the  war 
did  not  begin  or  end  thus.  His  great  expeditions 
were  prepared  and  organised  under  his  personal 
supervision.  When  in  the  field,  he  busied  himself 
with  'the  daily  routine  of  military  discipline,  and  im- 
pressed his  contemporaries  not  less  by  the  good 
government  of  his  host  than  by  the  splendour  of 
his  achievements.  So  also  in  his  diplomacy  and  his 
domestic  policy  Henry's  influence  extended  to  every 
detail.  Public  documents,  from  the  instructions  to 
his  envoys  at  the  Papal  and  Imperial  Courts  to  the 
endorsement  on  the  petition  of  a  poor  woman, 
were,  when  the  occasion  required,  written  by  the 
King  in  his  own  hand.  Even  amid  the  stress  of 
war  he  could  find  leisure  to  redress  the  private 
grievances  of  his  English  subjects.  Did  the  pro- 
gress of  his  campaign  permit  him  to  visit  Rouen, 
the  task  of  reorganising  the  conquered  provinces 
proceeded  with  double  vigour.  It  seemed  as  though 
Henry  could  turn  without  an  effort  from  the  great- 
est affairs  of  state  to  the  simplest  matters  of  routine 
and  prove  himself  equally  at  home  in  them  both. 

The   successful    conduct    of    a    great    war,     the 
combinations  of    European    diplomacy,   the  broad 


*  "  Toutes  ses  affaires  il  manoit  lui-meme,  toutes  les  conduisoit,  et 
dressoit,  toutes  les  pesoit  et  abalaii9oit  au  doigt  premier  que  em- 
prendre." — Chastelain,  i.,  334. 


396  Henry  V. 

principles  of  domestic  policy,  the  complications  of 
ecclesiastical  reform  might  each  have  furnished  a 
sufficient  field  for  an  ambitious  ruler.  Henry 
grasped  them  all  and  bound  them  all  together  as 
parts  of  one  great  design.  Under  his  influence  war 
and  diplomacy  went  hand  in  hand,  and  there  was  no 
division  of  interest  between  Church  and  State.  It 
was  the  strength  of  his  position  at  home  that  made 
his  French  conquests  possible.  It  was  as  the  victor 
of  Agincourt  that  he  became  the  arbiter  of  Euro- 
pean politics,  and  in  effect  dictated  his  terms  to  the 
Council  of  Constance.  His  war  and  his  alliances, 
the  restoration  of  peace  to  England  and  of  unity  to 
the  Church  were  all  dependent  one  on  another. 
They  all  led  up  to  that  splendid  dream  of  a  greater 
unilj^  when  Christendom  should  be  at  peace  with 
itself,  and  when  at  last  through  a  new  Crusade  the 
ideal  which  had  inspired  the  noblest  spirits  of  the 
Middle  Ages  should  find  its  practical  realisa- 
tion. 

How  far  Henry  could  have  accomplished  his  great 
designs,  had  his  life  been  spared,  is  a  question  upon 
which  it  is  perhaps  vain  to  speculate.  But  his  suc- 
cess was  due  so  much  to  his  own  personality  that 
we  cannot  draw  any  certain  conclusion  from  the 
failure  of  those  who  came  after  him.  John  of  Bed- 
ford, with  many  fine  qualities,  had  neither  Henry's 
genius  nor  advantages:  his  own  authority  in  Eng- 
lish affairs  was  uncertain,  and  he  lacked  the  prestige 
and  the  position  which  had  made  Henry's  voice  of 
such  weight  in  the  councils  of  Europe.  The  force 
of  circumstances  compelled  John  to  concentrate  his 


JOHN,  DUKE  OF  BEDFORD. 

FROM  A  CONTEMPORARY  MINIATURE. 


Conclusion  397 


efforts  in  France,  and  to  abandon  those  wider 
schemes  through  which  Henry  had  planned  to  com- 
plete the  success  of  his  first  undertakings.  He  was 
well  served  by  his  lieutenants  in  the  war,  and 
especially  by  Salisbury,  whose  death  before  Orleans, 
in  1428,  was  a  great  disaster  to  his  country.  But  at 
home  he  had  no  trusty  representative  to  render 
him  such  loyal  assistance  as  he  himself  had  given  to 
Henry.  Humphrey  of  Gloucester  was  clever  and 
ambitious,  but  self-seeking;  he  showed  much  con- 
cern for  his  personal  advantage,  and  little  under- 
standing of  the  interests  of  his  family  and  England. 
It  was  in  vain  that  Bedford  laboured  constantly  to 
promote  the  English  cause  in  France;  his  attention 
was  distracted  again  and  again  by  the  necessity  of 
settling  disputes  at  home ;  his  exertions  to  preserve 
the  friendship  of  Burgundy  were  frustrated  by  the 
selfishness  of  Humphrey,  who  had  married  Jacque- 
line of  Hainault  and  sought  to  secure  her  inheri- 
tance, to  which  Duke  Philip  had  real  or  fancied 
claims.*  The  policy  to  which  Bedford  gave  his  life 
was  not  of  his  own  creation  ;  but  no  man  could  have 
assumed  an  inherited  task  with  more  loyal  or  entire 
devotion.  In  John  of  Bedford  were  centred  all  the 
hopes  of  success  for  Lancaster  and  England.  How 
much  depended  on  his  personal  direction  was  made 
manifest  in  the  rapid  disasters  that  followed  on  his 
death.  It  is  not  unfair  to  suppose  that  what  John 
could  only  delay,  Henry's  genius  might  have 
averted  altogether. 

*  Jacqueline  was  daughter  and  heiress  of  William  of  Holland,  and 
had  been  married  already  to  Philip's  cousin,  John  of  Brabant. 


398  Henry  V. 

To  Henry  the  war  was  only  a  means  to  an  end. 
It  is  true  that  he  regarded  the  assertion  of  his  title 
to  the  French  Crown  as  a  duty  which  his  kingly  dig- 
nity did  not  permit  him  to  forego.  It  is  possible  also 
that  he  sought  through  an  active  foreign  policy  to 
find  an  antidote  for  domestic  disorder.  Certainly 
he  was  not  blind  to  the  commercial  interests,  which 
furnished  his  undertaking  with  a  partial  justification. 
But  it  was  the  relation  of  the  war  to  his  wider  and 
nobler  designs  that  preserved  it  under  his  direction 
from  degenerating  into  an  idle  conquest.  Henry's 
death-bed  declaration,  that  he  had  entered  upon  the 
war  from  a  desire  to  establish  lasting  peace,  was  not 
wholly  unwarranted.  The  old  dispute  between  Eng- 
land and  France  could  not  be  settled  by  any 
patched-up  truce;  the  internal  divisions  of  the 
French  made  finality  impossible  and  were  a  stand- 
ing menace  to  the  peace  of  Europe.  The  consoli- 
dation of  France  under  the  headship  of  the  English 
King  may  well  have  appeared  a  necessary  prelimi- 
nary to  the  restoration  of  unity  in  Christendom. 
The  restoration  of  that  unity  was  itself  no  purpose- 
less dream.  The  danger  of  Turkish  invasion  which 
had  given  the  Crusades  their  political  reason  still 
continued;  and  the  decline  of  the  Byzantine  Em- 
pire, whatever  its  causes,  had  deprived  Europe  of 
her  ancient  bulwark.  The  fourteenth  century  had 
witnessed  the  gradual  rise  of  the  Ottoman  power, 
and  at  its  close  the  fall  of  Constantinople  seemed 
imminent.  It  was  in  vain  that  Sigismund,  then 
King  of  Hungary,  had  obtained  the  help  of  a  com- 
pany of  French  knights  under  John,  Count  of 


Conclusion  399 


Nevers.*  Sigismund  and  his  allies  were  overthrown 
by  Bajazet  the  Ottoman  at  Nicopolis,  in  1396. 
However,  the  defeat  of  Bajazet  by  Timour  the  Tar- 
tar six  years  afterwards  brought  to  the  remains  of 
the  Eastern  Empire  a  respite  of  fifty  years.  The 
temporary  weakness  of  the  Ottomans  gave  the 
Christian  princes  of  Europe  an  opportunity  of  which 
they  would  have  been  wise  to  take  advantage. 

If  Henry  had  lived  to  realise  his  project  of  a  new 
Crusade,  he  would  have  accomplished  much  more 
than  the  satisfaction  of  a  religious  sentiment.  Had 
he  been  successful,  he  would  have  checked,  and  per- 
haps might  have  stopped  altogether,  the  progress  of 
Turkish  conquest  in  Europe.  Such  an  achievement 
must  have  altered  the  whole  course  of  subsequent 
history.  The  expansion  of  commerce,  the  revival 
of  learning,  the  reformation  of  religion,  the  wid- 
ening of  the  physical  and  intellectual  horizon  of 
Europe,  all  that  is  summed  up  in  the  idea  of  the 
Renaissance,  must  have  come  to  pass,  but  by  differ- 
ent methods  and  on  different  lines. 

It  is  indeed  probable  that  under  such  circum- 
stances the  change  from  Mediaevalism  would  have 
been  more  gradual  and  less  violent.  But  the  pro- 
gress of  the  world  would  not  have  been  prevented. 
If  Henry  derived  his  principles  from  an  ideal  past, 
he  was  in  no  sense  reactionary.  ;  His  love  of  Learn- 
ing, his  taste  for  Art  and  Music,  his  zeal  for  Justice, 
his  regard  for  the  poor  and  weak,  above  all  his 
sense  of  his  position  as  a  national  and  constitutional 

*  The  future  Duke  of  Burgundy,  who  has  played  so  great  a  part  in 
our  history. 


400  Henry  V. 

King,  mark  him  out  as  one  who  looked  forward  to  a 
happier  future.  He  recognised  to  the  full  what 
England  needed,  and  what,  as  her  ruler,  he  had  to 
accomplish.  /  The  establishment  of  a  firm  central 
government,  which  should  guide  the  people  for  the 
people's  good ;  the  restoration  of  the  Church  to  its 
old  position  as  a  truly  national  institution ;  the  de- 
velopment of  social  prosperity  at  home,  and  of  com- 
merce abroad ;  all  these  were  problems  which 
presented  themselves  to  Henry  not  less  clearly  than 
to  his  Tudor  successors.  That  he  should  have 
dealt  with  them  by  different  methods  was  a  natural 
consequence  of  the  different  circumstances  of  his 
time.  It  was  not  yet  evident  that  the  old  feudal 
nobility  must  perish  before  a  new  aristocracy  could 
take  its  place.  It  still  seemed  possible  that  the 
English  Church  might  recover  her  national  inde- 
pendence, but  avoid  a  breach  with  old  tradition. 
No  one  could  yet  foresee  that  commerce  was  to  turn 
from  its  ancient  paths,  or  realise  the  unique  position 
of  England  on  the  confines  of  the  West,  What 
Henry  the  Fifth  could  and  did  understand  was  the 
i  /  importance  of  a  genuine  national  spirit  both  in  poli- 
tics and  religion.  Re  saw  that  ^England  must  be 
self-reliant  and  in  a  sense  self-sufficient ;  he  aimed 
rightly  to  secure  her  perfect  independence,  without 
isolating  her  from  the  general  polity  of  Christian 
nations.  He  most  of  all  excelled  in  his  understand- 
ing of  the  importance  to  the  ruler  of  the  good-will 
of  those  whom  he  ruled.  He  knew  that  a  national 
king  must  do  more  than  merely  personate  the 
national  feeling;  he  sought  to  govern  not  only  for 


Conclusion  401 


the  good  of  his  people,  but  with  their  ready  aid  and 
sympathy. 

The  constitutional  monarchy  of  the  House  of 
Lancaster  was  a  great  experiment.  It  came  nearest 
to  success  during  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Fifth, 
whose  genius  enabled  him  both  to  use  and  control 
his  Parliaments.  The  attempt  was,  however,  pre- 
mature, since  the  Commons  were  not  yet  fit  to  exer- 
cise the  independence  which  they  had  in  theory 
acquired.  When  the  strong  hand  vanished,  the 
system  collapsed.  Once  more  the  strain  of  war  ex- 
hausted the  national  resources  and  disorganised  the 
civil  government.  The  old  elements  of  disunion 
reasserted  themselves ;  feudal  anarchy  revived ;  the 
Church  relapsed  into  luxurious  sloth  and  subser- 
vience; the  people,  conscious  of  their  own  weak- 
ness, accepted  gladly  a  new  monarchy,  until  the 
season  was  ripe  to  revive  the  unforgotten  tradition 
of  national  freedom. 

Henry  had  a  fine  conception  of  his  duty  as  King, 
but  we  cannot  regret  that  his  dream  of  a  united 
Christendom  and  a  new  Crusade  should  have  failed. 
The  modern  order  was  not  to  spring  from  any  re- 
storation of  ancient  ideals.  The  time  was  at  hand 
for  fresh  faiths  and  fresh  principles  of  govern- 
ment, for  society  to  be  remodelled  on  a  new  basis. 
Europe,  however  unconscious,  stood  at  the  parting 
of  the  ways  and  must  enter  upon  her  inheritance  of 
progress  by  a  rough  and  novel  road.  Henry,  for  all 
his  genius,  was  not  fitted  by  temperament  to  be  her 
leader.  He  was  the  perfect  pattern  of  the  mediaeval 
hero,  born,  as  it  were,  out  of  due  time,  and  instinct 


402  Henry  V. 

with  all  the  traditions  of  the  past.  His  ideals  were 
those  of  authority  in  Church  and  State,  of  a  King 
who  ruled  a  willing  people  as  a  trust  from  God,  of  a 
society  based,  not  on  equality,  but  on  the  mutual 
interchange  of  rights  and  obligations.  It  is  a  noble 
theory,  the  mediaeval  vision  of  a  Golden  Future  that 
is  yet  far  distant.  Still,  if  Henry  was  the  champion 
of  a  lost  cause,  nothing  can  rob  him  of  the  fame  due 
to  those  who  have  spent  their  lives  in  the  quest  of  a 
great  ideal.  A  special  charm  and  pathos  must 
always  attach  to  the  memory  of  that  princely  hero 
who,  through  the  splendour  of  his  achievements, 
illumined  with  the  rays  of  his  glory  the  decline  of 
the  mediaeval  world. 

SOLI   DEO   HONOR   ET   GLORIA 


INDEX 


Abbeville,  138,  139,  353,  384 
Aberystwith,  36,  37,  39,  46,  50, 

56,  57,  64 

Acton,  Sir  Roger,  83,  105 
Admiralty,  187,  192 
Agincourt,    127,    136,    137,    139, 

143-154,   165,    167,    178,    188, 

194,  198,  200,  202,  203,  263, 

322,  341,  346,  348,  350,  373, 

385,  389,  393,  396 
Ailly,    Pierre   d1.    Cardinal    and 

Bishop   of    Cambrai,    4,    261, 

262,  265-267 

Albany,  Dukes  of.     See  Stewart 
Albret,  Charles  (I.)  d',  137-139, 

145,  148,  151,  154 
Albret,  Charles  (II.)  d',  322,  369 
Alen5on,  219-221,  227,  251-252, 

352 

Alen9on,  Bastard  of,  317 
Alencon,   Jean,    Duke   of,    138, 

148,  152,  154,  317 
Alexander  V.,  Pope,  5 
Alien  Priories,  349,  350 
Almada,    Dom   John   Velasquez 

d',  245,  255 

Alyngton,  William,  298 
Amiens,  139,  322 
Angers,  352 
Anglesey,  30 
Anjou,  213,  221,  251,  285,  346, 

352 
Appleton,  R.,  265,  269 


Aquitaine,   20,   75,   76,  96,   115, 

"7,  369,  370,  373 
Aquitaine,  Duke  of.    See  Henry 

V. 

Aragon,    177,  262,  264,  267,  370 
Archers,  44,    50,    56,    119,    126, 

127,    135,    146,   150-152,   180, 

191,   196-203,  348  ;   herse  of, 

136  note,  146,   180,   199,  200; 

on  ships,  xx,  191 
Argentan,  218 
Armagnac,   Bernard,   Count  of, 

71,    163,   164,   167,   171,    172, 

180-182,  200, 219,  220,238-240 

Armagnacs,  71,  72,  75,  76,  m- 
115,  138,  163,  174,  175,  195, 
220,  230,  239,  240,  263,  299, 
304,  305,  3io,  317,  355,  394 

Army,  organisation  of,  197-210; 
numbers  of,  126,  127,  135, 
note,  196,  311,  341  note  ;  ordi- 
nances for,  136,  209,  210  ;  pay, 
197,  198  note.  See  also  Arch- 
ers, Guns,  Hoblers,  Men-at- 
arms,  Sieges 

Arques,  136 

Arras,   in,   114,  301,  302,  304, 

345 

Artas,  Janico  d',  242 
Arthur.  King,  2,  384 
Arthur  de  Richemont.  See  Riche- 

mont 

Artois,  138,  221 
Arundel,    Thomas,    Archbishop 

of  Canterbury,  19,  61-63,  °5~ 


403 


404 


Index 


Arundel — Continued 

67,  70,  74,  77,  82,  83,  95,  98, 

101-103,  no,  393 
Arundel,  Earl  of.     See  Fitzalan, 

Thomas 
Athies,  141 
Avranches,  237,  357,  361 


B 


Babthorp,  Sir  Robert,  135,  197, 

207,  243 

Badby,  John,  67,  68,  84,  393 
Bangor,  54,  189 
Bapaume,  138,  142 
Bar,    Edouard,    Duke    of,    138, 

148,  154 
Barbazan,  Sire  de,  299,  311,  313- 

317 

Barcelona,  189 

"  Bardolph,"  83,  90,  140 

Bardolph,  Thomas,  Lord,  53-55 

Bauge,  226,  347,  348,  352,  353, 
366,  370 

Bayeux,  217,  224,  230 

Bayonne,  189,  369 

Beachy  Head,  184 

Beauchamp,  Richard,  Earl  of 
Warwick,  33,  47,  56,  97,  112, 
127,  166,  168,  185,  215,  224, 
226,  237,  243-246,  250,  251, 
255,  281-284,  286,  301,  303, 
306,  311,  322,  355,  358,  361, 
378,  380,  381 

Beauchamp,  Richard,  Earl  of 
Worcester,  345,  358 

Beaufort,  117 

Beaufort,  Edmund,  242,  348 

Beaufort,  Henry,  Earl  of  Somer- 
set, 98,  127 

Beaufort,  Henry,  Bishop  of  Win- 
chester, afterwards  Cardinal, 
15,  61,  63-65,  69,  73-77,  95, 
97,  98,  102,  106,  115,  116,  120- 

122,     163,     271-276,     322,     341 

note,  345,  380,  381  note 
Beaufort,  Jane,  Queen  of  Scot- 
land, 372 

Beaufort,  Joan,  Countess  of 
Westmoreland,  82,  97 


Beaufort,  John  (I.),  Earl  of 
Somerset,  27,  74,  372 

Beaufort,  John  (II.),  Earl  of 
Somerset,  348 

Beaufort, Thomas,  Earl  of  Dorset 
and  Duke  of  Exeter,  61,  64- 
66,  74,  75,  97,  "6,  133,  '35, 
179-181,  192,  226,  234,  235, 
240-242,  254,  257,  279,  283, 
296,  322,  325,  353,  355,  380 

Beaufort-en-Vallee,  347 

Beaugency,  354 

Beauvais,     172-174,    249,     253, 

353 

Beauvoisis,  302,  361 
Bee  Hellouin,  235 
Bedford,  Duke  of.     See  John 
Benedict   XIII.,    Pope,    5,    165, 

259, 262,  267,  271 
Berkeley,  Thomas,  Lord,  56 
Berkhampstead,  31,  65,  69 
Bernay,  235 
Berri,  Jean,  Duke   of,  71,   114, 

115,  164,  167,  172 
Berwick,  43 
Bethencourt,  140 
Beverley,  346,  348 
Bigorre,  369,  370 
Blackheath,  156,  169,  344,  385 
Blanchard,  Alain,  220,  238,  256, 

394 
Blanche,  daughter  of  Henry  IV., 

96 

Blanche-Taque,  137,  139 
Blangy,  142 

Bohemia,  259,  325,  364-366 
Bohun,  Mary  de,  12,  14,  17 
Bois  de  Vincennes,  318,  377, 

380,  384,  388 
Boniface  VIII. ,  Pope,  2 
Bonnieres,  142 
Bordeaux,  179,  332,  369 
Boucicault,  Jean,  137-139,  145, 

148,  154 

Boulogne,  362,  384 
Bourbon,  Bastard  of,  186 
Bourbon,    Jean,    Duke    of,    71, 

138,   141,   148,   154,  194,   195, 

327 
Bourchier,  Sir  William,  226 


Index 


405 


Bourges,  306,  316 

Bourges,    Archbishop    of,     112, 

120,   121 

Bouteiller,  Sir  Guy  le,  238,  257, 

279 

Boves,  139 
Brabant,  Antony,  Duke  of,  152, 

154 

Bradwardyn,  William,  208 
Bramham  Moor,  59 
Bray,  292,  310 
Brayllesford,  Raulyn,  49 
Brecon,  40 
Brest,  185 
Bretigny,  Treaty  of,  9,  116,  284, 

373 

Brie,  356 
Bristol,    50,   56,    118,   246,   330, 

333,  336,  338 

Brittany,  55,  186,  213,  223,  285, 
300,  322,  330-333 

Brittany,  Jeanne,  Duchess  of, 
300 

Brittany,  John  (IV.),  Duke  of, 
14,  96 

Brittany,  John  (V.),  Duke  of,  71, 
138,  220,  249,  281,  300,  327, 
370 

Bromley,  John,  140 

Brynglas,  32 

Bubwith,  Nicholas,  Bishop  of 
Bath  and  Wells,  166 

Buchan,  Earl  of.  See  Stewart, 
John 

Builth,  31 

Burgundy,  71,  302 

Burgundy,  John  the  Fearless, 
Duke  of,  10,  60,  71-72,  in, 
114,  115,  134,  138,  163,  173- 
I75.  177.  195<  204,  219-221, 
238-240,  247-254,  280-295, 
299,  300,  316,  332,  399 

Burgundy,  Philip  the  Good, 
Duke  of,  138,  295,  296,  300- 
303,  306-308,  310-313,  317- 
32i,  353,  36r,  372,  373,  375, 
376,  378,  381,  397 

Burton,  42 

Butler,  Sir  Thomas,  Prior  of 
Kilmainham,  246,  248 


Caboche,  in 

Caen,    204,    214-218,   220,   223- 

225,  227,  230,  232,  234,  235, 

239,  242,  252,  298 
Caerleon,  50 
Caerphilly,  50 
Calais,  69,  76,  99,  112,  119,  127, 

133-137,    141,    143,   149,    155, 

168,   173-175,   179,    185,    194, 

195,  232,  264,  269,  322,  353 
Camber,  The,  184 
Cambrai,  Bishop   of.     See  Ailly, 

Pierre  d' 

Cambridge,  Earl  of.   See  Richard 
Camoys,  Thomas,  Lord,  63,  98, 

146 

Canterbury,  156,  343,  385 
Canterbury,  Archbishops  of.    See 

Arundel,  Thomas,  and  Chich- 

ele,  Henry 
Canterbury,  Treaty  of,  173,  176— 

178,  268,  269,  364,  368 
Cany, 180 
Cardiff,  50 
Cardigan,  57 
Carentan,  224 
Carew,  Sir  Thomas,  the  "Baron 

of    Carew,"    41,  45,    56,    119, 

190,  242,  331,  371 
Carmarthen,  40,  46,  50,  57 
Carpenter,  John,  83 
Castile,  177,  267,  299,  368,  370, 

37i  _ 

Catherine  of  Burgundy,  72,  114 
Catherine  of  Denmark,  31 
Catherine   of   Valois,  Queen    of 

England,    65,    112,    113,    251, 

283-285,    301,    304,    307-310, 

312,    320-322,    337,    343-346, 

348,  351,  377,  378,  384,  3.87 

Catrik,  John,  successively  Bishop 
of  St.  David's,  Lichfield  and 
Coventry,  and  Exeter,  65,  72, 
166,  174,  265,  272,  275-276 

Caudebec,  232,  243-246,  279 

Caux,  Chef  de,  127,  181 

Chalons,  303 

Chambrois,  224 


406 


Index 


Champagne,  362 

Chancellors  of  England.  See 
Arundel,  Thomas  ;  Beaufort, 
Henry  and  Thomas  ;  Langley, 
Thomas 

Charenton,  304,  306,  379 

Charlemagne,  2 

Charles  V.,  King  of  France,  9 

Charles  VI.,  King  of  France,  9, 
10,  46,  65,  71,  in,  112,  114, 
122,  138,  163,  173,  219,  247, 
252,  254,  283,  284,  291,  301, 
303-307,  310,  312,  320,  321. 

378,384 

Charles  the  Dauphin  (afterwards 
Charles  VII.),  219-221,  239, 
248-251,  280-282,  285-288, 
291-296,  298-300,  302-306, 
308,  311,  312,  316,  317,  321, 
322,  353,  354,  367,  368,  370, 
37i,  378 

Charles  of  Orleans.     See  Orleans 

Charolois,  Philip,  Count  of.  See 
Burgundy,  Philip,  Duke  of 

Chartres,  353,  354 

Chateau  Gaillard,  or  Les  Andelys, 
280,  296,  297 

Chateau  Renard,  312 

Chatel,  Tanneguy  du,  239,  248, 
282,  291-294,  299,  300 

Chatillon,  Ponce  de,  290 

Chaucer,  Geoffrey,  82,  83,  330, 

339,  349 

Chaucer,  Thomas,  349 
Chaumont,  Bertrand  de,  317 
Cherbourg,  224,   232,    235,  246, 

298 

Cheshire,  44,  45 

Chester,  18,  19,  26,  27,  33,  42,  53 
Chichele,  Henry,  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  63,  82,  98,  109, 
no,  112,  250,  251,  256,  274, 
277,  283,  286,  323,  336,  345, 
350,  393 

Chichele,  Sir  Robert,  336 
Church  of  England,   8,  99,  270, 

274-277,   323,   340,   349,  350, 
400 

Cinque  Ports,  The,  65,  69,  343, 
345 


Clarence,  Duchess  of.  See  Hol- 
land, Margaret 

Clarence,  Duke  of.     See  Thomas 

Claydon,  John,  393  note 

Clement  VII.,  Pope,  3,  5,  259 

Clermont,  302 

Clifford,  Richard,  Bishop  of  Lon- 
don, 102 

Clifford,  William,  Lord  Clifford, 
47 

Clux,  Sir  Hartank  van,  166,  268, 
366 

Clyff,  John,  208 

Cobham,  Lord.  See  Oldcastle, 
Sir  John 

Colnet,  Nicholas,  208 

Cologne,  Archbishop  of,  177 

Colonna,  Oddo.    See  Martin  V. 

Commerce,    183,    187,   195,  231, 

297,  329-334 
Compiegne,  302,  361,  378 
Constable  of  England,  208,  214 
Constables  of  France.  See  Albret, 

Charles    (I.)    d',    Armagnac, 

Bernard,  Count  of 
Constance,    99,    165,    175,    264, 

269,  272 
Constance,  Council  of,  165-167, 

258-274,  364,  396 
Constantinople,  375,  376,  398 
Conway,  29 
Corbeil,  312,  379 
Corbie,  138,  140 
Cornwall,  Sir  John,  98,  136,  141, 

203,   224,  235-237,  302,   303, 

3io,  357 

Cosne-sur-Loire,  379,  380 
Cotentin,  75,  224,  361 
Council,  The  Privy,  25,  27,  29, 

30,  35,  36,  38,  39,  42,  49-  50, 

62,  66,  68-70,  73-75,  119,  249, 

34i 

Councils.    See  Constance,  Pisa 
Courtenay,     Edward,     Earl    of 

Devon,  97,  127 
Courtenay,   Richard,    Bishop   of 

Norwich,   56,  65,  70,  83,  84, 

114,  116,  120,  131 
Courtfield,  13 
Coutances,  224,  230 


Index 


407 


Coventry,  16,  61,  338,  346 
Coyty,   54 

Crecy,  5,  137,  193,  199 
Cre'py,  303 
Creton,  Jean,   17 
Crusade,  The,  77,  in,  260,  364, 
375-376,  396,  398.  399,  401 

D 

Dammartin,  302 
Dammartin,  Count  of,  148 
Dartford,  169,  385 
Dartmouth,  185,  330-333,  338 
Dauphin.     See    Charles,    John, 

Louis 

Dauphine,  299,  370 
Dee,  river,  36 
Denbigh,  36 
Denmark,  31,  332,  333 
Deville,  245 
Devonshire,  Earl  of.     See  Court- 

enay 

Dieppe,  no,  136,  180,  279 
Domfront,  224,  237,  243 
Dorset,    Earl  of.     See  Beaufort, 

Thomas 
Douglas,  Archibald,  Earl  of,  34, 

42,  45 

Douglas,  William,  303 
Dover,  65,    120,    156,   168,  343, 

351,  353,  385 
Dreux,  281,  352,  354 
Dryhurst,  Henry,  19 
Dryslwyn,  40 
Dublin,  18 
Durham,  Bishop  of.  See  Langley, 

Thomas 


Edeyrnion,  37 

Edmund,  Duke  of  York,  20,  23 

Edward  the  Confessor,  159,  226, 

385 

Edward  I.,  390 
Edward  III.,    5,  28,    107,    134, 

137,    166,   215,   275,  328,  329, 

369 
Edward  the  Black  Prince,  69 


Edward,  Duke  of  York,  22,  23, 
30,  46,  49,  56,  64,  75,  84,  97, 

112,    120,    124,     136,     141,     142, 
146,    153,   155,    I99 

Elixabeth  of  Lancaster,  98 

Elmham,  Thomas,  86,  282 

Eltham,  78,  104,  156,  344 

Elyot,  Sir  Thomas,  88 

Emlyn,  40 

Emperor,  The.  See  Sigismund, 
Wen/.el 

Encre,  141 

England,  effect  of  Hundred 
Years'  War,  5,  340,  401  ;  grow- 
ing sense  of  national  unity,  6  ; 
political  development  and  free- 
dom, 6-8,  62,  68,  99,  107, 176, 
2OI>  335  !  prosperity,  201,  334, 
33°,  337,  339,  342  I  commerce, 
33o-334 !  growth  of  manu- 
factures, 329  ;  vigorous  town 
life,  334  ;  population,  197,  336, 
341  ;  warlike  spirit,  no,  116, 
163;  strain  of  war  on  resources, 
161,  194,  249,  269,  340-342, 
363,  367.  See  also  Church  of 
England 

England,  Kings  of.  See  Edward, 
Henry,  John,  Richard,  William 

England,  Queens  of.  See  Cath- 
erine, Joanna,  Isabella 

English  Channel,  The,  10,  60, 
96,  no,  179,  183,  185,  196 

Eric,  King  of  Denmark,  31,  32, 
96 

Erpingham,  Sir  Thomas,  63,  150 

Eu,  137,  279 

Eu,  Count  of,  148,  154 

Evreux,  230,  235,  281 

Exeter,  338 

Exeter,  Bishops  of.  See  Catrik, 
John,  Lacy,  Edmund 

Exeter,  Duke  of.  See  Beaufort, 
Thomas 

Exmes,  219 


Falaise,  220-224,  230,  252 

"  Falstaff,  Sir  John,"  31,  91,  92 


408 


Index 


Fastolf,  Sir  John,  92,  197 
Fauquemberg,  Count  of,  148,  154 
Fecamp,  136,  180,  279 
Ferrers   of    Chartley,    Edmund, 

Lord,  197 
Fitzalan,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Arun- 

del,  33,  61,  72,  76,  77,  95,  97, 

98 
FitzHugh,  Henry,  Lord,  98,  255, 

301 

FitzWalter,  Walter,  Lord,  348 
Flanders,   3,    71,   110-112,   174, 

195,  221,  250,  280,  285,  331, 

332,  339 
Fleming,     Richard,    Bishop    of 

Lincoln,  348,  366,  367 
Flint,  18 

Florence,  275,  334 
Foix,   Archambault  de.   Sire  de 

Noailles,  294,  299,  369 
Foix,     Gaston      de,     Count    of 

Longueville,  226,  289,  299,  369 
Foix,  John,  Count  of,   299,  322, 

309..  370 

Fontaine  Lavaganne,  302 
Forceville,  142 
Forester,  John,  264,  265,  269 
Fortescue,   Sir  John,    201,    335, 

339 

France,  effect  of  Hundred  Years' 
War,  9,  10  ;  political  disorgan- 
isation, 10,  60,  128,  217,  218, 
228,  231,  306  ;  rival  factions, 
10,  60,  71,  111-114,  137,  163, 
168,  172,  174,  194,  195,  219- 

221,    239,     24O,    248-252,     264, 

280-282,  288,  291,  295  ;  civil 
wars,  71,  75,  in,  220,  239, 
240,  249,  282,  303  ;  relations 
with  Papacy,  3-5,  164,  259, 
262-264,  267,  273,  275  ,  in- 
trigues with  Welsh,  32,  46,  54, 
60 ;  alliance  with  Scots,  186, 
299,  367,  371,  372 ;  alliance 
with  Spanish  Kingdoms,  177, 
182,  201,  267,  299,  367,  370; 
alliance  with  Genoese,  177, 
182,  368 

France,  Kings  of.  See  Charles, 
John,  Louis,  Philip 


France,  Queen  of.     See  Isabel 
Fresnay-le-Vicomte,  303 
Prevent,  142 


Gam,  David,  153 

Gascoigne,  Sir  William,  87-91 

Gascons,    137,    239,    289,    290, 

353,  355,  369 
Gascony,  no,  330-333 
Cast,  Sire  Louis,  355,  360 
Gaucourt,  Raoul,  Sire  de,   129, 

132,  133,  155,  171,  172,  183 
Genoa,    Republic   of,    177,    186, 

188,  280,  349,  368 
Genoese,  171, 172,  182-186,  190, 

196,  333-  349 
Germans,  263,  268,  313 
Germany,  4,  70,   164,  175,   177, 

194,  205,  311,  364-368,  375 
Gerson,  Jean,  4,  262,  263 
Giac,  Dame  de,  286,  292 
Gisors,  280,  296,  353 
Glamorgan,  40,  50,  51 
Glenclower,    Owen,    25,   27,   28, 

30,  32,  34-37,  40-42,  46,  5i- 

58,  60,  123,  162,  324 
Gloucester,  55,  57,  64,  84 
Gloucester,  Dukes  of.    See  Hum- 
phrey, Thomas  of  Woodstock 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  2,  82,  375 
Goodrich,  13 
Gournay,  279 
Gower,  40 
Gravelines,  175 

Graville,  Jean,  Sire  de,  235-237 
Greenfield,  Henry,  276 
Gregory  XL,  Pope,  3,  275 
Gregory    XII.,     Pope,    5,     165, 

262 
Greindor,   Sir  John,   51,   56,   83, 

206 
Grey,  Sir  John,  Earl  of  Tanker- 

ville,  225,  226,  242,  281,  347, 

343 
Grey,    Reginald,    Lord    Grey    of 

Ruthin,  25,  32 
Grey,    Richard,    Lord    Grey    of 

Codnor,  98,  114,  116 


Index 


409 


Grey,    Sir   Thomas,    of    Heton, 

123,  124,  226 
Griffith  ap  David,  25 
Griffith,    son    of    Owen     Glen- 
dower,  52 

Grosmont,  51,  52,  56 
Guienne,  60,  99,  140,  150 
Guitry,  Pierre,  Sire  de,  310 
Gunpowder,   56,    117,    130,  203, 

206 

Guns,  56,  117,  130,  137,  148, 
191,  203-206,  215,  236,  242, 
244,  248,  312,  356-359  ;  the 
King's  guns,  118,  130;  names 
of,  130,  204 

H 

Hall,  Edward,  90,  109,  168 

Hallam,  Robert,  Bishop  of  Salis- 
bury, 98,  166,  260,  265,  268, 
271,  272 

Hangest,  139 

Hanse,  The,  177,  331,  332 

Harcourt,  224 

Harcourt,  Jacques  de,  353,  361 

Hardyng,  John,  74 

Harfleur,  118,  127-136,  149,  155, 
168,  171,  172,  179-185,  187, 
191,  192,  196,  203,  204,  207, 
209,  212,  230-232,  242,  298, 

394 

Harlech,  36,  37,  39,  46,  50,  58 
Hartank  van  Clux.     See  Clux 
Haule,  or  Hawley,  John,  331 
Haverford  West,  50 
Henry  IV.,  7,  10,  12-14,  16-30, 
32-34,    39-49,    52-68,     70-79, 
84,  85,  88,  91,   188,  202,   331, 
337,   375,    381  ;    constitutional 
King,  7,  22,  60,  68  ;  his  diffi- 
culties, 21-22,  34,   59-61,  79  ; 
his  suggested   abdication,   63, 
73 
Henry  V.  : 

Historical  Sequence  of  Career: 
Birth,    12  ;     early    years,    14 ; 
education,    15,    82,    83  ;    at 
Oxford,  15,   70,   83  ;  friend- 
ship  with    Richard  II.,    16, 


100;  in  Ireland,  17-19; 
knighted,  17;  created  Prince 
of  Wales,  19  ;  proposals  for 
marriage,  14,  23,  31,  63,  72  ; 
government  of  Wales,  26, 
29,  30,  35-58,  64  ;  at  bat- 
tle of  Shrewsbury,  43-44  ; 
in  Scotland,  54 ;  political 
rivalry  with  Archbishop 
Arundel,  61,  62,  65,  66,  74 ; 
political  opposition  to  his 
father,  6l,  63,  72-78,  84, 
85  ;  governs  England  as 
minister,  66-74. 
Succeeds  to  the  Throne, 
94 ;  coronation,  95  ;  sup- 
presses Lollard  insurrection, 
104-106 ;  receives  French 
Embassy  at  Winchester, 
120-122 ;  first  invasion  of 
France,  126;  takes  Har- 
fleur, 132  ;  resolves  to 
march  to  Calais,  134 ;  at 
Agincourt,  146-154;  enters 
London  in  triumph,  158, 
159;  receives  Sigismund  in 
England,  169-173  ;  attends 
Conference  at  Calais,  174- 
176 ;  lands  for  the  second 
time  in  Normandy,  212 
besieges  Caen,  214-217 
marches  on  Alenfon,  219 
takes  Falaise,  221  ;  organ- 
ises government  of  Nor- 
mandy, 217,  218,  224-233, 
278,  297 ;  opens  campaign 
of  1418,  235  ;  takes  Pont 
de  1'Arche,  236 ;  besieges 
Rouen,  241  ;  receives  sur- 
render of  Rouen,  254-257  ; 
meets  Burgundy  in  Confer- 
ence at  Meulan,  283-286  ; 
captures  Gisors  and  Meulan. 
296  ;  goes  to  Rouen,  297  ; 
concludes  agreement  with 
Philip  of  Burgundy,  302  ; 
ratifies  Treaty  of  Troyes, 
307 ;  marries  Catherine  of 
Valois,  308  ;  Regent  and 
Heir  of  France,  309 ;  takes 


4io 


Index 


Henry  V. — Continued 

Sens  and  Montereau,  310; 
besieges  Melun,  311-316; 
fights  with  Barbazan  in  sin- 
gle combat,  315  ;  quarrels 
with  L'Isle  Adam,  319 ; 
enters  Paris  in  triumph,  320  ; 
holds  Norman  Parliament  at 
Rouen,  322  ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land, 343  ;  progress  through 
England,  346  ;  leaves  Eng- 
land for  the  last  time,  351  ; 
takes  Dreux,  354 ;  invades 
Orleannais,  354 ;  besieges 
Meaux,  355  ;  diplomatic 
schemes,  363-372  ;  contem- 
plates a  new  Crusade,  374  ; 
with  Catherine  at  Paris, 

378  ;  goes  to  relief  of  Cosne, 

379  ;  returns  ill  to  Bois  de 
Vincennes,  379 ;    last  days, 
380 ;    death,     382 ;    funeral 
procession,  384,  385  ;  burial 
at    Westminster,     385 ;    his 
tomb,  386;  epitaph,  387,  388 

Public  Qualities  : 

Anxiety  for  good  government, 
107,  108,  163,  218,  231,  323, 
391  ;  administrative  zeal,  69, 
83,  298,  395  ;  attention  to 
details,  160,  223,  395  ;  aims 
and  ideals,  10,  270,  375, 
398-402 

Domestic  policy,  69,  95,  100, 
107,  162,  335,  400;  a  na- 
tional and  constitutional 
King,  7,  107,  176,  401  ; 
skill  in  handling  Parliament, 
99,  107,  401  ;  commercial 
policy,  177,  188,  195,  250, 
332 

Ecclesiastical  policy,  260,  268- 

270,    274-277,    340,   393 ; 

orthodoxy,  68,  83,  84,  87, 
92,  270,  274  ;  relations  with 
Lollardy,  62,  66-68,  92, 
101-106,  270,  393 ;  rela- 
tions with  Oldcastle,  31,  91, 
92,  101-103,  326  ;  religious 
foundations,  349,  350 


Foreign  policy,  72,  75,  no- 
114,  161,  166,  176-178, 
280,  340,  363-372  ;  skill  in 
diplomacy,  115,  176-178, 
221,  249,  372.  Policy  in 
France,  claim  to  French 
Crown,  109-111,  115,  285, 
373 ;  contemplates  perma- 
nent conquest,  134,  161, 
373.  374  ;  seeks  to  rule  law- 
fully, 217,  224-226 

Generalship,  131,  134,  160, 
212,  213,  219-221,  235,  241, 
243,  290,  313,  356 ;  strict 
discipline,  136,  139,  140, 
144,  218,  395 

Military  administration,  118, 
202,  205-210 

Naval  administration,  187-193 

Personal  Characteristics  : 

Appearance,  81 ;  dress,  14, 
19,  146,  159,  257;  badges 
and  cognisances,  191,  257  ; 
helmet  and  sword,  132,  146, 
r59,  386 ;  taste  for  litera- 
ture, 82,  83,399  ;  his  books, 
xix,  82  ;  love  of  music,  14, 
82,  86,  313,  399 ;  love  of 
sport,  8 r,  82 

Popularity,  85,  162,  340,  383, 
389,  391  ;  attracts  friend- 
ship, 84,  340,  372,  394; 
loyalty  to  friends,  84,  390  ; 
consideration  for  others, 

390 

Confidence  in  himself  and  his 
rights,  94,  no,  125,  142, 
382,  393 ;  justice,  84,  108, 
124,  229,  317,  390  ;  severity, 
218,  310,  317,  360,  390, 
393 ;  mercy,  84,  106,  253, 
391  ;  courage,  104,  152,  160, 
314,  315  ;  steadfastness  in 
adversity,  348,  392 ;  mod- 
esty, 84,  158,  349 ;  prud- 
ence, 104,  390 ;  piety,  92, 
128,  133,  142,  146,  159,  196, 
229,  257,  382,  383,  392 

Popular  traditions  and  leg- 
ends relating  to,  78,  80,  81, 


Index 


411 


Henry  V. — Continued 

85-93  ;  story  of  Judge  Gas- 
coigne,  87-91  ;  of  Falstaff, 
31,  91,  92 

Letters  and  despatches,  36, 
38,  47-49,  5i,  132,  176,  216, 
230,  237,  240,  245,  250,  275, 
326,  367 

Sayings  and  speeches,  18,  44, 
78,  113,  133,  134,  140-142, 
149,  150,  254,  275,  286, 
310,  313,  317,  319,  361, 
381,  382,  383,  392,  393 

Henry  VI.,  377,  380,  387 

Henry  VII.,  387 

Hereford,  33,  40,  46,  47,  51,  52, 
57 

Hereford,  Duke  of.     See  Henry 
IV. 

Hereford,  Earls  of,  12 

Herefordshire,    45,   48,    50,   58, 

324 

Hertford,  14 
Hesdin,  384 
Higham  Ferrers,  39,  42 
Hoblers,  119,  203 
Hoccleve,   Thomas,  68,   69,   82, 

83,  131,  204,  375  note 
Holinshed,  Raphael,  90,  168 
Holland,  118,  190 
Holland,  Duke  of.     See  William 
Holland,     John     (I.),     Earl    of 

Huntingdon,  22,  23,  98 
Holland,    John    (II.),    Earl    of 

Huntingdon,    98,     128,     136, 

162,  183,   185,   186,   189,  210, 

215,  224,  237,  242,  243,  289, 

290,  302,  303,  306,  311,  341, 

347,  348 
Holland,  Margaret,  Countess  of 

Somerset,     and     Duchess     of 

Clarence,  74,  307 
Holland,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Kent, 

22,  23 

Homildon  Hill,  33 
Honfleur,  184,  213,  232,  279 
Hotspur.     See  Percy,  Sir  Henry 
Hull,  207,  330,  332,  333,  336 
Humphrey    of    Gloucester     (J. 

1400),  17,  18 


Humphrey,  Duke  of  Gloucester, 
96,  104,  112,  I2O,  136,  152, 
168,  175,  215,  217,  224,  234, 
246,  280,  297,  328,  345,  353, 
377,  380,  381,  397 

Hungary,  164,  364,  375 

Hungerford,  Sir  Walter,  142, 
166,  224,  255,  301,  359 

Huntingdon,  Earls  of.  See 
Holland 

Hus,  John,  259,  261,  262 

Hussites,  365 


Ireland,  17,  19,  64,  96,  99,  246, 
330 

Irish,  32,  246-248,  360 

Isabel  of  Bavaria,  Queen  of 
France,  219,  220,  240,  283, 
284,  287,  288,  290,  295,  300, 
301,  304.  307-310,  312,  320 

Isabella  of  Valois,  Queen  of  Eng- 
land, 9,  23,  24 

Italians,  nS,  260,  263,  334 

Italy,  4,164,  368 

Iton,  river,  235 

Ivry,  280,  282,  322 


Jacqueline  of  Bavaria,  163,  397 
James  I.,   King  of  Scotland,  60, 
119,  162,  311,  322,  324,  345, 
349,  371,  372,  384 
Jerusalem,  271,  375,  376,  382 
Joanna  of  Naples,  280,  368 
Joanna   of   Navarre,    Queen   of 

England,  96.  327,  328,  381 
John,  Duke  of  Bedford,  70,  87, 
104,  112,   120,   169,  184,  185, 
192,  207,  280,  297,   306,  310, 
311,    320-323,  325,  328,  368, 
377,  38o,  381,  384,  396,  397; 
Regent  of  England,  119,  295, 
323,  351  ;  character,  96,  397 
John  the  Dauphin,  163,  175,  195, 

219,  220 

John  the  Fearless,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy.    See  Burgundy 


412 


Index 


John,  King  of  England,  227 
John  II.,  King  of  France,  117 
John  of  Gaunt,   Duke  of  Lan- 
caster, 12,  14,  16 
John  XXIII.,  Pope,  5,  164,  165, 

260-262,  266 
John,    King   of    Portugal,    245, 

371 
Jourdain,  Jean  de,  239 


K 

Kempe,  John,  301 

Kenilworth,  14,  57,  64,  113,  324, 

Kennington,  69 

Kent,  172,  207,  339,  343 

Kent,  Earl  of.  See  Holland, 
Thomas 

Kidwelly.  40,  50 

Kilmainham,  Prior  of.  See  But- 
ler, Sir  Thomas 

Kingston,  95 

Knighton,  32 

Knolles,  Sir  Robert,  134 

Knolles,  or  Knovvles,  Sir  Tho- 
mas, 336 

Kyghley,  Sir  Richard,  153 

Kyme,  Earl  of.  See  Umfraville, 
Sir  Gilbert 

Kyngeston,  Richard,  40,  47 


Lacy,  Edmund,  Bishop  of  Exe- 
ter, 208 

Ladislas,  King  of  Naples,  164 
Lagny-sur-Marne,  304,  355 
La  Hire,  Etienne  de  Vignolles, 

353 

La  Hogue,  185,  234 
L'Aigle,  219 
Laire,  Robert  de,  293 
Lambeth,  169 
Lancaster,  Duchy  of,  20 
Lancaster,  Dukes  of.     See  Henry 

IV.,  Henry  V.,  John  of  Gaunt 
Lancaster,  House  of,  10,  12,  16, 

19.  324,  397,  401 
Langley,  21,  100 


Langley,  Thomas,  Bishop  of 
Durham,  63,  98,  112,  114,  116, 
120,  326,  348 

Languedoc,  299,  369,  370 

Lannoi,  Sir  Gilbert  de,  376 

Laonnais,  303 

La  Roche  Guyon,  280 

La  Rochelle,  299,  317 

Leche,  Sir  Philip,  242,  312 

Leeds,  172,  183 

Leicester,  14,  106,  109,  114,  346 

Le  Mans,  199,  219,  303 

Les  Andelys.  See  Chateau  Gail- 
lard 

Lezarde,  river,  129,  130 

Lichfield,  42,  49 

Lichfield,  Bishop  of.  .S^Catrik, 
John 

Liege,  206 

Lillebonne,  279 

Limousin,  121 

Lincoln,  348 

Lincoln,  Bishop  of.  See  Flem- 
ing, Richard 

Lisieux,  218,  235 

L'Isle  Adam,  Jean  de  Villiers, 
Sire  de,  239,  289,  290,  319,  320 

Livet,  Robert  de,  238,  256 

Livius  de  Frulovisiis,  Titus,  196 

Llampadarn.     See  Aberystwith 

Llandeilo-fawr,  40 

Llandovery,  40 

Llanstephan,  40,  50 

Loire,  river,  304,  347,  354,  362 

Lollards,  60,  62,  65-68,  92,  100- 
106,  124,  323-326,  393 

Lollardy,  8,  9,  31,  70,  270,  324 

London,  14,  18,  19,  22-24,  34, 
41,  46,  54,  64,  65,  69,  75,  76, 
87,  94,  104,  105,  112-114,  118, 
120,  122,  155-159,  168,  169, 
183,  196,  262,  308,  324,  325, 

330,  332,  336-339,  34i,  342, 
344-346,  349,  385  ;  bishop  of, 
see  Clifford,  Richard  ;  citizens 

Of,   23,  46,    I2O,   156,    169,  2O7, 

246,  336,  385  ;  mayor  of,  120, 
J55,  15°,   159,   169,   196,  216, 
237,  245,  336,  345,  385 
Longe,  John,  331 


Index 


413 


Longny,  Marechal  de,  181 
Longueville,   Count  or  Earl  of. 

See  Foix,  Gaston  de 
Louis  IX.,  King  of  France,  225, 

305 

Louis  of  Anjou,  King  of  Sicily, 
138,  219,  221 

Louis  of  Bavaria,  Count  Pala- 
tine of  the  Rhine,  96,  269, 
311,  313,  364,  365 

Louis  the  Dauphin,  in,  113— 
116,  128,  135,  138,  163 

Louis  of  Orleans.  See  Orleans, 
Louis,  Duke  of 

Louthe,  John,  206 

Louvet,  Jean,  President  of  Pro- 
vence, 248,  291,  299 

Louviers,  235 

Luttrell,  Sir  Hugh,  228 

Luxembourg,  Jean  de,  302,  319, 
361 

Lydgate,  John,  83 

Lynn,  ilS,  330,  338 

Lyons,  167,  299 

M 

MacMorrogh,  17 

Maine,  210,  219,  221,  251,  285, 

303,  346,  352,  362 
Maisoncelles,  143,  144,  154,  198 
Malbon,  William,  57 
Mantes,  192,  209,  276,  279,  283, 

287-289,   296,   297,   301,    306, 

327 
March,  Earl  of.     See  Mortimer, 

Edmund 
March    (in     Scotland),     George 

Dunbar,  Earl  of,  44 
Marches  of  Scotland,  70,  96,  99, 

119,  127,  341  note 
Marches  of  Wales,    25,  26,  35, 

38-41,  45,  49,   50,  54,  55,  99, 

341  note 

Marie  of  Anjou,  219 
Marne,  river,  306,  355,  356,  359 
Marshal,  Earl.     See  Mowbray 
Marshal,    The  Earl,    his   office, 

208,  209 
Marshals  of  France.     See  Bouci- 


cault,   L'Isle  Adam,   Longny, 

Rieux,  Umfraville 
Martin  V.,  Pope,  251,  273-277, 

350,  364,  371 
Mauduyt,  Nicholas,  118 
Mauny,  Oliver,  Sire  de,  222,  223, 

361 

Mayence,  280 
Meaux,  203,  205,  355-364,  366, 

369,  377 
Melun,  286,  311-319,  322,  355, 

356,  365,  375 
Men-at-arms,   50,  56,   119,    126, 

127,  135,  146,  148,  151,  190, 
196-197,  200,  202,  351 

Merbury,  Nicholas,  117,  206 

Merioneth,  37 

Meulan,  283-288,  296,  297,  373 

Milan,  Duke  of,  368 

Monmouth,  13,  51,  54,  377 

Mons-en-Vimeu,  361 

Montacute,  John  de,  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  18,  22,  23,  98 

Montacute,  Thomas  de,  Earl  of 
Salisbury,  98,  114,  119,  210, 
215,  226,  228,  242,  244,  250, 
255,  279,  303,  348,  352,  353, 

357,  36r,  397 

Montereau,  292-294,  298-300, 
310,  316,  317,  326,  360 

Montgomery,  36,  325 

Montivilliers,  130,  136,  279 

Montreuil,  353 

Mont  St.  Michel,  280,  362 

Morgan,  Philip,  Bishop  of  Wor- 
cester, 227,  269  276,  298,  301 

Morgannoc,  50,  51 

Morstede,  Thomas,  208 

Mortimer,  Anne,  97 

Mortimer,  Edmund,  Earl  of 
March,  22,  30,  32,  97,  100, 
101,  104,  122-124,  J62,  186, 
213,  228,  234,  322,  355 

Mortimer,  Sir  Edmund,  32,  34, 
53,  58 

Mortimer,  Hugh,  63,  72,  114 

Mouchy  la  Cache,  141 

Moulineaux,  245 

Mowbray,  John  (I.)  de,  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  16 


414 


Index 


Mowbray,  John  (II.)  de,  Earl 
Marshal  and  Earl  of  Notting- 
ham, 97,  100,  133,  215,  242 

Mowbray,  Thomas  cle,  Earl  Mar- 
shal and  Earl  of  Nottingham, 
48,  53,  loo 

Murdach,  Duke  of  Albany.  See 
Stewart 


N 


Naples,  Kings  and  Queens  of. 
See  Ladislas,  Joanna. 

Navy,  The  Royal,  187-193  ;  or- 
dinances for,  191,  192.  See 
also  Admiralty,  Ships 

Nemours,  355 

Nesle,  140 

Nesle,  Guy  de,  Sire  d'Offemont, 

357 

Nether  Went,  50,  51 

Netter  of  Walden,  Thomas,  83, 
92,  103,  365,  382 

Nevers,  Count  of,  138,  148,  154 

Neville,  John,  242 

Neville,  Ralph,  Earl  of  West- 
moreland, 97,  98,  127,  142, 
197,  242 

Newport,  50 

Newport,  William,  51 

Nicopolis,  399 

Noailles,  Sire  de.  See  Foix,  Ar- 
chambault  de 

Nogent,  117,  304 

Norfolk,  341 

Norfolk,  Duke  of.  See  Mow- 
bray, John  (I.)  de 

Normandy,  75,  129,  134,  180, 
209,  212,  213,  218,  223,  250, 
278,  280,  284,  304,  310,  321, 
322,  339.  340,  352-354,  361, 
362,  373,  380,  381  ;  English 
government  of,  218,  225-233, 
278-279,  297,  298,  322;  bailiffs, 
227,  298  ;  chancellor,  228,  298; 
exchequer,  227,  278  ;  treasurer, 
227,  298  ;  English  earldoms  in, 
226,  322  ;  English  colonies  in, 
232,  298 

Northumberland,  24 


Northumberland,  Earls  of.  See 
Percy 

Norwich,  118,  338 

Nottingham,  Earls  of.  See  Mow- 
bray 

Nully  1'Evesque,  235 

O 

Offemont,  Sire  d'.  See  Nesle, 
Guy  de 

Ofort,  John,  309 

Oise,  river,  288 

Oldcastle,  Sir  John,  31,  56,  66, 
72,  83,  84,  91,  92,  98,  101-106, 
124,  162,  323-326,  329,  393 

Orange,  Louis  de  Chalons,  Prince 
of,  319 

Orival,  245 

Orleannais,  354,  362 

Orleans,  354,  397 

Orleans,  Charles,  Duke  of,  71, 
72,  76,  138,  141,  148,  154,  194, 
316,  326,  327,  333  note,  346, 
38i 

Orleans,  Louis,  Duke  of,  10,  60, 
7i,  263 

Orsini,  Cardinal,  251,  272 

Ospringe,  385 

Oswestry,  25 

Over  Went,  50,  51 

Owen  Glendower.  See  Glendower 

Owen  of  Wales,  28 

Oxford,  15,  101 

Oxford,  Earl  of.  See  Vere,  Rich- 
ard de 

Oxford,  University  of,  15,  28,  56, 
65,  70,  33,  84,  ioi,  350 


Papacy,  The,  2-5,  165,  230,  259- 
261,  267,  270 

Paris,  46,  71,  72,  110-114,  120, 
122,  167,  168,  171,  174,  177, 
181,  213,  214,  220,  230,  235, 
239,  240,  247,  248,  262,  286, 
288,  290,  291,  295-297,  301, 
302,  305,  306,  308,  312,  316- 
321,  353-355,  360,  377-38o, 
383,  384,  388 


Index 


415 


Paris,  University  of,  4,  247,  262 

Parliament,  5,  68,  69,  76,  94,  99, 
107,  188,  270,  274,  276,  331, 
335,  401  ;  of  1399,  18-20,  22  ; 
of  1400,  28;  of  Coventry,  1404, 
61  ;  of  1406,  55,  61-63  ;  of 
Gloucester,  1407,  64  ;  of  1410, 
66-68 ;  of  1411,  73  ;  of  1413, 
99  ;  of  Leicester,  1414,  106- 
no,  114,  329;  of  November, 
1414,  115, 116  ;  of  1415, 163  ; 
of  March,  1416,  163,  169  ;  of 
October,  1416,  176;  of  De- 
cember, 1417,  325,  328,  329  ; 
of  October,  1419,  328  ;  of  De- 
cember, 1420,  328,  343 ;  of 
May,  1421,  348-351. 

Patrington,  Stephen,  successively 
Bishop  of  St.  David's  andChi- 
chester,  83 

Pavilly,  Eustace  de,  247 

Pay,  Harry,  188,  331 

Payne,  Peter,  325 

Payne,  Thomas,  324 

Pelham,  Sir  John,  75,  95 

Pembroke,  41 

Penthievre,  Oliver  de  Blois, 
Count  of,  300 

Percy,  House  of,  7,  32,  61,  123 

Percy,  Sir  Henry  (Hotspur),  26, 
27,  29,  30,  32-34,  41-45,  61, 
98,  zoo,  162 

Percy,  Henry,  ist  Earl  of  Nor- 
thumberland, 33,  41,  42,  45, 

47,  53-55,  59,  °* 

Percy,  Henry,  2nd  Earl  of  Nor- 
thumberland, 98,  100,  123, 
162,  197 

Percy,  Thomas,  Earl  of  Worces- 
ter, 30,  35,  41-43.  45 

Peronne,  138,  141 

Perpignan,  165,  167,  262 

Pershore,  64,  67 

Petit,  Jean,  263 

Philip  the  Good.  See  Burgundy, 
Philip,  Duke  of 

Philip  IV.  of  France,  3 

Philip  VI.  of  France,  226 

Philippa,  daughter  of  Henry 
IV.,  31,  96 


Phillip,  Sir  William,  225 
Picardy,  71,  112,   138,  150,  353, 

361 

Piracy,  no,  188,  231,  331,  332 
Pisa,  Council  of,  5,  60,  70,  98 
"  Poins,"  83 
Poissy,  297,  301 
Poitiers,  5,  138,   193,   200,  248, 

299 

Poitou,  300 
Poland,  364,  365 
Pole,  Michael  de  la,  2nd  Earl  of 

Suffolk,  97,  131 
Pole,  Michael  de  la,  3rd  Earl  of 

Suffolk,  153,  155 
Pole,  Sir  Walter  de  la,  370 
Pole,  William  de  la,  4th  Earl  of 

Suffolk,    226,    228,    354,  357, 

361 
Pont  de  1'Arche,    203,   235-237, 

240,  241,  243,  251,  252 
Pontefract,  47,  56,  326,  346 
Pontoise,  72,  239,  249,  283,  284, 

288-291,  295,  306,  384 
Poole,  188,  331 
Popes.    See  Alexander,  Benedict, 

Boniface,    Clement,    Gregory, 

John,  Martin,  Urban 
Porchester,  126 
Porter,  Sir  William,  242 
Portland,  Isle  of,  183 
Portsmouth,  184 
Portugal,  177,  333,  371 
Portugal,  King  of.     See  John 
Pouilly-le-Fort,  286,  288,  291 
Powys,  37,  325 
Provins,  116,  117,  281,  282,  304 


"  Quickly,"  Dame,  87 
Quillebceuf,  245 

R 

Ravenspur,  18,  21 
Redmayne,  Robert,  90,  109 
Reformation,  The,  259-261,  271 
Rheims,  303 

Rheims,  Archbishopof,  168,  171, 
i?2,  174 


416 


Index 


Rhys  ap  Gruffyd,  56 

Richard  II.,  King  of  England, 
7,  9,  10,  16-19,  21-24,  981 
100,  101,  104,  107,  202,  330, 
336,  340;  the  pseudo-Richard, 
the  "  mammet  of  Scotland," 
21,  62,  104,  123,  324,  326 

Richard,  Earl  of  Cambridge, 
48,  97,  123,  142,  324 

Richemont,  Arthur  de,  138,  148, 
154,  226,  300,  322,  327,  370, 
372 

Rieux,     Pierre,     Marechal    de, 

303 

Robsart,  Sir  John,  224,  225,  255 
Robsart,  Sir  Lewis,  225,  303 
Rochester,  169,  385 
Roos  of   Hamlake,  John,  Lord, 

303,  348 
Rouen,  132,   137,  138,  180,  204, 

207,   212-214,    22°,    223-225, 

228,  232,  235,  237-257,  278- 

281,   296-298,   30*,  306,  321, 

322,  369,  384,  395 
Roumes,  John,  360 
Rudborne,  Thomas,  83 
Rugles,  219 
Rutland,  Earl  of.     See  Edward, 

Duke  of  York 
Rye,  184,  331 


St.  Catherine's  (Rouen),  241,  242, 

244 

St.  Cloud,  72 

St.  David's,  Bishops  of.  See  Cat- 
rik,  John ;  Chichele,  Henry, 
and  Patrington  Stephen 

St.  Denis,  249,  290,  306,  384 

St.  Florentin,  309 

St.  Germain,  297,  301 

St.  Lo,  224 

St.   Paul's  (London),    159,    169, 

196,  385 

St.  Pol,  Philip,  Count  of,  300 

St.  Quentin,  303 

St.  Sauveur-le-Vicomte,  224 

Salisbury,  Bishop  of.  See  Hal- 
lam,  Robert 


Salisbury,  Earls  of,    See  Monta- 

cute 

Sandwich,  118 
Savage,  Sir  Arnold,  65 
Savoisy,    Henry,  Archbishop  of 

Sens,  308,  310 
Savoy,  Duke  of,  370 
Scarborough,  333 
Schaffhausen,  261 
Schism,  The  Great,  3,  4,  60,  70, 

164,  165,  259,  270,  275 
Scotland,  3,  21,  22,  24,  25,  34, 

47,   54,   60,   98,  99,  101,   123, 

162,  275,  299,  326,  332,  363, 

367,  368,  371,  372 
Scotland,  King  of.     See  James 
Scotland,  Regents  of.  See  Stewart 
Scots,   24,   32,   33,  42,  60,  104, 

119,  186,  324-326,  331,  371  ; 

in  France,  186,  201,  299,  311, 

316,  347,  356,  360 
Scrope,  Henry,  Lord  le,  74,  98, 

114,  123,  124,  324,  381 
Scrope,  Richard  le.  Archbishop 

of  York,  53,  54,  61,  91,  100 
Seez,  218,  230 
Seine,  river,   127,  129,  182,  184, 

207,  212,  213,  235,  236,  241- 

243,  245,  279,  283,  296,  311, 

319,  379 

Sellowe,  Robert,  118 

Senlis,  378 

Sens,  309,  310 

Sens,  Archbishop  of.  See  Sav- 
oisy, Henry 

Sevenoke,  Sir  William,  336 

Shakespeare,  18,  26,  31,  33,  43, 
44,  67,  79,  82,  83,  87,  90-92, 
109,  140,  142,  154,  156,  389 

Sheen,  350 

Ships,  118,  126,  182-191,  213, 
215,  245,  290,  331-333  ;  crews 
of,  190 :  names  of,  126,  185, 
188,  191,  332,  333 

Shipton  Moor,  53 

Shrewsbury,  26,  28,  30,  33,  35- 
37,  41-46,  97,  346 

Shropshire,  45,  46 

Sicily,  King  of.  See  Louis  of 
Anjou 


Index 


417 


Sicily,  Queen  of.     See  Yolande 
Sieges :    Aberystwith,     56,     57  ; 

Caen,   214-217;  Dreux,  354; 

Falaise,    221-223 ;    Harfleur, 

127-136  ;     Meaux,    355-360  ; 

Melun,  311-316  ;    Montereau, 

310;  Rouen,   234-257;    siege 

operations,  204-206 
Sigismund,    Emperor,    164-179, 

181-184,    194.    !95,    261-264, 

324,  364-368,  370,   372,    375, 

398;    in    England,     168-173, 

184  ;  at  Council  of  Constance, 

164,  264-273 
Sluys,  185,  193 
Soissons,  282,  394 
Somer,  Henry,  83 
Somerset,  Earls  of.  See  Beaufort, 

Henry,  John 

Somme,  river,  137-139,  141,  203 
Southampton,  118,  119,  122,  124, 

126,   172,   183,   186,   188,  189, 

196 
Southampton    Water,   126,   183, 

184,  212 
Spain,  3,  164,  177,  182,  186,  264, 

267,  275,   330-334,   363,  370, 

371 

Springge,  Sir  Edmund,  216,  217 
Stafford,  Edmund,  Earl  of,   33, 

43,  45 

Stafford,  Sir  Hugh,  225 
Stafford,    Humphrey,    Earl    of, 

98,  127 
Stewart,  John,  Earl  of  Buchan, 

299.  347 

Stewart,  Murdach,  Duke  of  Al- 
bany, Regent  of  Scotland,  162, 
372 

Stewart,  Robert,  Duke  of  Al- 
bany, Regent  of  Scotland,  162, 
299,  326,  371,  372 

Stokes,  John,  165,  370 

Sudbury,  118 

Suffolk,  Earls  of.     See  Pole 


Talbot,  Sir  Gilbert,  58,  162,  197 
Talbot,  John,  51,    58 


Tankerville,  Earl  of.     See  Grey, 

Sir  John 

Tanneguy  du  Chatel.   See  Chatel 
Taylor,  William,  393 
Tenby,  50 
Ternoise,  river,  142 
Teutonic  Knights,  The,  365 
Thomas,  Duke  of  Clarence,  13, 

64,  74-76,  87,  92,  95,  96,  104, 

112,    119,    I2O,    124,    129,   130, 

135,  169,  187,  197,  208,  214- 
216  224,  235,  236,  241,  279 
291,  306,  311,  317,  321,  322, 
332,  347,  348,  352 

Thomas  of  Woodstock,  Duke  of 
Gloucester,  17,  134 

Tibouville,  La  Riviere  de,  224 

Timour,  399 

Tiptoft,  Sir  John,  84,  85,  176, 
194,  219,  227,  268,  271,  301, 

369 

Toulouse,  299 
Touques,  212-214,  221 
Touraine,  251,  285 
Tours,  220 
Tower  of  London,  19,  95,  103, 

325,  327,  344 

Tramecourt,  148 

Treaties.  See  Bretigny,  Canter- 
bury, Troyes 

Tremblay,  302 

Treves,  280 

Trim,  18 

Troyes,  290-292,  295,  300,  303, 
304,  306-309 

Troyes,  Treaty  of,  307,  308,  327, 
349,  366,  367,  369 

Tudor  Kings,  387,  400 

Tudor,  Sir  Owen,  387  note 

Tudor,  William  ap,  29 

Turks,  375,  398,  399 

Tutbury,  14,  32,  55 

Tyby,  Jenkin,  32 

Tyne,  river,  118 


U 


Ulm,  272 

Umfraville,  Sir  Gilbert,    titular 
Earl  of  Kyme,  72,   128,  132, 


4i8 


Index 


U  mfraville — Continued 

136,  141,  185,  215,  226,  242, 
253-255,  281,  303,  322,  347, 
343 

Umfraville,  Sir  Robert,  72 

Urban  V.,  Pope,  3 

Urban  VI.,  Pope,  3,  4,  259 

Ursins,  Jean   Juvenal  des,   287, 

305,  3H 

Ursins,  Louis  Juvenal  des,  314 
Usk,  50-52 


Valence,  Bishop  of,  292 

Valenciennes,  175 

Valmont,  iSo,  199,  200 

Valois,  303,  361 

Vaughan,  Howel,  29 

Vaurus,  Bastard  of,  355,  356,  360, 

394 

Vaurus,  Denis  de,  360 

Venice,  177,  334 

Vere,  Richard  de,  Earl  of  Ox- 
ford, 98,  136 

Vermandois,  303 

Verneuil,  219 

Vernon,  279,  282 

Villeneuve-le-Roi,  309,  355 

Vire,  224 

W 

Walden,  Thomas  Netter  of.  See 
Netter 

Wales,  24-42,  46,  49-58,  64,  65, 
70,  76,  99,  119,  123 

Wales,  Prince  of.    See  Henry  V. 

Walsingham,  Thomas,  86 

Waring,  Johanna,  14 

Warwick,  Earl  of.  See  Beau- 
champ,  Richard 

Waterford,  17,  246 

Waterton,  John  de,  37,  208 

Waterton,  Robert,  341 


Welsh,   10,   24,   28,   46-48,    50, 

104,  324 

Wenzel,  Emperor,  2,  164 
Westminster,  18,  19,  55,  61,  76, 

94,95,  105,  115,  119,  155,  159, 

169,  196,  321,  345,  349,  385 
Westminster  Abbey,  19,  78,  95, 

loo,  159,  345,  385-387 
Westminster  Hall,  95,  159.  345 
Westmoreland,  Countess  of.  See 

Beaufort,  Joan 
Westmoreland,     Earl     of.     See 

Neville,  Ralph 
Whittington,   Sir  Richard,   118, 

329-  337,  338,  386 
Wight,   Isle  of,    127,    173,    183, 

184 
William    the    Conqueror,     214, 

217,  225,  226 
William    of    Bavaria,    Duke    of 

Holland,   163,   170,   171,   175, 

397 

Winchelsea,   118 

Winchester,  120 

Winchester,  Bishop  of.  See  Beau- 
fort,  Henry 

Windsor,    13,    22,    23,    52,    102, 

170,  377 

Wolman,  Benedict,  324 
Worcester,  46-49,  52,  57 
Worcester,  Earls  of.     See   Beau- 
champ,    Richard,   and   Percy, 
Thomas 

WTycliffe,  John,  S,  65,  259,  261 


Yolande,  Queen  of  Sicily,  220 
Vonge,  Griffith,  53 
Vork,  53,  338,  346,  348 
York,  Archbishop  of.  5V<.' Scrope, 

Richard  le 
York,  Dukes  of.     See  Edmund, 

Edward 
Yorkshire,  45,   325 


Heroes  of  the  Nations. 


EDITED  BY 


EVELYN  ABBOTT,  M.A., 
FELLOW  OF  BALLIOL  COLLEGE,  OXFORD. 


A  SERIES  of  biographical  studies  of  the  lives  and  work 
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to  which  they  belonged,  and  who  have  been  accepted,  in 
many  instances,  as  types  of  the  several  National  ideals. 
With  the  life  of  each  typical  character  will  be  presented 
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during  his  career. 

The  narratives  are  the  work  of  writers  who  are  recog- 
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thoroughly  trustworthy  as  history,  will  present  picturesque 
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To  the  Life  of  each  "  Hero  "  will  be  given  one  dou- 
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HEROES   OF  THE  NATIONS. 

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gathered  the  great  traditions  of  the  Nations  to  which  they 
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Willert. 
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son. 
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Brooks. 
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